Mr. Baker's lect the revenue: "And above all let the laws be maintained, and the Union be preserved." He closed with the words of Web We have given this reply of the Oregon Senator to Mr. Benjamin's speech quite at length, for the reason that it so freely expounded the Republican view of the points raised, and forced upon the country, by the South. The reply had a large circulation among the people, and quite generally commanded the approval of the speaker's party for its manner and matter. and West. If the institution was guaranteed the rights of extension, it would be againstnot only the sentiment of the large master's speech in reply to Hayne. jority of the American people, but also against the sentiment of the world. He claimed that the North were allies of the South, and that they were bound to return slaves. France, England or Russia would not do that. If the slaves should revolt the North would be bound to assist the South, and would do it. He argued that the right of free speech could not be controlled in a free country, or a free press, which was a greater safeguard to a free country. He would not restrict these to avert civil war, or, maintain Slavery. The great principle of free Government would not be surrendered. Come weal come woe, Slavery shall never be extended by the powers of the Government of the United States. He would not yield one inch to secession, but there were things which he would yield, among them the repeal of the Personal Liberty bills, should the Supreme Court pronounce them unconstitutional. Mr. Clay had said, and he would say, yield not one inch or word to secession. He would agree to make all the Territories States now, and let the people decide on Slavery, but he would never agree to protect Slavery in the name of Freedom. Referring to power, he said: Didn't it look a little as though, because the South had lost the offices, they had got up this rebellion? He said, after all, he had great confidence in the loyalty of the people at the tion with all the circumstances with which it is sur South. He heard loyal sentiments every where, and could see the clouds breaking, and he was not without the hope that, with time to allow the feverish heat to evaporate, the Union would yet remain safe, if trusted to the hands of the people. The Senator from Louisiana had said that a State actually had seceded, and we must acknowledge its independence, or make war. He said he would not acknowledge its independence, and said he thought it no very strange thing if a great Government had sometimes to enforce law. He quoted the ordinance of General Jackson in regard to collecting the rev enue when South Carolina once before re volted, as an answer to the Senator from Louisiana, when he asked how we would col Mr. Douglas then having the floor, asked that the report of the Committee of Thirteen be taken up. He said that he adverted to that report with as great pain as any act of his life had caused. The Committee could not agree. In order to see why no plan of compromise could be adopted, it would be necessary to go back to the late election. He said the history of the country proved that all agitation on the subject of Slavery followed its introduction into Congress for legislation. The compromises had, for their purpose, to keep the question out of Congress, and, so long as that was done, there was peace. Mr. Douglas' Speech. The result of the recent election had brought the South face to face with an issue which was driving it from the Union. He said: "It is folly for any man not to see facts which do exist. The result of the recent election, in connec rounded, have led the people of the South to form it, and I would rejoice now to be corrected, that it is Slave States with a cordon of Abolition States, and thus keep Slavery confined till the number increases beyond the capacity of the soil to feed them, and Mr. Dougla MR. DOUGLAS'S SPEECH. Mr. Douglas' 159 thus force them to die of starv- | der it impossible for you to do ation, as a means of getting rid so? But we are told that the of the evil of Slavery in the Union must be preserved, and name of humanity and Christianity. I have said that law must be enforced. I agree to that. I am in favor in Illinois, in the Abolition portions of the State, but of doing all these things, according to the Constitunever said it in a Slave State. I have always been tion and the laws. No man will go further than I to exceedingly mild in speaking of that party in the save the Union and enforce the laws, to put down reSlaveholding States. But, inasmuch as I did not get bellion and insurrection, and to use all the power a direct answer from the Senator who makes the conferred by the Constitution for that purpose. But charge against the Northern Democracy, I will refer we must look the facts in the face. We must take noto the sentiments of the President-elect, and see tice of those things whose existence cannot be dewhat he says on that subject. nied. History teaches us that rebellion often becomes successful; revolution and the greatest repub. lies and proudest monarchies have found it necessary to recognize the existence of a Government de facto the condition of the American colonies for seven in the rebellion of States and provinces. Such was years after the Declaration of Independence. At first, it was rebellion, and rebellion was treason. A few months afterward, it was revolution and a Government de facto at Philadelphia, Mr. Hancock, President, and Washington, Commander of the Armies. Rebellion