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'HEADQUARTERS, FORT SUMTER, S. C., "January 9, 1861.

the Government, has been fired upon at the entrance of Charleston Harbor, by order of the authorities of the State of South Carolina, and the communication of the Government with one of its military posts thus forcibly prevented, there is but one course to pursue. The authority and dignity of the Government must be vindicated at every hazard. The is sue thus having been made, it must be met and sustained, if necessary, by the whole power of the navy and army. We take it for granted, that, if the present version of the af

"To his Excellency F. W. Pickens, Governor af the fair is correct, a vessel of war will be dis

State of South Carolina:

"SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of to-day, and to say, that under the circumstances I have deemed it proper to refer the whole matter to my Government, and that I intend deferring the course indicated in my note of this morning until the arrival from Washington of the instructions I may receive. I have the honor

also to express the hope that no obstructions will

be placed in the way of, and that you will do me the favor of giving every facility to, the departure and return of the bearer, Lieut. T. Talbot, United States Army, who has been directed to make the journey. "I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Popular Indignation.

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"ROBERT ANDERSON, "Major United States, Commanding." If anything was wanting to cement the Union sentiment in the North, nothing could have been conceived better calculated to arouse the feeling of resistance to the revolution than this firing on the American flag. The indignity of the act awoke, in the hearts of all classes and parties in the North, but one emotion--that of indignation, and a resolve to avenge the insult. The unity of popular sentiment produced by the dispatches announcing the news, resembled the gathering of the elements preparatory to a terriffic storm. All issues were suddenly merged in that of resentment for the outrage offered the Government. This may be inferred from the tone of the opposition press, which, up to that moment, had clamoured for compromise and had deprecated all thoughts of coercion. Thus the Breckenridge organ at Albany said: "If the Star of the West, in commission of

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patched and will enter the harbor and communicate with Major Anderson at any cost. Thus much is necessary to preserve for the Government a decent respect, both at home and abroad." The editor "took for granted" what did not follow. The President, evidently alarmed at the crisis thus thrust upon him, neither ordered the Star of the West back; nor the Brooklyn and Harriet Lane, vessels of war, to Charleston; nor did he authorize Major Anderson to execute his threat; nor did he allow the Major the poor privilege of shelling the offending battery and Fort Moultrie for their treason and insolence. He had to sit upon his lonely ramparts, day by day, there to watch the swarms of soldiers and negroes on the islands around him throwing up batteries and preparing for his destruction. No order, no encouraging voice came from Washington to inspirit him. But, from the twenty millions of loyal lips went up a shout which must have thrilled his soul like the sound of an Archangel's clarion. The people were true; and, thus comforted, the little garrison labored incessantly, to its utmost strength, to mount the guns which would be needed for the assault seemingly close at hand. Sumter seemed left to its fate. It lay out in the waters, silent and gloomy, like a sullen thought in the Nation's heart. It ere long became radiant with fires which shot from its ports, not only to Moultrie and Morris island, but to the farthest verge of the Union, to kindle the beacons of patriotism on every hill, and in every valley of the teeming North.

CHAPTER XIII.

SECRETARY OF THE INTERIOR RESIGNS. MR. HOLT IN THE WAR DEPARTMENT. THE

PREVALENCE OF TREASON.

TREASON. RESIGNATION OF Ꮇ Ꭱ .

OF GENERAL DIX TO THE

THOMAS AND

THE LAW OF APPOINTMENT

TREASURY.

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Resignation of Mr.
Thompson.

Mr. Holt, Postmaster

HON. JACOB THOMPSON, | ances, and declared his purpose to do his Secretary of the Interior, whole duty, fearlessly. resigned his Cabinet seat, Thursday, January 8th. His reasons were, that: "after the order to reenforce Major Anderson was countermanded, on the 31st of December, there was a distinct understanding that no troops should be ordered South without the subject being considered and decided on in the Cabinet, At the Cabinet meeting, on the 2d of January, the matter was again debated, but not determined. Notwithstanding these facts, the Secretary of War, without the knowledge of Secretary Thompson, sent 250 troops in the Star of the West to reenforce Anderson. Not learning of this till Tuesday morning, he forthwith resigned." The resignation proved a relief rather than an embarrassment to the President. He was, like all the Southern men in the Cabinet, inimical to a policy of resistance to the revolution, and served only to distract the Cabinet Council. The remaining Southern member, Mr. Thomas, of Maryland, Secretary of the Treasury, was less offensive than any of those who had withdrawn; but, being a "Southern man," his resignation was, also, daily looked for, and, by the great mass of the people and Members of Congress, was desired.

