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rated in France. The example, and influ-, ker. A most tremendous struggle was made ence and power of the Emperor was exerted by these Titans to destroy all the institutions against all religion except that of the sword. of society venerable from their antiquity and Secondly-We rejoice in these late events their utility to mankind. The very foundaas affording another proof that the Lord God tions of the social edifice were shaken. It Omnipotent reigneth, and exercises a con- pleased God, who loveth order in the moral stant superintending Providence over human and political world as well as the natural, to affairs, We are apt to forget our obligations restrain the wrath and folly of man, to turn to Almighty God, and now and then he wa-his counsels into foolishness, and to prepare kens us to a sense of our dependence either by men's minds for the restoration of order, the visitation of his wrath or the signal ma-peace, security and happiness. nifestation of his infinite goodness. Shall we not rejoice at his dispensations?

There did not exist a solitary human being Fifthly-We ought to consider these events in this great world, however great his fore- as the greatest blessings, because we have sight, who could have predicted on this day proclaimed to the world, what we could not two years past that such an entire and abso-disguise, what the conduct of our rulers too lute, and almost voluntary overthrow of the most gigantic and apparently best founded power, would so soon have taken place. Should he have sought a precedent in history it would have misled him. He could find none.

It was the power of Jehovah alone, which gave vigour to the vanquished arm, wisdom to those who had been before blind to their best interests, and union to councils which had in every former coalition been distracted and divided.

Shall we not then give the praise to God. which is his due? Shall we not acknowledge that power, adore that wisdom, and revere that justice which has effected what no created arm, no finite wisdom, no human judgment could have attempted to do? Verily we will. In New England (if we are alone) we will shew that piety and gratitude have not fled our

land.

Thirdly-We have cause of public rejoicing, since the late events are only a consummation of all our prayers and wishes for the last ten years, a consummation indeed far exceeding our most sangnine expectations or even hopes. Have we been sincere in denouncing in our speeches, our orations, our writings, the dreadful military despotism of Bonaparte? And shall we, false to all our professions stop and hesitate, and doubt when our prayers have been graciously heard and granted? Was this language we have used merely hypocritical and insinoere? Did we adopt it solely to vex and mortify our political opponents? Did we not entertain the fears we expressed? Those who did not may refrain from public demonstrations of joy, but those who were sincere cannot, ought not to be restrained from the natural, just, honourable proper expressions of their joy and gratitude. We owe it then to ourselves, to our characters as consistent patriets to testify to the world the pleasure which we feel.

clearly for their honour proved, that our fortunes and destinies were yoked to the car of Napoleon. At his nod, we destroyed our commerce; at his command we embarked in a ruinous war for his interest against our own: these events snapt assunder this chain, they dissolve this tie. If it should happen (which God forbid) that the future ruler of France should attempt the same intrigues, yet there will be embarrassments and obstacles to the same confidence, union and co-operation.

The Descendant of St. Louis will not league himself with the outcasts of Ireland, the Duanes and the Binnses. He will not shake hands with the men yet reeking with the blood left upon them by the murders of his brother and the nobility and clergy of France. These men in our country fraternized with the regicides and cut-throats of France. There must be a sentiment of horror in the breast of every honourable Frenchman, which will forbid their intriguing with the sansculottes of our country, who exulted at all the massacres of France.

Madison and Jefferson too, will not find the more favour, because they were honoured with the confidence of the murderers of the late monarch.

The danger of French influence in our councils is therefore, we hope, removed, and a territory unfairly acquired, more or less, or a commercial privilege of small moment, will not bear a comparison with the value and importance of our escape from this danger.

This will be felt by every man who was sincere in his belief of such an influence, and who did not use it as a mere political weapon. We and our neighbours were among the sincere ones in this opinion, and we shall there fore celebrate this event with extacy.

We have much more to say on this topic. Our minds are full of it. We can scarcely express ourselves with sufficient force or rapidity. you must allow us another corner of your Journal.

Fourthly-The late events in Europe have blasted all the hopes, and destroyed all the expectations of the friends of anarchy and in- We then shall show that the questions besurrection. Men had grown weary of esta-tween us and Britain are pitiful compared to hlished systems. In the intoxication of va- what we have gained by these events; that nity, they believed they could model the mo- their tendency is very favourable to our terms ral and political world better than their Ma-of peace; that Britain will probably be good

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FROM THE CONNECTICUT COURANT

PUBLIC CREDIT.-Public credit is the credit of the state, and to support it there is one way, and but one. That way has been pointed out by two statesmen of the first rank in their respective countries.

France;" so it was that she carried on her wars of aggression: her creditors were cheated out of the immense sum abovementioned, at one general sweep. This is the account given by Mr. D'Ivernois, in his treatise on the finances of France.

