advantage over any man who will present himself at that City." He would receive tobacco at fifteen shillings per 100 pounds "to be shipped under the sanction of J. Wilkinson's privileges and engagements," but at the shippers risk.14

Of course, the deeper meaning of Wilkinson's trading "privileges and engagements" were not publicly known. The political connection was divorced in these dealings except as to the general effect on the minds. of the people. The following is a copy of a public permit, issued to Wilkinson in 1788:

"I, Don Stephen Miro, Colonel of the Royal Armies, Political and Military Governor and Intendent General of the Provinces of Louisiana and West Florida, and Inspector of the Troops, &&., Grant free and full permission to the American Brigadier Don James Wilkinson, settled in Kentucky, to direct or cause to be brought into this country, by inhabitants. of Kentucky, one or more launches belonging to him, with cargoes of the productions of that country. Therefore, I command all officers belonging to the government not to offer any hindrance to his voyage; on the contrary they are to render him every assistance that may be necessary." 15 The extent of the trade, Wilkinson was able to carry on was considerable. Daniel Clark testified that "for some time all the trade from the Ohio was carried on in his name, a line from him being sufficient to insure the owner of the boat every privilege and protection he could desire." 16 A fairly regular commerce was kept up through Wilkinson's connections until 1791, when he re-entered the United States army. A picturesque account of one of Wilkinson's flotillas, with an idea of how he was regarded in his trading ventures was published in an eastern paper in 1789. It follows:

"Our friend General W-k-s-n has fitted out a small fleet, for a second expedition to New Orleans; it consists of 25 large boats, some of which carry three pounders, and all of them swivels, manned by 150 hands, brave and well armed, to fight their way down the Ohio and Mississippi into the gulph of Mexico.

"This is the first Armada that ever floated on the Western waters, and I assure you, the sight of this little squadron, under the Kentucke colours opens a field of contemplation, what this country may expect from commerce at a future day.

"The cargoes consist chiefly of tobacco, flour, and provisions of all kinds, some of which has been packed up in ware houses, this three or four years past; and where it certainly would have remained, had not the General, through his indefatigable enterprise and genius, opened the too long barracaded gates.

"He has been very unjustly censured, by the inconsiderate part of mankind, for having monopolized the Spanish trade, but the more expanded mind acknowledges, that to his penetrating genius, Kentucke stands indebted for having proclaimed its citizens a market, from which the jealousy of our neighbors excluded us this many years past.

"Mr. B―n, our late negociator, and a Spanish gentleman, son-inlaw to the Governor of Louisiana, are to accompany the General on this commercial (or as some will have it political expedition.) Our politicians seem silently contemplating on the conduct of the Atlantic States, and wait to hear the fate of Kentucky pronounced by our new Congress." 17

14 One of these circular letters, addressed to Isaac Shelby, December 19, 1789, is preserved in the Draper MSS. Collection in the University of Chicago Library. 15 Brown, Political Beginnings of Kentucky, 101.

16 Mary Verhoeff, The Kentucky River Navigation [Louisville, 1917], 57.

17 A letter from Louisville, January 16, 1789, to the editor of the New York Journal and Weekly Register, March 15, 1789, quoted in Verhoeff, Kentucky River Navigation, 57, 58. Also see McMaster, History of the People of the United States, I, 523, 524.

This was one of the most pretentious shows Wilkinson ever made in his commercial dealings in the West. The flags and guns were for a studied effect on the popular mind, unless perchance, the guns might be used to frighten off Indian marauders. Certainly he had no fear of the Spaniards. Most of the trade was carried by groups of two or three flatboats, 18

The commerce down the river was only a part of the commercial venture as well as the political maneuver. Wilkinson, also, imported up the river from the Spanish domains a considerable quantity of commodities. The Spanish governor hoped to reap much from the possibilities of this up-river trade. He suggested to Wilkinson that he attempt no great profits from this trade, as to do so would mullify the main effects in view. "I have good reason to expect," he continued, "that the arrival of the boats will produce the most agreeable sensation among those people and make them feel more keenly that their felicity depends on the concession of such commercial facilities by his majesty and for the aquesition of which I conceive there are few sacrifices which they would not make." 19

It has been stated by some that Wilkinson made a fortune out of this trade. Another estimate is that his whole sales amounted, perhaps to $100,000.20 It is certainly true that if he grew rich out of this business, he had lost his wealth by 1791; for in that year he entered the United States army mainly for the money he would receive. In 1790 he was writing humiliating letters to his creditors, trying to stave off threatened law suits, until he could get money to meet their claims.21 The two mules that were brought into Frankfort in 1789, said to have been loaded with money for Wilkinson, were most likely part of a scheme to impress the Lincoln County farmers, who were there to receive money due them for tobacco they had advanced him.22 But regardless of how much profit Wilkinson was able to make, there can be no question that the economic situation was relieved appreciably by this trade; 23 and to that extent Wilkinson gained influence with the population generally, which he hoped to make ample use of at the proper time.

