OPINIONS OF THE EUROPEAN PRESS. 223 feverish anxiety in regard to foreign relations which possessed the entire South, from a very early moment of the revolution. It will be of interest to reproduce such expressions of influential foreign journals, during the month of January, as will indicate how our affairs impressed the European mind. Being outside, and comparatively disinterested, observers the London Times, perhaps, excepted--their remarks will serve to give the reader a clearer comprehension of the questions involved than might otherwise be obtained. tionel." "Mr. Buchanan has sought The Paris "Constitu- out the means of preserving the Union from the catastrophe which threatens it; he has drawn up a plan of reconciliation between the Northern and Southern States. It cannot, however, be said that this project is a compromise, inviting the two adverse parties to mutual concessions and equal sacrifices; it is rather a summons addressed to one to yield to the exigencies of the other; it is more like a decision come to with partiality than an equitable arbitration. To the North, which has gained its cause before the people, the President signifies that it must abandon the benefit of the decision for the profit of the South, which has been the losing party. Under pretext of conciliation, the Message calls on the conqueror to place himself under the feet of the conquered. Such is the groundwork of Mr. Buchanan's propositions. * What, then, does Mr. Buchanan ask for? He requires the North to accept, as forming a part of the Constitution itself, the three following points:-1. An express recognition of the right of property over slaves wherever Slavery exists, or may exist. 2. The duty of protecting that right on all the common Territories, until they constitute themselves into States. 3. The recognition of the right of a master to have a fugitive slave delivered up to him by all the States, and a declaration that all the laws of a State, which are in contradiction to that right are so many violations of the Constitution, and must, therefore, be null and of non-effect. It is tantamount to saying to the North: 'Grant to the South all it claims; it will then be satisfied, and will not separate itself from you.' * * Will the North resign itself to a capitulation of its conscience-to a sacrifice of its self-loveand submit, in exchange for the maintenance of the Confederation, to all the exigencies of the South? Will it accept the evasion proposed to it under the form of remonstrance and wise advice? According to Mr. Buchanan, that would be the only means of Baving the Union. Or will the North, irritated in its turn by the reproaches of the President, who throws on it the whole responsibility of the crisis, persist in its victory, and allow the South, which it has neither threatened nor provoked, to act as it likes? That is what a no distant future will inform us. For our part, our wishes are at the same time for the safety of the great American Republic, and for the gradual diminution of Slavery. We much fear, however, that the North will see in the late Message propositions offensive to it; while the South will find there an encouragement to its projects of rupture. Mr. Buchanan would thus have failed in his attempt at pacification, and will have bequeathed to his fellowcountrymen only an incoherent commentary on the Constitution of the Republic. Would it not have been better if he had referred to a famous letter of Washington, dated in April, 1786, and in which that Father of his Country' said: 'There is not a man living who desires more sincerely than I to see a plan adopted for the abolition of Slavery; but there is but one suitable and effectual mode of accomplishing that object-legislative authority.'”— Dee. 22d. The London Times. Never for many years can the United States be to the world what they have been. Mr. Buchanan's message has been a greater blow to the American people than all the rants of the Georgian Governor or the ordinances' of the Charleston Convention. The President has dissipated the idea that the States which elected him constitute one people. We had thought that the Federation was of the nature of a nationality; we find it is nothing more than a partnership. If any State may, on grounds satisfactory to a local convention, dissolve the union between itself and its fellows; if discontent with the election of a President, or the passing of an obnoxious law by another State, or, it may be, a restrictive tariff gives a State the right of revolution,' and permits it to withdraw itself from the community, then the position of the American people, with respect to foreign Powers is completely altered. It is strange that a race whose patriotic captiousness, when in the society of Europeans, is so remarkable, should be so ready to divide and to give up the ties of fellowcitizenship for a cause which strangers are unable to appreciate. Still stranger is it that a chief magistrate, who would have plunged the world in civil war rather than a suspicious craft should be boarded by English officers, after it had displayed the Stars and Stripes, or would have done battle against despots for any naturalized refugee from Continental Europe, should, without scruple and against the advice of his own Secretary of State, declare the Federal Union dissolved whenever a refractory State chooses to secede.