tional avenues. No Executive, he main- | peaceable separation, be it here recommended that the several States take immediate steps by a Convention or otherwise, and make propositions to the several States, each to the other, or by a Convention of the States, as will best conduce to the restoration of peace and harmony on principles of justice and equity to all. Ordered to a second reading. Perry's Speech. As indicative of the cast of opinion in the Senate at this time, we may give the yeas and nays on Mr. Cameron's motion to reconsider the vote by which Mr. Clark's amendment to the Crittenden joint resolutions was adopted. Slidell-27. tained, could satisfactorily administer the Government who would accept any other settlement with rebellion and treason. Mr. Perry, (Rep.) of Maine, proposed to speak as a New England man, representing New England's sentiment in the crisis. Now that tyranny and treason stalk, with unblushing front, even in the halls of legislation, schemes of compromise were talked of-men would appease the monster by submitting to his voracious demands. Of course, in such schemes New England was not to be consulted. The South, indignant at the Yankees' "YEAS-Messrs. Bayard, Bigler, Bragg, Bright, persistent maintenance of self-respect, and Clingham, Crittenden, Douglas, Fitch, Green, Gwin, their undying spirit of opposition to the Hemphill, Hunter, Johnson (Ark.), Johnson (Tenn.), spread of Slavery, proposed to rule New Eng-Kennedy, Lane, Latham, Mason, Nicholson, Pearce, land out-to cut her off from the Confede- Polk, Powell, Pugh, Rice, Saulsbury, Sebastian and racy-to-be. When that experiment shall be tried, the South would find that New England could live without the South as well as the South could live without her. He discussed the following points: First, the territory and population of New England; second, her social and moral condition; and third, her wealth and industry. In the course of his remarks, he spoke of her devotion to the Union. She was always prompt to repel foes from without and to meet traitors at home. She was willing to make any reasonable compromise which could not be construed into an abandonment of principle. So long as the men have arms in their hands, so long as they forcibly resist the common laws of the country, his voice was for war. The Government that negotiates with traitors deserves the contempt of the civilized world. "The Union must and shall be preserved." In the Senate, Thursday, the Pacific Railway bill was under discussion. Friday's session was chiefly devoted to the consideration of the bill for the admission of Kansas. The Crittenden Resolutions were taken up, but their consideration was postponed to Monday, January 21st. Mr. Green, of Mo., introduced a joint resolution declaring that, for the purpose of protecting the rights of all the people and all the States as far as devolves upon the Federal authority, and to maintain the Union in all its purity and excellence, or, failing in that, to provide for a "NAYS-Messrs. Anthony, Baker, Ringham, Cameron, Chandler, Clark, Collamer, Dixon, Doolittle, Fessenden, Foot, Foster, Grimes, Hale, Harlan, King, Seward, Simmons, Sumner, Ten Eyck, Wade Wigfall, Wilkinson and Wilson—24. In the House, Friday, Messrs. Sherman, (Republican), and Pendleton, (Democrat), of Ohio, made speeches. The latter begged for compromise and peace. He would not debate whether there was legal or sufficient cause for secession. Certain Southern States have committed the act with a unanimity without parallel in the history of revolution. He said if this bill be passed not a dollar would be collected at Charleston. If an army could maintain the Union, half a million of men would spring up in a night. If money would keep it together the soil would leap with joy to produce its golden harvest. If blood, old and young men would yield it like streams which water their soil. But an army of blood and money will not preserve the Union. Justice, reason and peace may. What force can compel a State to do what is required to be done by legislation? The whole scheme of coercion is impracticable, and contrary to the genius and spirit of the Constitution. The Southern States are prepared to resist, and when armed men come together there is war. The enforcement of the laws against the Seceding States is coercion, and coercion is war. If the South say they have grievances, redress them, and calm Sherman's Speech. 239 Remember the course pursued by the their agitation and irritation. Sherman's Speech. He then, at length, adverted to the instances of wrong and usurpation practiced against the government-the seizure of forts, arsenals, navy-yards, vessels-the firing upon the National flag-the calling out of an army to shoot down United States troops whose only offence consisted in simply taking care of, and protecting government property -the abrogation of United States laws and the general contempt for its authority-the seizure of moneys belonging to the United States treasury-the planting of cannon on the Mississippi River banks to arrest the tide of commerce on that National highway. What shall be done at this wide-spread and direct assault upon the Government. Shall bidding of enemies to become the