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Pre-determination to


As early as in 1858, the results of the new census having been anticipated, the leaders of the rebellion began to canvass the subject of immediate secession. Jefferson Davis, in a speech at Jackson, Mississippi, in the fall of that year, assumed the position of a direct secession advocate. He said:

"If an Abolitionist be chosen President of the United States, you will have presented to you the question of whether you will permit the Government to pass into the hands of your avowed and implacable enemies? Without pausing for an answer, I will state my own position to be, that such a result would be a species of revolution by which the purposes of the Government would be destroyed, and the observ

ance of its mere forms entitled to no respect. In

that event, in such a manner as should be most ex

preme Court, under the laws, and under the people, has no power to oppress or wrong any section, and his election could afford no just cause for alarm, even if he were a Monarchist. None better knew this than the speaker quoted from above; but he, and all those who have since acted with him, chose to assume a fallacy as a fact, in order to aid and forward the pre-determined design of a dissolution of the Union; and the election of an "Abolitionist"—that is,any Northern man, with Northern or Freesoil principles-was to be the signal for the effort to cast off allegiance to the Constitution.

Governor Hicks, in his address to the peo

ple of Maryland, said:—“We are told by the leading spirits of the South Carolina Convenpedient, I should deem it your duty to provide for tion, that, neither the election of Mr. Lincoln, your safety outside of the Union, with those who nor the non-execution of the Fugitive Slave have already shown the will, and would have ac-law, nor both combined, constitute their quired the power, to deprive you of your birthright, grievances. They declare that the real cause and to reduce you to worse than the Colonial dependence of your fathers."

Southern View of

of their discontent dates as far back as 1833." We shall give the South Carolina Declaration The sentiment, it will be seen, covered the of Causes, in its proper order in this History, whole ground of the right and propriety of a and quote from Governor Hicks, to show how secession from the Union. "If an Abolition- a Southerner, not a Secessionist, viewed and ist be chosen President," proves that the con-understood the movement. Mr. Davis, in his tingency of a Northern triumph was appre- address to the Senate, (January 21st,) after hended, and what follows indicates the line arguing that the equality spoken of in the of argument to be pursued before the people Declaration of Independin justification of the movement for a dissolu-ence was the equality of a tion of the Confederacy. If an "Abolition-class of political rights, said: ist" had not been elected? Probably the contemplated movement would not have been made in 1860, as the right pretext would have been wanting with which to go before the people. Not that the election of any President could in any way change the Constitution, could control Congress, could affect that bulwark of our institutions, the United States Supreme Court, could deprive any State, or any people, or any man of a birth-right:-the President being the mere temporary head of the nation, under Congress, under the Su

"But we have proclaimed our independence. This is done with no hostility or any desire to injure any section of the country, nor even for our pecuniary benefit, but from the high and solid foundation of defending and protecting the rights we inherited, and transmitting them unshorn to our posterity."

As the Declaration, in his view, secured only a class of political rights, the succeeding avowal that the step of -ecession was taken "from the high and solid foundation of defending and protecting the rights we inherited," &c..

gives the reader a glimpse of the true purpo- | the opposite idea; its foundations are laid, its cor

ses in view-not to recognize an equality of rights of persons, but to secure, to the dominant class, the "rights" it " inherited."

Mr. Stephens' Expo


ner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man. That Slavery-subordination to the superior race, is his natural and moral condition. This, our new Government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical and moral truth. This truth has been slow in the process of its development, like all other truths in the various departments of science. It has been so even amongst us. Many who hear me, per

rally admitted, even within their day. The errors of the past generation still clung to many as late as twenty years ago. Those at the North who still cling to these errors, with a zeal above knowledge, we justly denominate fanatics.