-January 9th. "The Declaration of the immediate causes which induce and justify the separation of South Carolina The London Times. from the Federal Union, is by no means so lively and spiritstirring a composition as a little more literary skill might, perhaps, have made it. Of course it would not be in human nature-that is, American human nature-to commence any great public document without a proper fling at the old mother country, from whose tyranny the States emancipated themselves, in order to enjoy, from their mutual justice and forbearance, that perpetual concord and never-ending union and happiness which they sought for in vain from a society corrupted by the vices of monarchy, aristocracy and feudality, and a decrepit civilization. At this time were established, we are told, the right of a State to govern itself, and the right of the people to abolish a Government when it ceases to accomplish the ends for which it was instituted. We know not what histories are allowed to pass through the charmed circle which girdles the domestic institutions of South Carolina, or how much a man is allowed to know of the history of the world, in those fortunate regions, without being constituted thereby an Abolitionist, exposed to the halter and the tar barrel. But we should have thought that the right of a nation to govern itself was fully established by the English Revolution, and the right of a people to get rid of a Government which did not accomplish the ends of its institution, by the revolt of the United Netherlands and Spain.-January 19th." "If every State is to claim to be the judge of its own grievances, if it is to act without concert and without appeal, and if, whenever it believes that Government does not do all that is required of it, or that its allies fall short of their obligations, it is at liberty to break up the Union, how is it possible that the Union can be otherwise than transitory? It is quite true, as South Carolina says, that fourteen States of the Union have, in violation of one article of the Constitution, passed laws, the legality of which is something more than doubtful, to prevent the recovery, by their masters, of fugitive slaves. But this could scarcely be regarded of itself as a sufficient ground for the dissolution of the Government of the United States, and that it is not sufficient, is shown by the conduct of South Carolina herself, which has not thought it a sufficient ground heretofore for secession from the Union. With this single exception, nothing can be conceived more frivolous than the grounds of this manifesto."January 19th. "On his (Lincoln's) accession, says the manifesto, it has been announced that the South shall be excluded from the common Territory, that the judicial tribunal shall be made sectional, and that war shall be made against Slavery until it ceases from the United States. It is impossible to read the speeches and writings which circulate in the North, where the freedom of discussion still exists, which the South has exchanged for its favorite domestic institution," without being aware of the utter falsehood of these statements. The South is not to be excluded from the Territories, unless the Southrons consider themselves in the light, not of slaveholders, but of slaves. It is not sought to render the Supreme Court of the United States sectional, but to rescue it from the disgrace of being packed with judges placed there for the advocacy and promotion of Slavery, and we have not been able to discover a vestige even in the most excited speeches in an excited time of any intention, expressed or insinuated, to make war on the institution of Slavery. "But what matters all this? Not a single observation that we have ventured to make could be made in the Republic of South Carolina, thus auspiciously taking her place among the nations of the world. Without law, without justice, without delay, she is treading in the path that leads to the downfall of nations and the misery of families. The hollowness of her cause is seen beneath all the pomp of her labored denunciation, and surely to her, if to any community of modern days, may be applied the words of the Hebrew Prophet, a wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the land. The Prophets prophesy falsely, and my people love to have it so."— Jan. 19th. We may say here, en passent, that the Times, if it afterwards treated the movement in the Free States captiously-if its scarcely concealed desire for a breaking up of this Government, led it a course of seemingly studied fault-finding, it did not much "aid and com fort" to the movement for a Slave Confedera tion, except its general depreciation of the North, and a denial of its belligerent rights can be so construed. The Galway (Ireland) "The State of South Carolina has ignored its connection with the American Union. It has deliberately divorced itself from those federative ties which bound together a great nation. Two conse quences must follow-either they will return to their proper position by some agreement or concession on both sides, or a civil war must follow in order to compel them. The Carolinians assert their right to this extreme step by laying before the country the fact that the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws for the non-delivery up of escaped slaves, and thus have violated their constitutional obligations. "Viewing the question in the light they do, it is OPINIONS OF THE EUROPEAN PRESS. 225 set down as a violation of the laws of property! | to retain any of the States within the Union. The property in man, in woman, and in children!-pro- slightest consideration will show that the assertion perty in men-stealers, and in bloodhounds, which are of independence on the part of any one State can the ferocious police to hunt escaping victims! They never be conceded; indeed, any such step must also deny the right of opinion, in morals or in prac- amount to revolution. But, admitting this, it may tice, of the Northern States to encourage slaves to very well be that the non-Seceding States consider escape from chains and bondage! Why, this is an it more judicious to forego their strict rights, and attempt to uproot the first principles of humanity, so, practically, to acquiesce in the fact of Secession." and to put the rights of flesh and blood, and Christi- |-January 10th. anity, under the feet of a Cottonocracy more vile than the refined vultures of the French Revolution, who stirred up at last the stagnant puddle in the veins of the victims of the Court and aristocracy of that period. "The policy of the slaveowners is to compel the opponents of that fearful creed to a cooperation with them, in making all America an immense field for Slavery!