object of pity and scorn, or shall it rise in its majesty to vindicate its claim to the name of a power and to uphold its system of liberty for the continued prosperity of its people and the admiration of the world? He said: "If this Government cannot survive a constitu Mr. Sherman's speech, which followed, commanded the undivided attention of all. His standing as a conservative yet firm Republican, his influence with his party and with the country generally, his position as Chairman of the most important committee in Congress, viz., of Ways and Means-it tamely submit and become a wreck at the all conspired to give interest and importance to his declarations. He approved of his colleague's appeal for peace and conciliation; but, the appeal was addressed to the wrong side of the House. He assumed that it was not the policy of any administration to " conquer" a State--to compel it to be represented in Congress, to force it to maintain Federal courts and post-offices. It is the duty of Government to protect each State as a constituent part of the whole, and therefore its paramount duty to protect the whole to protect itself. To do this it is fully empowered by the instrument of its organization.ple to demand the right of self-government, they are It alone has the right to levy and collect duties, to make treaties and form alliances, to erect and maintain a navy, an army, forts, arsenals, navy yards, to declare war, and to make peace. It has a flag, the symbol of its supremacy—the emblem of its power and province to protect all who may of right gather under its folds. What has been tional election-if it cannot defend its property or protect its flag-if it crumbles before the first sign of disaffection, what hope is there for free institutions in countries where kings, nobles, marshals, hereditary institutions and laws of primogeniture have existed for ages? Sir, when the love of liberty has inspired in modern times the masses of any peo pointed to the French revolution of 1789; they are pointed to South America, whose changing Republics rise and disappear, so that not ten men in this House ean now tell me their names. They are pointed to Mexico! God forbid that they shall ever adorn their infernal logic by adding the example of a disrupted Union here! It is said, with the license of poetry, that 'Freedom shrieked when Kosciusko fell.' Sherman's Speech. She will die with the death of this Republic. I appeal to you gentlemen of the border Slave States, to arrest the tide that, but for you, will in a few days place us in hostile array with each other. If not, I see nothing before us but a fatal civil war. I do not threaten it, for I dread it, not for personal reasons, for you and I are but atoms in the storm; but all history teaches us that no free Government can be disrupted or overthrown without that disruption being followed in the end by military despotism. The man may now live who will be the Napoleon of this country. If your people will not sustain and support this Government in maintaining its public property in the Seceding States, then it must do it in spite of you, or perish in the attempt. * * * If we can stand by each other, if our constituents will stand by us in that emphatic declaration, I do believe that the good ship that has borne us thus far on a prosperous voyage, will outlive the storm. But, Sir, if we yield too far to the fury of the waves, if we now surrender, without resistance, the forts, arsenal, dock-yards, and other property of the Government, we only demonstrate that we are not fit for the duties assigned us; and if our names survive our lives, they will only be recorded as those of a degenerate race, who had not the manhood to preserve that their fathers won. It is therefore due to you, Sir, to all our fellow members, to our countrymen, North and South, to say that in voting for the army bill, I vote with the expectation that it will be used in protecting the acknowledged property of the United States, in recovering that which has been unlawfully taken, and in maintaining the Union." He did not believe in the power to invade a State, simply to coerce it, for, with the Attorney-General, he seemed to acknowledge the necessity of civil processes to call in the aid of the military. He said: Sherman's Speech merce must be suspended. No He then examined the question of compromise. The fact that a single State could coerce the Government must be admitted, if compromise be admitted, because of the secession of a State. Before any peaceful solution of differences could be made, it was simply necessary to crush out the heresy of the right of a State, at any time, to repudiate the authority of the General Government, and to erect itself into an independent power. If that assumption is not first forever killed, of what earthly use is compromise? Compromise could not, under its baleful assumption, save a rupture, at any moment, and the precedent would serve only to demoralize the Government-by making its enemies all the more imperative and intractable. The Republican party, as a party, had, in no way, infringed upon the constitutional rights of any section, and it did not propose to do aught to impair the rights of a single individual or State. Their