Congress not being in session Tuesday, Mr. Buchanan was waited upon by a large number of Congressmen, as well as by eminent persons then in Washington, to be congratulated on the growing sentiment for Union. He was quite generally assured that his policy of resistance would not only gratify the majority of the people, but that they would be satisfied with nothing less than a firm enforcement of the laws. The President expressed much gratification with these assur

General, continued to dis- The War Department,
charge the duties of the
War Department. His labors were almost
exclusively performed in General Scott's
office, where he could find not only privacy,
but could, at all moments, obtain the wise
counsel of the veteran Lieutenant-General.
Spies and Southern emissaries lurked every-
where, and scarcely a whisper was uttered
which did not seem to be heard and repeated
to the Government's detriment. Eminent
men from the South stooped to the mean po-
sition of tale-bearers and special reporters;
while the army of Southerners in employ of
all the departments, in all branches of the
Civil service, in the Army and Navy-almost
without exception—became petty informers,
plotting and intriguing against the Govern-
ment whose bounty they were living upon.
Such wide spread and thorough demoraliza-
tion of the sentiment of honor never before
was witnessed in America : may it never again
be seen! Mr. Holt brought to the duties of
his responsible position courage, patriotism
and industry quite equal to the extraordinary
emergencies by which he was environed, and
Southern men beheld in him the controlling
genius of the unqualified Union policy.

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excuse offered was the impossibility of sustaining the arrests with sufficient force to make them secure; but the Constitutional timidity of the President, and the opposition offered by the venerable man who occupied the position of Chief Justice of the United States Supreme Court,* were, doubtless, the real causes of the latitude granted to men who were writing and preaching the most undoubted treason; were buying arms to use against the Government; were exciting sedition and corrupting the loyalty of those still true to the Union and the Constitution.t

* Mr. F. C. Treadwell, of New York, on Jan. 16th, proceeded to Washington, to enter formal complaint against a large number of the leading Secessionists. This complaint, legal and pro forma in its nature, was returned by the Clerk of the United States Supreme Court, with the message from Judge Taney-not the written endorsement (for that would have been evidence of his own complicity,) as such cases required -that" they were improper papers to be presented to the Court." The United States Supreme Court thus planted itself before the conspirators to give them immunity from arrest. No wonder the President was hesitating, when even the Supreme Bench offered sympathy to treason!

†The following resolutions, as indicative of the sentiments of a large body of the people, unanimously passed the Central Republican Club of New York City, January 10th:

"Whereas, A band of traitors in the Cabinet at Washington, in both Houses of Congress, and in several of the Southern States of this Republic, have made war against the United States; have seized forts, arsenals, and other public property; robbed the Treasury, obstructed the telegraph, and committed other acts of violence, in combination and conspiracy against the people of the United States, and their Constitution of Government, for the purpose of introducing Slavery temporarily or permanently into every State and Territory of this Union; therefore,

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The crime of treason is thus defined by the Constitution [Art. III., sec. 3]: Treason against the United States shall consist only in levying war against them, or in adhering to their enemies, giving them aid and comfort. No person shall be convicted of treason unless on the testimony of two witnesses to the same overt act, or on confession in open Court." The same section also stipulates that Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason. In exercising this power Congress passed its act of April 30th, 1790, in which it is declared:

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If any person or persons, having knowledge of the commission of any of the treasons aforesaid, shall conceal, and not, as soon as may be, disclose and make known the same to the President of the United States, or some one of the judges thereof, or to the President or Governor of a particular State, or some one of the judges or justices thereof, such person or persons, on conviction, shall be adjudged guilty of misprision of treason, and shall be impris oned not exceeding seven years, and fined not exceeding one thousand dollars.”

Chief Justice Marshall, in administering this act, thus interpreted it:

"It is not the intention of the Courts to say that no individual can be guilty of this crime who has not appeared in arms against his country.

"On the contrary, if war be actually levied-that is, if a body of men be actually assembled for the purpose of effecting by force a treasonable purpose -all those who perform any part, however minute, or however remote from the scene of action, and

are to be considered as traitors."

Resolved, That the Constitution as it is, provides who are actually leagued in the general conspiracy, the most perfect system of government known to man; that it needs no amendment, and shall have none, at the beck and call of traitors, or their insolent mouth-pieces,

"Resolved, That we hold ourselves ready, and tender our services to the State, or the National Government, or both, to aid to the extent of our power in crushing this formidable and wicked rebellion; determined, at all hazards, that the Constitution shall

"Overt acts" were everywhere visible throughout the South; while, in the North,

be "preserved, protected, and defended," peace restored, and the blessings of liberty-of liberty of speech and the press, fully and amply vindicated and secured."

THE LAW OF TREASON.

open and secret sales of arms and munitions were consummated during all the months of December, January and February-arms which the manufacturers and salesmen knew were to be used against the Government, and, beyond question, sold them so to be used. The Adams' Express was an accredited carrying agent for the transportation of arms to the South; and, during these months, almost daily transported packages which its agents knew to contain arms and munitions ordered by the revolutionary States for use against the Government. During March, large quantities of clothing were manufactured in Northern cities for Southern troops, and rapidly carried South by this same "Southern" Ex-| press, knowing the clothing to be for the aid and comfort of the enemies of the Government. In Washington, as we have stated, the Departments, the floors of Congress, the Army, the Navy, all fairly stiffened with the insolence and hauteur of treason and misprision of treason. Army and Navy officers resigned, with the expressed purpose of taking service against their Government-some taking such service before they could even know if their resignations were acted upon, as in the cases of Commander Farrand and Lieut. Renshaw, at Pensacola; while others not even deigned to send in a resignation, but took their vessels with them when they passed over to the revolutionists, as in the cases of Capt. Coste, Capt. Breshwood, and Capt. Morrison-each one of whom betrayed his Vessel into the hands of the rebels.