-or elseThis is a wild and preposterous fancy, and the attempt to enforce it by separation will only lead to results most disastrous to the States who shall proceed to that extremity. Under the present Anti-Slavery President, it could only end in compulsion, and perhaps the sweeping away of the whole infernal system from the country, which has brought on it the scorn and derision of mankind. The entire public opinion of Europe is against Ameriean Slavery. It was whispered that England, for her own cupidity, might be inclined to favor the Cotton States, and that she was sounded on that head. But England, with all her faults, would be incapable of such a diabolical connection. The people of England detest Slavery; and the Parliament of England showed the animus of the country in the case of the West Indies."-January 16th. The London Daily News. Up to the present time the Federal Government, though it has been called upon to declare its right to stop secession, has never acted upon the declaration. The question now is, whether it will act upon it at the present crisis, or whether the predictions of M. de Tocqueville, in his admirable work, will be realized. It appears to me,' he says, 'unquestionable that if any portion of the United States seriously desired to separate itself from the other States, they would not be able-nor, indeed, would they attempt to prevent it; and that the present Union will only last as long as the States which compose it choose to continue members of the Confederation. If this point be admitted, the question becomes less difficult, and our object is not to inquire whether the States of the existing Union are capable of separating, but whether they will choose to remain united.' It must not be imagined that this opinion of M. de Tocqueville implies any doubt as to the right of the Federal Government to interfere, by force of arms, in order 66 The London Econo. mist. 'Apart from this perplexing question, we see no reason for anticipating that a severance of the Union, once effected peaceably, and without catastrophe, will be, in any way, injurious to Great Britain. On the contrary, we are not sure that it may not indirectly be rather beneficial than otherwise. In the first place, we may expect that America will be somewhat less aggressive, less insolent, and less irritable than she has been. Instead of one vast State, acting on every foreign question cum toto corpore regni, we shall have two, with different objects and interests, and by no means always disposed to act in concert, or in cordiality. Instead of one, showing an encroaching and somewhat bullying front to the rest of the world, we shall have two, showing something of the same front to each other. Each will be more occupied with its immediate neighbor, and therefore less inclined to pick quarrels with more distant nations. Then, too, for some time at least, that inordinate, though most natural sense of unrivalled prosperity and power, which swelled so flatulently and disturbingly in the breast of every citizen of the great trans-Atlantic Republic, will receive a salutary check. Their demeanor is likely to become somewhat humbler and more rational, and it will, therefore, be easier to maintain amicable and tranquil relations with them than it has been. In place, too, of Europe being obliged to watch and thwart their annexing tendencies, the two Federations will probably exercise this sort of moral police over each other. Neither of them will look with much complacence on the annexation of States or Territories which will add power and dominion to the other, and so disturb their relative equilibrium. Unprincipled and reckless Southerners, like Mr. Buchanan, may talk of seizing on Mexico, Nicaragua, and Cuba; unprincipled and inflated Northerners, like Mr. Seward, may talk of seizing on Canada; but there will be some hope that we may leave them to each other's mutual control, and smile at the villainous cupidities of both. With the Northern Federation, too, we may look to maintaining more cordial relations than we have often heretofore been able to do; not only will the embarrassing question of Slavery, which has caused so much righteous indignation on our side, and so much bitter resentment and irritation on theirs, be forever removed from between us; but the immediate and marked improvement which we may look for in the tone and working, if not in the form of the institutions, of the North, when Southern Democracy, complicated as it has been with Slavery, shall have ceased to poison and degrade them, can scarcely fail to bring them more into harmony with English feeling, because to command more of English confidence and respect. The more they civilize (they must pardon us the word, for assuredly they are getting rid of a barbarising element), the more friendly and cordial shall we inevitably grow." At the usual New-Year'sday reception of the Emperor Napoleon, our minister, Mr. Faulkener, was interrogated by the Emperor. The conversation was thus reported: Emperor." What is the latest news you have from the United States. Not so alarming, I trust, as the The Emperor Napoleon's Words. States have separated from the General Government." Mr. Faulkener." The States will form one common Government, as heretofore. There is excitement in portions of the Confederacy, and there are indications of extreme measures being adopted by one or two of the States. But we are familiar with the excitement, as we are with the vigor which belong to the institutions of a free people. We have already more than once passed through commotions which would have shattered into fragments any other Government on earth, and this fact justifies the inference that the strength of the Union will now be found equal to the strain upon it." Emperor." I sincerely hope it may be so; and that you may long continue a united and prosperous people." This important declaration was here construed to mean sympathy for the Government, to which French interests are so closely allied. The United States are the counterpoise, in the balance of nations, to England, and the French are not solicitous that that counterpoise should be broken. Napoleon's words were wise while they were kind. CHAPTER XV. PROCEEDINGS OF CONGRESS. SEVENTH WEEK. "REPRESENTA TIVE' SPEECHES