Wilkinson had no exclusive agreement with the Spanish governor for conducting all the trade in the West with the Spaniards. Even if he should have had such an understanding, it could never have been carried out; for the dishonesty of Spanish officials was notorious. Some private traders were bribing their way through to New Orleans; others were less successful and were seized at the first Spanish port.24 Often those

18 As an example, in 1791, Wilkinson shipped one hundred and twenty hogsheads of tobacco to New Orleans on three flat boats in charge of Hugh McIlvain. The invoice for this cargo may be found in the Innes MSS., Vol. 2, 23.

19 For instance in 1788, a boat with a cargo valued at $8,000 was brought up from New Orleans. Verhoeff, Kentucky River Navigation, 56.

20 Ibid, 60, 61.

21 The impression seemed to have prevailed at that time among some, at least, that Wilkinson was reaping a harvest. John Breckinridge wrote in 1790, "We have some speculating Geniuses that are frequently floating to New Orleans and always bringing back bad returns; I leave you to judge of their Success." Letter to Nathaniel Richardson, February 11, 1790, in the Breckinridge MSS. [1790] in Library of Congress.

22 In the money sent Wilkinson on his tobacco transactions in New Orleans was a safe place to include his pension.

28 A copy of a letter written in Louisville, December 20, 1789, in Draper MSS. Collections, says, "Our trade with Spain has been very brisk, for some time past, and promises fair to be more so in the spring of the year. Permits have been granted by the Spanish government at New Orleans, to a number of persons to import flour, wheat, tobacco, and all kinds of provisions." It states that the prices of these commodities have increased considerably since the trade was opened. For further material on Wilkinson's trade see, James Wilkinson, Memoirs of My Own Times [Philadelphia, 1816], 3 vols; Daniel Clarke, Proofs of the Corruption of James Wilkinson, passim.

24 Andrew Bayard in a letter to Harry Innes, November 14, 1790, describes his

who were able to get through and dispose of their cargoes were prohibited from taking out gold or silver coins.25 There were other regions in the West than Kentucky for Spain to intrigue with. She had her agents in the different communities in the Tennessee country and further south; and she played fast and loose with the Mississippi as the whim or occasion demanded.

But Wilkinson was the most able and important of all those affected with this western malady. In Kentucky, he found men in the highest official position in the District who condoned, sympathized with, or actively aided him in his politico-economic connections with Spain. Innes was connected with much of what Wilkinson was doing and scheming, and was at one time actively engaged with him in his commercial transactions.26 The full meaning of Wilkinson's scheme, and the other Kentucky leaders in the movement will appear, when the grand effort was made in the summer and fall of 1788 to sever Kentucky's connection with the Union.

difficulties with some boats bound for New Orleans. He says they stuck on the rocks at Louisville where they remained for two weeks, and that he had to pay laborers twenty English pounds to aid in removing them. Innes MSS., 19, No. 38. During 1789 and 1790 the rates charged by Spain on goods from United States [including Kentucky] were 20 per cent ad valorem; and for continuing on with them out of Spanish territory again, an export duty of 6 per cent was exacted. Innes MSS., 19, No. 63.

25 Ibid, 19, No. 61.

26 In the famous Street-Innes trial, the connection Innes had with Wilkinson and the Spaniards was gone into. Much of the evidence as to the actual guilt was fragmentary and circumstantial. Richard Thomas in an affidavit admitted going to New Orleans some time in 1787 or 1788 on business for Wilkinson and Innes, but never heard the latter say any thing about a Spanish connection. Innes MSS., 18, No. 38. Scattered through the Innes MSS. are fugitive letters and other documents, showing that Innes had a close connection with Wilkinson during this period.

CHAPTER XXI

THE SPANISH PLOT-THE SIXTH CONVENTION

The next step in the movement for statehood was the election and meeting of the convention called for July [1788]. As has been noted, throughout the year 1787 and following, Wilkinson had been insidiously gaining an influence over the Kentuckians through that method that touched the people closest, their economic welfare. During this same period other events of great interest to Kentuckians were happening in Philadelphia. After four months of deliberations, the Constitutional Convention finished its labors in September [1787] and submitted to the states of the old Confederation a new constitution. The people west of the mountains had not been unmindful of what was going on in the East. A new national government might be stronger and more considerate of the needs of the West, or it might prove otherwise. In the summer of 1788 the Kentuckians were given a chance to register their decision on the question.