candidate for the Presidency had been elected in a constitutional way, and every loyal citizen demanded his inauguration in peace, and that he be permitted to develop his policy in the usual way. He said: "You tell us that your people are excited and alarmed, and that they apprehend that an over "I do not contemplate, in any event, hostile inva-whelming Anti-Slavery element is about to be inansions of the soil of any State, unless demanded for gurated in power, that will, directly or indirectly, the defence of the acknowledged property of the affect the constitutional rights of your States. PerUnited States. It is the duty of the Government to haps you will confess what you know to be true suppress insurrection in a State, but in this event that, for political purposes in the struggle, partisans the military power can only be used in strict subor- for the ascendancy of both parties in the South, have dination to the civil authority. If the civil authority united to fire the Southern mind against the hated refuse to call for such aid, or suppress the Courts, Black Republicans of the North. Speeches have the military power cannot intervene. If the Courts been distorted. Single sentences have been torn are closed, the duties of Postmasters cannot be en- from the context and made to deceive and mislead. forced, or the mails protected; and, therefore, the Garrison, Wendell Phillips, Seward, Lincoln, and postal service must necessarily be suspended. No latterly, Douglas, have been mixed in a hated condoubt this measure will soon be adopted. If the glomeration, and used to excite your people. A revenue is refused, or cannot be collected, then philosophic opinion of Mr. Seward has been congoods cannot be imported, and the ports must be strued into a statement of a settled purpose to overclosed. If a State shall, in violation of the Constitu- throw Slavery in the States, though in the very pa tion, undertake to regulate commerce then her com-ragraph itself all idea of interference by the people Sherman's Speech. MR. SHERMAN'S SPEECH. of the Free States is expressly excluded. It is but a year since you inflamed your constituents because some of your fellow members recommended without reading, a book written by one of your own citizens, containing obnoxious opinions about Slavery. Nearly all of you gave birth, stability and victory to the Republican party by adopting the policy you now join in condemning. Some of you broke down the only political organization that could compete with us, and thus gave us an easy victory. You have all contributed, more or less, in perverting the public mind as to our principles and purposes; but even the baptism of misrepresentation, through which this Republican party has thus far advanced, does 241 Sherman's Speech midst; you can discuss your The Fugitive Slave law he regarded as unconstitutional-in some of its provisions it was unjust, since it could be used to kidnap freemen as well as to capture fugitive slaves-its practical effect was to excite resistance. It ought to be, and would be, modiand the laws of the States to prevent its abuses would then be promptly repealed. not excuse us from doing all in our power to pro-fied, He then proceeded to review the claims of the South for Constitutional amendments, remarking that the Republican party had no desire or power to interfere with the social institutions of the Slave States. He thought an amendment would have the good effect to set at rest the slanders in that direction. But, he asked equal rights under the same Constitution and amendment, to the institutions and people of the Free States. To this end it should guarantee, in the Slave as well as in the Free States, freedom of opinion, freedom of the press, freedom of speech-it should perfectly protect Northern men from the violence and outrage which are sure to be meted out to any citizen who differs in opinion from a Southern public. His words were: "Our people in the North have the right to express their opinions about Slavery, to write, to speak them, and to preach them. Freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and freedom of opinion are essential to the preservation of Republican institutions, and they never can be and never will be surrendered. Their convictions that Slavery is a social, moral and political evil, are fixed and immutable. They are now shared by the great body of the civilized world. They are not likely to be weakened by time or rea son, and surely they will not be weakened by threat of disunion. They have a right to their opinions; you have a right to yours. You can write them, speak them, and preach them. The providence of God will in due time, and in his own way, determine this difference of opinion. Opinions may freely be left to test their strength before the Great Arbitrator. We go a step further; we invite you in our In conclusion, he asked that Mr. Lincoln's Administration should have a fair trial. It would prove just to individuals and benifiAs his election cent to the whole country. had been constitutionally achieved, so his Administration should be constitutionally obeyed. It must be obeyed; and no combination on the Continent had power, or ought to have the power, to change the