All this, however, is not only clearly stated by the Vice-President of the "Confederate States," but the curtain is drawn aside, and we are permitted to see the moving will of the ambitious scheme of the Secession-haps, can recollect well, that this truth was not geneists. Mr. Stephens' exposition of the powers of their Constitution and the purposes had in view in its formation, was made at Savannah, March 21st, 1861. We may, therefore, here give place to such portions of his speech as will serve to illustrate our chapter subject, viz. :—“The objects of Secession," which it is highly important to understand as a preliminary to a just comprehension of all the events which have followed upon the rupture of old relations:

"The new Constitution has put at rest forever all the agitating questions relating to our peculiar institutions-African Slavery as it exists among us-the proper status of the negro in our form of civilization. This was the immediate cause of the late rupture and present revolution. Jefferson, in his forecast, had anticipated this as the rock upon which the old Union would split.' He was right. What was conjecture with him, is now a realized fact. But whether he fully comprehended the great truth upon which that rock stood and stands, may be doubted. The prevailing ideas entertained by him and most of the leading statesmen at the time of the formation of the old Constitution, were that the enslavement of the African was in violation of the laws of nature: that it was wrong in principle, socially, morally, and politically. It was an evil they knew not well how to deal with, but the general opinion of the men of that day was, that somehow or other, in the order of Providence, the institution would be evanescent and pass away. This idea, though not incorporated in the Constitution, was the prevailing idea at the time. The Constitution, it is true, secured every essential guarantee to the institution while it should last, and hence no argument can be justly used against the constitutional guarantees thus secured, because of the common sentiment of the day. Those ideas, however, were fundamentally wrong. They rested upon the assumption of the equality of races. This was an error. It was a sandy foundation, and the idea of a government built upon it; when the storm came and the wind blew, it fell.'


"In the conflict thus far, success has been, on our

side, complete throughout the length and breadth of the Confederate States. It is upon this, as I have stated, our actual fabric is firmly planted; and I cannot permit myself to doubt the ultimate success of a full recognition of this prineiple throughout the civilized and enlightened world.

"As I have stated, the truth of this principle may be slow in development, as all truths are, and ever have been in the various branches of science. It was so with the principles announced by Gallileo-it was so with Adam Smith and his principles of politi cal economy-it was so with Harvey and his theory of the circulation of the blood. It is stated that not a single one of the medical profession, living at the time of the announcement of the truths made by him, admitted them. Now they are universally acknowledged. May we not, therefore, look with confidence to the ultimate universal acknowledgement of the truths upon which our system rests. It is the first government ever instituted upon principles of strict conformity to nature, and the ordination of Providence, in furnishing the materials of human society. Many governments have been founded upon the principle of certain classes; but the classes thus enslaved, were of the same race, and in violation of the laws of nature. Our system commits no such violation of nature's laws. The negro, by nature, or by the curse against Canaan, is fitted for that condition which he occupies in our system. The architect, in the construction of buildings, lays the foundation with the proper materials, the granite; then comes the brick or the marble. The substratum of our society is made of the material fitted by nature for it, and by experience we know that it is best, not only for the superior, but for the inferior race that it should be so. It is, indeed, in conformity with the ordinance of the Creator. It is not for us to inquire into the wisdom of His ordinances, or to question "Our new Government is founded upon exactly them. For His own purposes He has made one race





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to differ from another, as He has made one star to | tainty. We are now the nucleus of a growing power, differ from another star in glory.' which, if we are true to ourselves, our destiny and high mission, will become the controlling power on this continent. To what extent accessions will go on in the process of time, or where it will end, the future will determine."

"The great objects of humanity are best attained when conformed to His laws and decrees, in the formation of governments, as well as in all things else. Our Confederacy is founded upon principles in strict conformity with these laws. This stone which was rejected by the first builders is become the chief

stone of the corner' in our new edifice.

"The progress of disintegration in the old Union may be expected to go on with almost absolute cer

This sets at rest all doubts in regard to the distinctive objects in view in severing relations with the old Confederacy; while it also demonstrates the moral and political spirit which will direct the new Government.