OF MESSRS. POLK, M'CLERNAND, REAGAN, STANTON, Cox, GURLEY, SHERMAN, AND OTHERS. THE OHIO STATE RESOLUTIONS. THE ARMY BILL. MISSOURI'S RESOLUTION. COMPROMISE IMPOSSIBLE. IN the Senate, Monday, Slavery, in places under its exclusive jurisdic Bigler's Propositions. January 14th, Mr. Bigler tion, and to make the United States pay for (Dem.) of Pennsylvania, in- fugitive slaves. These clauses he proposed troduced resolutions calling upon the people to make perpetual, never to be amended or of the United States to hold an election striken out. They embodied the substance throughout the country, on February 12th, of the Crittenden resolutions, but added the and vote for the acceptance and rejection of amendments proposed to be engrafted peramendments to the Constitution, said amend-petually on the Constitution. After some ments proposing to divide all present and remarks upon its reference to a committee, future Territory between Freedom and Slavery against which Mr. Bigler protested, the matby a line on the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min.; ter was laid over. to permit Slavery to extend South of that Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, introduced a resoluline, and to protect it there by constitutional tion requesting the President to communicate sanctions. The resolutions also proposed to any information he may have regarding atdeprive Congress of the power to abolish, tempts made, or contemplated, by any large THE ENGLISH RESOLVE. 227 Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, speaking for himself and his colleague, Mr. Davis, announced their withdrawal from the Senate, in view of the late action of their State. body of men to interfere with the free navi- | people-these States being parties to the gation of the Mississippi, and what efforts Union-was that they added to the insult of have been made to suppress the same. This the passage of Personal Liberty bills, Underresolution referred to the erection of a battery ground Railroad operations, not only in the on the banks of the Mississippi River, at Border States, but the entire South. He Vicksburg, by order of the authorities of knew gentlemen having lost thousands of Mississippi, which proposed to call every boat dollars worth of negroes who fear to attempt passing down the river to “land and give an to recover them. Kentucky loses $200,000 account of herself”—amounting to a virtual annually in slaves stolen and enticed away. blockading of the river. The resolution was Mr. Lincoln is the first man elected to the laid over. office of President who announced the doctrine of the irrepressible conflict. This house, built by our forefathers, now becomes a house divided against itself. These remarks scarcely attracted notice. The palpable misstatements in regard to Kentucky's loss, and the usual exaggeration regarding Northern sentiment, elicited no catechising from the Republicans. In the House, Monday, Mr. English (Dem.) Indiana, introduced, or rather "read for information," the following resolution : Resolved, That the present alarming condition of the country imperatively demands that Congress should take immediate steps to preserve the peace and maintain the Union, by removing, as far as possible, all causes of sectional irritation and division, and, to that end, patriotism should prompt a cheerful surrender of all partizan prejudices and minor differences of opinion; and this House, believing the plan of adjustment proposed by the Honorable John J. Crittenden, in the Senate, December 18th, 1860, would be an equitable and favor Mr. Mason, of Va., tried to bring forward his resolutions of inquiry, calling upon the Secretary of War to communicate information of reenforcements sent to Charleston harbor and other defences. The Crittenden resolutions were then called, and were finally set for consideration on Tuesday. Mr. Polk's Views. Mr. Polk, (Dem.) of Mo., addressed the Senate, basing his remarks on Mr. Hunter's resolution to withdraw all Federal forces from Seceded States. His sentiments were of the usual extreme Southern tone. The unutterable crime of an AntiSlavery triumph had been achieved. The canvas is now over, and Abolitionism has brought, as its first offering, astonishment and regret. From a state of peace the sudden change to a state of sectional antagonism had almost immediately followed. An unnatural animosity exists between sections only separated by a geographical line, and a universal panic prevails throughout the country. The public and private credit are prostrate., Of the Government loan of five millions, only half was taken, and that at usurious rates of interest. Commerce is curtailed, trade is checked, industry is paralyzed, artisans and mechanics are idle, manufactures are stopped, and the operatives discharged. The consequence is want and starvation. The Union is tottering and ready to fall. Four pillars have already gone, one being of the original thirteen. The admission of California disturbed the equilibrium between the Slaveholding and NonSlaveholding States. One cause of complaint against the action of certain States and their of 66 The 'English' Resolve. able compromise, involving no sacrifice to any party or section which should not promptly be made for the sake of the inestimable blessings of peace and a united country, hereby instruct the Committee of Thirty-three, heretofore appointed by this House, to report without delay the necessary measures to carry that plan into practical effect." It being objected to by the Republicans, Mr. English said, at the proper time he should move to suspend the rules. He tried to get it before the House a few hours later, by a motion for the previous question, but the House decided against it. It was killed. Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, introduced and had adopted, a resolution instructing a select Committee on the President's Special Message, to consider that portion which recommended to a vote of the people the questions at issue between the two sections, and that the Committee, at an early day, report thereon a bill or joint resolution. |