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The responsibility of non-action on the part of Congress and the Executive cannot be excused on the plea that the States, individually, had power to punish treason committed against them, for, what was treason against a State was equally treason against the common country, and, therefore, amenable to the Constitutional provision for its punishment. Judge Story says:—

The power of punishing the crime of treason against the United States is exclusive in Congress; and the trial of the offence belongs exclusively to the tribunals appointed by them. A State cannot take cognizance, or punish the offence; whatever it mitted exclusively against itself, if indeed any case may do in relation to the offence of treason, comcan, under the Constitution, exist, which is not, at the same time, treason against the United States." [Com. on Const. § 1296, p. 173, vol. III.]

Further Cabinet

Changes.

On Congress, the Supreme Court, and the Executive, alone must rest the responsibility of non-action. That the growth of the defection was precipitate and wide-spread owing to this very smothering of the plain processes of the law is now, as it then was, evident even to the most casual observer. A telegram from Washington dated the 11th, stated that the "President had signified to Mr. Thomas, Secretary of the Treasury, that his resignation was desired." This is said to have grown out of a visit of several leading capitalists of New York, as representatives of the banks of that city, who expressed a willingness and wish to aid Government with funds, but felt so little confiHow it will astonish future generations to dence in the Secretary that his removal must read the law of Congress above quoted, and precede any tenders of money. The fact that then to learn that, in the face of all this un- Mr. Thomas was a disunionist-as well as his disguised cooperation and collusion with the first assistant, Mr. Clayton,-was sufficient to conspirators, not one arrest was made-not inspire a want of faith in their integrity of adone indictment for treason! That the violent ministration. The capitalists, it is probable, Secessionists in Congress, the Army and Navy also suggested the nomination, as Secretary officers offering their resignations from seces- of the Treasury, of General John A. Dix, then sion proclivities, the manufacturers and sales- Postmaster of New York City. Mr. Thomas agents of arms,—all should have been arrested resigned (January 11th), and Mr. Dix took the admits of no question if the law was to be vacated bureau to try and resuscitate the disconsidered else than a dead letter. That tressed finances of the country from their huAdams' Express Company should have had miliating condition. The shocking mismanits charter confiscated, and its rights and im-agement of that Department by the Secessionmunities sequestered, can hardly be a matter ists Secretaries had almost ruined the credit of argument in the face of that act of Con- of Government; and Mr. Buchanan performed a wise act in listening to the counsel of

gress.

the New York men of money. The Treasury | supported in a vigorous policy but soon dissoon felt the magnetism of integrity and covered that his advisers were ready for a true patriotism; and, from that hour, it began to recover its old character for efficiency. Howell Cobb took the keys to find the chest absolutely burdened with its riches: Mr. Thomas found and left it in a state of discredit and bankruptcy. The end designed of crippling the Federal Government had been accomplished.

This last change restored the Cabinet to har

Jacksonian handling of the reins of Government. The brief term of his rule, together with his distaste for a state of war, contributed to lead his feet into bye-paths-to impel him to choose a course of action which should leave the incoming Administration to grapple with the monster which his timidity had not strangled in its infancy.

He was, indeed, to leave for his successor

mony of action. It was now composed of men the veritable Pandora box. It was his only of undoubted ability and of devoted patriot- | legacy.

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WHEN it became proba- | looked eagerly for the news of each steamer Relative Positions. ble that a disrupted Con- to read their fate, if possible, in the revelafederacy would be the re-tions of the foreign press. sult of the disunion revolution, the foreign The North viewed the matter of English relations of the country began to excite un- and French sympathy without concern. Apwonted interest on the part of the revolu-preciating the force of the arguments urged tionary leaders. The South turned longingly by the South, to create a foreign interest in to England and France for their sympathy. Were these nations not greatly dependant on the products of Slavery for their prosperity? Could they fail to recognize a new Confederacy which might safely promise more cotton at a less price than under the old Union? Would they not be happy to establish new commercial relations, unhampered by tariffs, and encouraged by a system of exchanges-the foreign nations acting as consumers of a raw material to return it manufactured? What a fine promise, truly, for British commerce and French looms! And then, weightier than all, would not those nations rejoice to see the great Western Republic reduced from a first-class to a third-rate power-thus giving monarchy a new lease of its prerogatives? All views seemed favorable to the scheme for the Slave Confederation, and the leaders of this feeling, and did not experience the

its behalf, the Free States felt confident of being able to restrain active sympathy for the revolutionists, not more by old ties, treaties and international obligations, than by the repugnance which the people—particularly of Great Britain-felt for Slavery. A pure Slave Confederacy never could win their confidence. If they must have the products of Slave labor, to employ their millions of weavers and spinners, they preferred to practice the little hypocrisy of excusing themselves for the purchase, so long as it came from the free United States; but, make the issue direct, to support a Confederation formed expressly to extend the area of Slavery, to rivet the chains more securely on the miserable bondmen-then the English people would cry, never! The North seemed to rest assured

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