had ceased, and revolution taken its place. The American colonies were in revolt, had Governments de facto, and Great Britain, proud as she was, was compelled to recognize the existing state of facts. The laws of nations and all the laws of civili Mr. Douglas then referred to the report of the speeches of Mr. Lincoln, in his canvas of Illinois, in 1858, against Mr. Douglas, quoting from his several declarations on the question of Slavery in the Territories [See pages 141, 142]. He then continued: "When the Republican Committee publish an edition of Mr. Lincoln's speeches containing sentiments like these, is it surprising that the people of the South think he was in earnest, and intended to carry out the policy which he then announced? I should not revive such revolutionary sentiments, but for the attempt to cast the responsibility upon the Northern Democracy, clearly intimating that Mr. Pugh and myself were the chief authors of these misrepresent-zation demanded that the Government de facto be acations. I would like to find any one man, on that side of the Chamber, in the confidence of the Presi dent-elect, who would deny that it is the policy to earry out the very things to which I have referred. I feel bound, however, and take pleasure in saying, that I don't believe the Southern States are in any danger, or ought to have any apprehension, that Mr. Lincoln or his party can do any harm or render insecure their rights to persons or property anywhere in this country. I have some faith, too, that Mr. Lincoln, after having emerged from the surroundings of a small country village, and assumed the high responsibilities of administering the law, and protecting the rights of a great nation, will sink the partisan in the patriot, and abandon the extreme doctrines, and step forward and avow his willingness to save the country by repudiating the extreme doctrines of a party. But be that as it may, neither he nor his party will have power to invade the rights of any State in this Union. ** ** * In the name of the Union, who are the Disunionists? Those who pursue a line of policy calculated to destroy the Union, and refuse to arrest that policy, or disavow that purpose, when they see that revolution has taken place. If such be not your policy, why not say so? If you never intend to do what the South think is your purpose, and which you do not blame them for thinking, what harm is there in making such amendments to the Constitution as will ren knowledged. But the laws must be enforced. In our system of Government the laws are to be enforced by civil authority, assisted by the militia and posse comitatus, when the Marshal is resisted. If the colonies, or a State, revolt, the revolution is complete when the Federal authorities are expelled, and no one man left to acknowledge allegiance to the United States. How are you going to enforce the laws then? How are you going to do it in South Carolina? She has passed an ordinance of secession. I deny her right to secede, but she has done it. The revolution is complete. She has no human being in her borders to acknowledge our authority. This is all wrong, but how are you going to help it? * "I deny that we have the right to make war in order to regain possession, in order to enforce the laws. Are we prepared for war? I do not mean prepared in the sense of having soldiers, arms, and munitions; but are we prepared in our hearts for war with our brethren? While I affirm that the Constitution was intended to form a perpetual Union -while I affirm the right to use all lawful means to enforce the laws-yet I will not meditate war, nor tolerate the idea, until after every effort at adjustment has been tried and failed, and all hope of the Union is gone. Then, and not till then, will I deliberate and determine what course my duty will require of me. I am for peace, to save the Union. War is disunion, certain, inevitable, final, and irre versible. Our own very existence forbids war. He believe there is, so much the greater the necessity referred to the purchase of Louisiana, and said it. for removing the misconception. Are you so elated was purchased for the benefit of the whole Union, with the pride of your recent triumph, or pride of and for the safety of the Upper Mississippi in par- opinion, that you cannot remove an unfounded apticular. The possession of that river is more neces- prehension, when it is rushing ten millions people sary now than it was then. We cannot expect the into disunion, and breaking up the Government of people of the interior to admit the right of a foreign our fathers, and leaving us, hitherto a proud RepubState taking possession of that river. He also re- lic on earth, to become a byword among the na ferred to the purchase of Florida and the amounts tions? I still entertain the hope that this questionpaid, and asked if she could go out now. The Pre- | may be adjusted, although the indications are that sident, in his message, first said we could not coerce blood will be shed, and war will rage before gentlea State to remain in the Union, but in a few senten- men fully appreciate the crisis through which we ces he advised the acquisition of Cuba. As if we are passing. I don't think my nerves are any weaker should pay $300,000,000 for Cuba, and then the next than ordinary, nor do I think there is much courage day she might secede and re-annex herself to Spain, in shutting the eyes in the face of danger, and then and Spain sell her again. He had admitted that saying you do not see it. Every