Treasonable Utter


ELECTIONS held in the several Northern States, during September and October, indicated pretty clearly that Mr. Lincoln, the Republican nominee, would carry each of those States, with a fair prospect, also, of obtaining a majority in California and Oregon. This indication served to awaken the slumbering disunion feeling, and various projects were agitated, by Southern papers," to meet a common danger." In South Carolina there was but one sentiment-that of secession. The election of a Republican to the Presidency was not urged as the sole, or even the leading, cause of the disunion feeling; but the course of events seemed to have demonstrated that the people were rife for the formation of a Slave Confederacy, and the leaders prepared, even before the 6th of November, the programme of this disunion


think available for meeting it (the issue) is just to tear the Constitution of the United States, trample it under foot, and form a Southern Confederacy, every State of which shall be a slaveholding State. I believe it as I stand in the face of my Maker-I believe it on my responsibility to you as your honored representative that the only hope of the South is in the South, and that the only available means of making that hope effective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie us together, and take our separate position in the family of nations."

This speech, violent as it was considered at the time, in the North, really reflected the sentiment of his State. A sympathy with that sentiment prevailed, to a great extent, throughout all the Cotton States; but, up to the date named, (Nov. 6th,) except in South Carolina, no action was taken which looked to immediate secession. Even in Virginia. As early as 1856, one of the South Carolina the feeling against "submission" was representatives in Congress, Mr. Preston strong that Governor Letcher, in his Message Brooks-who, but a few weeks previously, to the Legislature said: "It is useless to had assaulted United States Senator Sumner attempt to conceal the fact, that in the pre-in a speech made at an ovation given in his sent temper of the Southern people, it (the honor said among other things :election of a Republican President) cannot and will not be submitted to. The idea of permitting such a man to have the

"I tell you, fellow-citizens, from the bottom of my heart, that the only mode which I

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control and direction of the army and navy of the United States, and the appointment of high judicial and executive officers, postmasters included, cannot be entertained by the South for a moment."


The Democratic party, The Grand Vote for by being divided upon two candidates, rendered the Republican nominee's chances all the better; while a fourth, or "Union" candidate, in the person of John Bell, of Tennessee, being at a late hour brought forward, added certainty to Mr. Lincoln's hopes of success, since none of the candidates named against him could, to any material degree, distract the Republican vote.

The election resulted, as gloomily anticipated by the Southern States, in Mr. Lincoln's triumph. The vote stood :—

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Majority in favor of the Democracy,. These figures are of particular interest as proving Union. Bell. that the election was lost 27,875 to the Democrats by their own divisions, for 20,094 6,817 which the South alone was responsible. The 3,291 Charleston Convention, (April 23d,) packed 3,864 5,437 with disunionists, sought to drive the North42,886 ern Democrats into declarations on the sub




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106,533 34,372
88,480 65,057
22,069 11,920
3,283 40,797 25,040

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17,028 58,801 31,317
37,519 25,881 2,112
58,324 62,801
353,804 303,329



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2,404 4,193 ject of Slavery at once distasteful and hos-
1,673 tile to their convictions,; and, by their efforts
53,143 66,058 to force Mr. Douglas from the list of candi-
22,681 20,204
dates, incurred the hostility of his friends to
6,398 2,046
41,760 such a degree that further co-operation was
22,331 impossible without a compromise of self-re-
62 spect. The malcontents, thwarted in their
plans for the demoralization of the Northern
Democrats, on the question of Slavery, with-
drew, or "seceded," to prevent a nomination.
The Convention failing of a nomination ad-
journed to meet at Baltimore, June 18th-
the "Seceders" having adjourned to meet at
Richmond, June 11th. The Convention at
Baltimore was beset by the "Seceders" and
their unaccredited delegates; but, after much
discussion and voting they were ruled out,
when Mr. Douglas received the nomination.
The "Seceders," headed by Caleb Cushing,
gathered at the Front Street Theatre, in Bal-
timore and nominated John C. Breckenridge.
Twelve States were not represented at all, in
that gathering. The "Seceders" at Rich-
mond-composed entirely of delegates from
the Cotton growing States, with one from
72 Tennessee and one from Virginia—having ad-

S. Carolina....Electors chosen by Legislature.




Rhode Island.