legitimate results of our elective franchise. The Constitution was made for all, and must be obeyed by all-there was no provision for exemption from, or non-submission to, its wholesome responsibilities. obeyed! It must be This speech made a powerful impression on the House. Its candor of statement, its directness of argument, its resolute tone, conspired to create fresh confidence in the friends of the Union, and to discomfit its enemies. It called out Crawford, of Georgia, who defended the seizure of the forts as a matter of safety to the several States. At the same moment he convicted himself of inconsistency, by declaring that the South wanted to depart in peace-her people would die in defence of their rights of sovereignty-using the logic of the highwayman who, after robbing the confiding wayfarer, begs to depart in peace, claiming that his robbery was com and earnestly appealed for conciliation. Let | firmed, by a vote of 38 to 13. The opposition the people have time to speak. He would await the result with confidence and hope. If Georgia resolved to secede she would do so prospectively, in order to give time to save the. great structure of Government. He wished it borne in mind that he belonged not to the class of men who would dismember the Confederacy. He would as soon take a glass vessel and crush it to pieces to make it a better one, as to attempt to make a better Government by crushing the present into atoms. If Georgia shall proceed to the extremity of secession, he would ask her, for her own sake, to have the manliness, after the act is done, to refuse a reconstruction of the Union, | and to stand out as an island alone. There would be dignity, if not safety, in such a step. A resolution was introduced by Burnett, of Kentucky-the Army Appropriation bill being under consideration in Committee of the Whole as an amendment that no forces authorized in the bill shall be used to subjugate seceding States. He wanted the country to understand whether it was intended to make war on them or not. Rejected. The bill was then reported to the House. Mr. Holt's Confirmation. acter. The proceedings in the Senate, Thursday, were, as stated, confined chiefly to was made by the Secessionist members, who Whereas, It appears to Con gress that the State of South Mason's Resolutions. Carolina has, by an ordinance of the people of that State in Convention assembled, declared the State separated from the United States and the Government thereof, as established under the Constitution; and it further appearing that by reason of such declared separation there are no offi cers of the United States acting under the authority thereof in the judiciary department of this Govern ment, or under the laws for the collection of the revenues of the United States, whereby and in consequence whereof the laws of the United States are in fact suspended within the limits of said State; therefore, to avoid any hostile collision that may arise between the authorities of the United States and the State of South Carolina aforesaid, in any attempt to execute the laws of the United States in the ab and execute said laws, be it consideration of the Pacific Railway bill sence of the officers required by law to administer Messrs. Douglas and Benjamin leading. The 'Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representmatter of most interest to our subject was the atives, that from and after the passage of this joint discussion, in Executive Session, over the resolution, all laws of the United States directing the President's nomination of Joseph Holt, as mode in which the army and navy, and other public Secretary of War. The discussion is repre- forces of the United States shall be used by the Presented as having been of an exciting char-sident of the United States in aiding the civil authorAn effort was made, by the oppo-ities in executing the laws and authorizing the same, nents of the confirmation, to refer it to the enjoying all the prosperity consequent upon the Committee on Military Affairs, as Mr. Mc-present Union and form of Government, she never Intyre's nomination, as Collector at Charleston, had been referred to the Committee on Commerce-equivalent to a suspension of the nomination. But, the effort failed, and, in the Friday's session, after another exciting debate,* his appointment was con * A correspondent, at the Capital, writing to the New York Daily Times, of the Friday's debate in closed session, said: "During the debate on the nomination of Secretary Holt, Mr. Crittenden is said to have taken the ground that, as Kentucky is now a Central State, would consent to its breaking up and the formation of a Southern Confederacy, of which she would be a Border State, exposed to all the dangers and losses of such a position. He was much affected during this portion of his remarks, and the manner in which he upbraided the Southern men who defeated his Compromise in the Senate was very severe. He took the position that the Union must be preserved at all hazards, either by peaceable means or by force, and that force used against the lawless citizens of a Government is not coercion of a State. The speech, being entirely unexpected, created a great sensation among the Senators." |