man must see it, Texas cost us a war with Mexico, and 10,000 lives; and hear it, and breathe it. The atmosphere is full and, besides, we had paid Texas $10,000,000 for land of it. I have determined that I will do all that is in which she never had owned! * my power to rescue the country from such a dreadful fate. But I will not consider this question of war till all hope of peaceable adjustment fails. Better, a thousand times better, that all political armies be disbanded and dissolved. Better that every public man now in existence be consigned to retirement and political martyrdom, than this Government should be dissolved, and this country plunged in civil war. I trust we are to have no war for a platform. I can fight for my country, but there never was a political platform that I would go to war for. I fear if this country is to be wrecked, it is to be done by those who prefer party to their country. * consistency, are the only causes in the way of a satisfactory adjustment of this difficulty. I repeat that, notwithstanding the gloom and the dark clouds which overhang everything, I do not despair of the Republic, and I will not despair till every effort shall be found to be of no avail." In his opinion, we had reached the point when disunion was inevitable unless a compromise, founded on concession, can be made. He preferred compromise to war, and concession to disunion. No compromise would be available which does not carry the question of Slavery beyond Congress. He said he had voted for the proposition of the Senator from Kentucky (Mr. Crittenden's), and was ready to vote for it again. Why cannot the Republicans unite on the Missouri Compromise line? They had heaped curses enough on his head for repealing it, to be glad now to reestablish it. He had helped to support that measure until he was compelled to aban-Party platforms, and pride of opinion, and personal don it. He was willing to meet on terms of mutual concession. He had offered another proposition to leave the Territories in statu quo till they have 50,000 inhabitants, and then settle the question themselves; and also provided for the removal of the negroes, if the Territory chose, to certain provinces. If the Republicans do not intend to interfere with Slavery This speech commanded unusual remark. in the States, why not put in an amendment in the Constitution, so that they cannot do it. There must To the Republicans it was disconcerting, be a settlement of some sort now. It cannot be because it, in effect, threw the onus of the postponed. We are in a state of revolution. It is disunion movement upon them, and proceedcompromise or war. He preferred compromise. **ing from the leader who had received over It humbles my pride to see the authority of the Government questioned, but we are not the first nation whose pride has thus been humbled. Republics, empires, and kingdoms alike, in all ages, have been subject to the same humiliating fact. But where there is a deep-seated discontent pervading ten millions of people, penetrating every man, woman, and child, and involving everything dear to them, it is time for inquiring whether there is not some cause for this feeling. If there be just cause for it, in God's name let us remove it, Are we not criminal, in the sight of Heaven and posterity, if we do not remove the just cause? If there is no cause, and yet they thirteen hundred thousand votes for President, it could but be construed as indicative of a strong public sentiment in the North in favor of compromise, and opposed to co ercion. Mr. Toombs obtained the floor, when the Senate adjourned over to Saturday. During the Saturday's session Mr. Mason of Virginia offered a resolution of inquiry, that the Secretary of War give the Mason's Resolution of ATTITUDE OF THE NORTHERN STATES. 161 Senate a copy of any orders issued from the South, by the commanders-in-chief, and if department to the officers commanding the any action or order was issued in pursuance fortifications in South Carolina since Novem- thereof. Laid over. The day was consumed ber 1st; also, a copy of any plans or recom-in considering the Pacific Railway bill. Mr. mendations relative to increasing the forces, Toombs, therefore, deferred his speech until or otherwise, in the forts and arsenals in the Monday's session. Virginia, or in any of the States of the CHAPTER V. ATTITUDE OF THE NORTHERN AND BORDER STATES IN JANUARY. THE FIRST BUGLE NOTES OF ALARM., fore "Resolved, (if the Assembly concur), That the Governor be and hereby is directed, in the name of the State of New-York, to tender to the President of the United States the services of the militia of the State, to be used in such manner and at such times as the President may deem best to preserve the Union and enforce the Constitution and laws of the country. THE revolution had progressed, up to Jan- compromisingly in favor of the Union as it is, thereuary 1st with no further protests than came from individuals and meetings of citizens in Northern States. With the convention of the State Legislatures, however, there came a louder and more authoritative testimony to the Union and the laws. State after State gathered in council, and but one spirit seemed to animate every Free CommonwealthResolved, That the Committee on Military Affairs that of a determined resistance to the revolu-be and are hereby directed, to inquire into the contionary scheme. One after another they came dition, efficiency, and available strength of the miliinto line, like ponderous frigates, to