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183 12,776





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WASHINGTON, D. C., Wednesday, Nov. 7, 1860. There is a good deal of excitement here. Several

journed to await the action of the Baltimore | election at Charleston, was received with long-conConvention, "ratified" the nomination of tinued cheering for a Southern confederacy. Mr. Breckenridge, who thus became a candidate of the extremists, or disunionists. Mr. Douglas was the regular and just nominee is evident from the fullness of the delegations in the Convention and by the popular


extreme Southern men in office have donned the cockade, and declared themselves ready to march


COLUMBIA, S. C., Thursday, Nov. 8th.

The Speaker of the House last night received a dispatch from Virginia, tendering the services of a volunteer corps in the event of South Carolina's secession. Edmund Ruffin spoke last night. He said Southern independence conld only be secured by the secession of South Carolina. His speech was raptu

The election of Mr. Lincoln was, therefore, owing to the disorganization of the opposition by the Southern men, and that these disorganizers should have proceeded to organize a scheme of treason against the Government, using their defeat as a pretext, demon-rously applauded. strates the wisdom of the course pursued by the Douglas men in repudiating the dictation of the extremists.

For the election of a Republican President the country is indebted to the extremists of the South.

South Carolina to lead.

CHARLESTON, S. C., Thursday, Nov. 7, 1860. The bark James Gray, owned by Cushing's Boston Line, lying at our wharves, under instructions from her owners, has hoisted the Palmetto flag, and fired a salute of fifteen guns.

corps of

"Minute Men."

WASHINGTON, D. C., Friday, Nov. 9, 1860. The President is still in doubt what to do. He

NEW ORLEANS, La., Thursday, Nov. 8, 1860. Placards are posted about the city, calling a ConFrom the unity of senti-vention of those favorable to the organization of a ment which prevailed in South Carolina on the question of a dissolution of her relations with the Union, that State was looked to by the Seces sionists to take the initiative in the rebellion. She did not shrink from the responsibility. Before the day of election her Governor had laid a strong disunion message before the Legislature, advising the calling of a Convention of Delegates to act for the State in dissolving her relations with the Union.

How the Election was regarded.

Such dispatches as the following flew over the wires on the days succeed

ing the Presidential election:

RALEIGH. N, C., Wednesday, Nov. 7, 1860. The Governor and Council are in session. The people are very much excited. North Carolina is ready to secede.

COLUMBIA, S. C., Wednesday, Nov. 7, 1860. William W. Boyce, member of Congress, spoke from the steps of the Congaree House, on Tuesday night,urging secession in case of Mr. Lincoln's election. He was followed by other prominent Carolinians.

MONTGOMERY, Ala., Wednesday, Nov. 7, 1860.
Large numbers of the Bell men, headed by T. H.

Watts, have declared for secession, since the an-
aouncement of Lincoln's election. The State will
undoubtedly secede.

AUGUSTA, Ga., Wednesday, Nov. 7, 1860.
The Charleston Mercury says the news of Lincoln's


apprehensive of troubles in the South, but does not know how to meet them. His feelings are with the South, but he is afraid to assist them openly.

A large quantity of arms was yesterday shipped from our arsenal to the South. But the place of destination remains a secret.

The proclamation of Gov. Brown, of Georgia, has created much excitement. It is the most unconstitutional manifesto ever published in the United States, and it depends now upon the President whether he will use his authority, and enforce the laws of the United States.

Growth of the Secession Sentiment

Each day added to the intensity of the excitement. The press of the South, early in November, was widely divided, even in the Gulf States. In New Orleans, the majority of press and people seemed to regard the threats of disunion with disfavor. So in Savannah, Mobile, Memphis, Nashville, &c., there were found stern and strong voices for the Union. "Wait until Mr. Lincoln is inaugurated, and commits the overt act," the Union men urged; but, it soon became evident that the antipathy to the North and to the Union gained in fervor; and, day by day, the public mind of the South became more reconciled to the views of the few men who assumed a leadership in the crisis, viz.: Wm.

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