As a part of Virginia, the District of Kentucky was given fourteen delegates to the convention called to determine Virginia's attitude on the new framework of government. Before the time for the Kentucky elections, the people had been played upon by their leaders and their very circumstances to such an extent that very few were in favor of the new document. Harry Innes wrote John Brown in February, 1788, that he was certain that "if the Constitution is adopted by us that we shall be the mere vassals of the Congress and the consequences to me are horrible and dreadful." 1 As a result of these feelings, Kentucky sent to the Richmond convention what was supposed to be a solid delegation of opposition. Madison had early seen the dangers to Virginia's ratification lurking in the Virginia counties west of the mountains. He wrote Washington, "Kentucky has been extremely tainted and is supposed to be generally adverse, and every possible piece of address is going on privately to work on the local interests & prejudices of that and other quarters." 2 The convention met and the fight was soon on. Madison was among the leaders for ratification; Patrick Henry ably led the opposition. Both factions seemed to believe that the Kentucky delegation held the balance. of power. Madison declared that "The only danger I apprehend is from the Kentucky members; and one consideration only has any weight with them: a fear that if the new government should take place, that their navigation would be given up." 3 The Kentucky delegation immediately became the object of every species of argument and intrigue. Patrick Henry played effectively on their fears that the navigation of the Mississippi might be sacrificed by the new government. He played this argument in season and out. With all of his power of oratory he pictured the West teeming with industry and wealth. He then turned to the other side of the picture, and showed a region deserted and in desolation and ruin. Skillfully playing on the desires and hopes of the Kentucky delegates, he bent his argument so as to leave in their minds the impression

1 Innes MSS., 28. Letter dated February 20, 1788, written from Danville.

2 Beveridge, Life of John Marshall, I, 384.

3 Writings of James Madison, V, 115.

that the former picture would come true if ratification were defeated; but if this new government should be established, then the Mississippi would never be opened, and the worst must come. Henry was here using a dangerous weapon on the Kentuckians, and he can not be wholly freed from blame for much of what was afterwards said and done in Kentucky.

The friends of ratification argued the strength the new government must have and the certainty that it would immediately set about securing the right to the Mississippi as well as redressing other Kentucky griev ances. They showed how Kentucky had received nothing from the old Confederation government, and that the new government could scarcely do less for the West than the old had done. George Nichols, who was soon afterwards to become a resident of Kentucky, said, "I think that Kentucky has nothing to expect from any one state alone in America. She can expect support and succor alone from a strong, efficient government, which can command the resources of the Union when necessary. She can receive no support from the old Confederation. Consider the present state of that country. Declared independent of Virginia, to whom is she to look for succor? No sister state can help her. She may call upon the present general government; but whatever may be the wish of Congress, they can give them no relief. That country contains all my wishes and prospects. There is my property and there I intend to reside. I shall be averse to the establishment of any system which would be injurious to it. I flatter myself that this government will secure their happiness and liberty." 5

But little headway could be made against the effects of Patrick Henry's fervid oratory on the open Mississippi. On the eve of the final vote Madison became apprehensive that ratification might fail. He wrote Hamilton, "If we have a majority at all, it does not exceed three or four. If we lose it Kentucky will be the cause; they are generally if not unanimously against us." On the final vote, only three of the Kentucky delegates stood for ratification. They were Robert Breckenridge, Rice They were Robert Breckenridge, Rice Bullock, and Humphrey Marshall; and these undoubtedly voted against the wishes of their constituents. Thus was the discontent of the Kentuckians increased. They had not only not yet been able to obtain separation from Virginia; but now they were to be tied, as the tail of the Virginia kite, to a new governmental arrangement, which they had almost unanimously tried to defeat.

But in the meantime, other concerns of more vital interest to Kentuckians than ratification of the new constitution were agitating them. As has already been stated, one of the acts of the fifth convention was to request Virginia to appoint a Kentuckian on the Virginia delegation in the Congress of the Confederation. Anxious to please and to pacify, she designated John Brown, one of the Kentucky members of the General Assembly. On the convening of Congress, which proved to be the last under the old Confederation, Brown appeared to press the fifth convention's petition for admission into the union. But the old Confederation government in all its parts had by this time fallen so completely into disrepute, that for months no quorum could be obtained. But delay was fatal to Kentucky's petition, since Congress must give its permission, according to the Virginia compact, before July 4 [1788]. Finally when a quorum arrived, most of the representatives felt that

4 Beveridge, Life of John Marshall, I, 430-432.

*

Debates of the Several State Conventions on the Adoption of the Federal Constitution * with the Journal of the Federal Convention * [Washington, 1836], Edited by J. Elliott, III, 360, 361.

6 Beveridge, Life of John Marshall, I, 434.

7 Brown, Political Beginnings of Kentucky, 106; Proceedings of the American Historical Association, V, 360. Two of the Kentucky delegation did not vote.