show tary force of the State and to report to the Senate their armaments and their sides of steel, with at the earliest practicable day,, what legislation, if which to uphold the cause of the Constitution any, is necessary to render that branch of governand the stability of the Government. ment fully effective for any exigency that may arise; The "Empire State," vast and if requisite that the said Committee report a bill in her resources, steadfast to raise $10,000,000 to properly arm the State." in her patriotism, loyal in her duty, met the crisis as became her honor. Upon the first day of the Legislature's Session Mr. Spinola introduced, and had referred to a Special Committee of Five, January 3d, the following: New York. Whereas, Treason, as defined by the Constitution of the United States, exists in one of the States of the Confederacy, and “Whereas, It is the religious as well as the patriotic duty of each State in its sovereign capacity, as well as that of each citizen, to make every necessary sacrifice for the preservation of the Union of States, as they were united by Washington and his associates, and Whereas, The State of New York is now, as it ever has been, and ever will be, unalterably and un Massachusetts. The "Old Bay State" sent forth her clarion notes as soon. Her Legislature assembled January 2d. The President of the Senate said, in his opening address: "While we meet under circumstances auspicious in our own State, a deep agitation pervades other parts of our country, causing every true patriot to feel the greatest anxiety. Disunion is attempted in some States, because, as is alleged, laws have been passed in others contrary to the Constitution of the Unit ed States. Massachusetts is accused of unfaithfulness in this matter in some of her enactments, although she has always been ready to submit to judicial decision, and is so still. She has ever regarded jealously the liberty of her citizens, and I trust ever will. We cannot falter now without disgrace and dishonor. Whatever action we may take, let us be careful of the rights of others, but faithful to our trusts, that we may return them to our constituents uninjured." The Speaker of the House uttered substantially the same sentiments. Governor Banks delivered his valedictory address, January 3d. He took open and unequivocal ground against secession, saying that the north never would permit the keys of the continent to pass into the hands of an enemy. He urged an attitude of preparation for any emergency. Governor Andrews, the incoming Governor, was even more alive to the crisis than the Legislature. In him the cause of the Union found a worthy sentinel. Pennsylvania. Michigan. government ever devised by the wisdom of "He denies that the Personal Liberty Laws have had the effect to prevent the execution of the Fugitive Slave law, in a single instance, but whenever an appeal has been made to the courts to enforce that law, it has been done in good faith. He invites judicial scrutiny into the legislation of the State, and is willing to abide by the result, but is not willing that the State should be humiliated by compliance The "Keystone State" was first, however, in the field. Her Legislature assembled Jan. 1st, Almost immediately upon coming together, Mr. Smith, of Philadelphia, offered in the Senate a resolution and preamble, reciting that South Carolina has passed an ordinance nullifying the laws of the United States, and declaring that their allegiance to the Union is dissolved; and says that Pennsylvania is willing to pass laws necessary for the redress of real grievances of any sister State, if found to exist; proclaims an ardent desire to cultivate friendly relations with sister States: avows adhesion to the doctrines of Jackson's proclamation; and willing to contribute men and money for the preservation with the demand to repeal these laws, accompanied of the Union; a copy of the resolutions, auby threats of violence and war. He concludes by thenticated under the seal of the Common-recommending that, at an early day, the Legislature wealth, to be sent to the President, and Governors of States. This was referred to a Committee of Five, which entered, at once, upon duty. Gov. Packer's Message was deliverd January 2d. It was proudly Union in its tone--declaring secession to be rebellion, which, if unsuccessful, would be punishable as treason. He said that Pennsylvania was devoted to the Union and would follow the stars and stripes through every peril, adding, in conclusion: "But before assuming the responsibilities that are foreshadowed, it is the solemn duty of Pennsylvania to remove every just cause of complaint so that she can stand before high Heaven without fear and without reproach; and then she was ready to devote her lives and fortunes to the best form of make it manifest to our representatives in Congress and to the country, that Michigan is loyal to the Union, the Constitution and the laws, and will defend them to the uttermost, and to proffer to the President of the United States the whole military force of the State for that purpose. Maine. Then came tidings from the forests of Maine. The Legislature of that State convened January 2d. Governor Washburne's message ably reviewed the history of the Slavery question, declaring that the authors of the Government designed that the institution should perish, and that the dogma of its right of extension and protection was only of recent invention. “Slavery was the child of municipal law-local, sectional, not |