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VOL. II.

NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, MAY 14, 1814.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED, EVERY SATURDAY,
BY BARENT GARDENIER,

NO. 34 CEDAR-STREET;

At FIVE DOLLARS per annum; payable by city
subscribers, at the end of six months from the
publication of the first number, [October
25, 1813,] and by others, IN ADVANCE.

NO. 1.

against them, many. It could hardly be
foreseen that the same people who should
join in the general verdict of unfitness,
as it regarded him, could differ as to the
unfitness of those who had employed him;
especially as they persisted in scattering
through every part of the country the

All the numbers may be had, from the most overwhelming proofs of their inca-

commencement.

A HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN, PROGRESS,
AND PRESENT CONDITION OF THE EX-

AMINER.

pacity.

country from the consequences of such mis-
rule. Among these consequences were

Enormous and increasing national debt;
Usurious interest, becoming annually
more and more usurious and exorbitant;
Universal and oppressive and never
ending taxation;

From these considerations alone, there
seemed, in my humble understanding, to
result a duty, which no honest man could
be at liberty to disregard: the duty of
After the disgraceful termination of the
using his best endeavours to rescue his
campaign of 1812, and especially at the
country from the misrule of these pigmy
commencement of the autumn of 1813, it
politicians, who could, evidently, be no
became palpable to every man whom un-
more trusted with the conduct of the war
due prejudice and passion had not blinded
we were plunged in, than children could
to the perception of plain truth and fact,
with edged tools. It became a most im-
that the administration of the general go-perative duty to endeavour to save our
vernment was as incapable of devising
any thing like a skilful and successful
plan of territorial warfare, as its command-
ing generals were, for the most part, un-
qualified to execute it. It had now there-
fore become evident, that this knot of
politicians, called the administration, had
been as little able to preserve peace and
its blessings to the country, (allowing, for
argument's sake, that the war was a just
one,) as they were incapable of asserting
the rights of our country, by arms.
had been ascertained, that they were un-
fit for peace; more unfit for war. They
had given us evidences, repeated and ir-ter; and
resistible, of an imbecility, as unexampled
as it had been calamitous. The guilt of tional government.
Hull, whether it consisted in cowardice, If the duty of doing all an American
or folly, was certainly not more palpable, could do, to save his country from such
than that of the administration which had evils, was imperative, it was not less pro-
employed him. He had been found defi- bable that in so plain a case, an honest
cient in a single operation: the adminis-people, or even if not honest, a people
tration in almost every one which they had faithful merely to their own interests,
contrived. Against him could be alleged might be prevailed upon, to dismiss ser-
onc aet, to prove him unfit for copinand: vants, thus wofully incompetent.

It

Defeat upon defeat;
Loss upon loss;

Disgrace upon disgrace; involving, in
one word,

The prostration of the national strength;
The prostration of the national charac-

The probable bankruptcy of the na-

There had been long perceived, and by structed. In all things else, Americans most men, with regret, in the political were healthy, strong, active, patient, perpapers of the time, a style of resentful and severing: but then they could not endure acrid controversy, from which no good the fatigue, the dreadful torture of read, consequences could possibly result. The ing long pieces! Accordingly long pieces, exercise of the understanding seemed to in which alone, by the bye, we can expect have been deemed of far less importance, to have political subjects fully and satisthan "the keen encounter of men's wils." factorily investigated and concluded, long It was the peculiar characteristic of pieces were laid aside by most editorial nearly all who wrote on either side, that artillerists, and every where they were they seemed to write as if they were al-found popping about them with their small ways in anger; taking infinitely more arms; sometimes, it is to be allowed, anpains to be ugly, as the children say, than noying and vexing their adversaries; but to be wise; delighted more to display without any prospect, or even hope of their own talents, than to spread around ever breaking into their encampment. them useful information, and good natur-I do not deny that these have their use; ed counsel. but it is to be regretted that while you

An exception, among a few others, an find every little quizzing paragraph, some exception worthy of all respect and imi-light and pleasant conceit, or biting sartation, might however be found in the casm, travelling the rounds of all the pa writings of JOHN LOWELL, Esq. of Boston, the author of The Farmer's Letters, published in the first volume of this work. Let the recent elections of Massachusetts testify the good, the great and important and lasting good, which speculations of such a character are calculated to produce. And let our own elections bear testimony to the very different results which are consequent on a different mode of writing.

pers; some paragraph "that shows one hasty spark, and then is cold again;" such writings as Mr. Lowell's, freighted with powerful facts, and pressing upon the understanding with irresistible force; writings whose efficacy is equal to the politi cal redemption of the nation; are thrown aside, though read with delight, because they are so long. For people will not read them; they are very good: but, Q dear, they are so long!

There never was a greater mistake, nor a greater libel on the American people They will read; they delight in reading; and especially in reading politics. And they will read long pieces; no matter how long, if they are only good! the longer the better. But they will not read long pieces, unless they are tolerably well written. They will not, for instance, read four or five columns, in which one or two small ideas are purposely beaten out, like a bit of gold into a leaf of the greatest possible surface. They will not, to be sure, take down warm water by the quart; but then it does not therefore follow, that they

Such, however, as the political essays were, good or bad, whether calculated to be useful from the mildness, candour and force of their reasoning, or the bitterness of their sarcasm, these essays were few. And among the few that were good, but very few were republished elsewhere, unless they were short; and then there seems to have been but little concern whether they were good or not. An idea bad obtained, and that very generally, that people would not read pieces, unless they were short; the shorter the better. In other words, that the American intellect had become so effeminate, so nice, so enervated, that although it could bear are unwilling to refresh themselves with a to be tickled, it could not bear to be in-good long draught of sound cider or ale

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