The government of the United States, in all things true to its prototype, has of late abandoned the track of finance, and is now following that of France. Of course its character is shaken; its paper has sunk.. already to 85 per cent; and it will continue to sink, as certainly as an indissoluble connexion exists between cause and ef

Mr. Edmund Burke remarked-" The [fect. 'Through Mr. Macon, they have objects of a financier are, to secure an broached the plan of effecting the resurample revenue; to impose it with judg-rection of the old continental paper; but ment and equality; to employ it econo- they may save themselves the trouble; mically; and when necessity obliges him for in a short time the present government to make use of credit, to secure its founda- paper will be very little better. tions in that instance, and for ever, by the clearness and candour of his proceedings, the exactness of his calculations and the solidity of his funds."

How happens it that they have launched out into this new region of folly and absurdity? The cause is plain. They dare not provide adequate solid funds.They dare not accompany the immense debt they are creating with the means of

Mr. Hamilton, in his celebrated Report, when he was Secretary of the Treasury, treating upon the same solid ground of fi-extinguishment. They dare not tax the nance with Mr. Burke, remarked: "The secretary ardently wishes to see it incorporated as a fundamental maxim in the system of public credit, that the creation of debt should always be accompanied with the means of extinguishment.'

This fundamental maxim in the system of public credit, has been scrupulously observed by the British government during many generations. Hence the credit of that nation has remained good, notwithstanding the enormousness of its expenditures and its debts. The same maxim in other times, had been strictly observed, also by the United States; and by this means its credit had been sound.

people to such a frightful amount as this would require; knowing as they do, that it would carry dismay and horror into the ranks even of their own party. Wherefore, in their desperation, to avoid splitting upon one rock they dash themselves upon another

Information for the government of those who have Claims for Bounty Land under the Acts of Congress relative to the existing Military Establishment of the United States.

DIGESTED FOR THE NAT. INT.

A Warrant issued at present for the Bounbecause no survey, as provided by the law of ty Land above specified, would be useless; the 6th of May, 1812, has yet taken place.

The government of France, some few For the purpose of eventually satisfying years since, took the opposite course. It these Claims, Congress has appropriated six created an enormous mass of debt, and millions of acres, viz. two millions in the Mimade no provision for extinguishment of CHIGAN Territory; two millions in the ILLI the principal, or even for the payment of NOIS Territory; two millions in the LOUISIANA the interest. The consequence was, that surveyed and laid off in lots, conformable to` Territory. When these lands shall have been government paper depreciated rapidly; law, and the other necessary arrangements and, in the year 1808, Bonaparte decreed for issuing the Warrants shall have been made, an act of bankruptcy to the amount of publick notice thereof will be given in differ925,000,000 of dollars. He referred the ent Newspapers throughout the United claimants to a general board of liquidation: but they received nothing; and after a long attendance of the creditors, the board itself was suppressed by his order. So it was that they ordered things in

States.

In substantiating a Claim of this kind the regular discharge of the Original Claimant

best voucher that can be produced. A claimfrom the public service, will be considered the ant ought, also carefully to preserve ang

certificate received from the pay office; because | Bonaparte, as the emperor of the French, although such documents will not be consider- and absolves (or delivers) the people and the ed in themselves conclusive evidence to sub-army from the oath of fidelity that they have stantiate a Claim for Bounty Land, yet they taken to him; that the French senate by anomay serve as an Index to authentic Records ther decree, of the date of the 6th, recalls to of the original right; such, for example, as the the throne of France, the august house of Muster Roll, or other Record of military ser- Bourbon, in the person of Louis Stanislas vice, by which means satisfactory proofs may | Xavier, brother of Louis XVI. and finally, be adduced relative to the period when such that by an act of the 11th of the same month, a Claimant entered the public service, whether the emperor has abdicated the crowns of he fulfilled his engagements, and the reason France and Italy. why he was discharged.

If the original Claimant does not personally apply for his Land Warrant, he must prove his identity before a magistrate, by his own affidavit and the affidavits of two witnesses, whose credibility the said magistrate will certify, and must execute a Power of Attorney to whoever applies for the Warrant in his behalf; the quality and signature of the magistrate before whom said affidavits are made, or the Power of Attorney is acknowledged, must be attested by signature and seal of the County Clerk, or other equivalent authority, of the District wherein he resides

N. B.-The Power of Attorney to authorize the delivery of a Land Warrant, may be dispensed with in case a member of Congress, while the body is actually in session, will call at the War Department and sign a receipt for it upon the Record in this case, a letter of order in his favør from the person who has the right to receive the Warrant, addressed to the Secretary of War, will be deemed a sufficient authorization for its delivery.

If the original Claimant be dead, and an heir applies in his right, he must produce legal certificates from competent authority, to prove that he is legitimate heir at lan; in which case, although there may be other heirs existing, a Warrant will issue in that name adding thereto," and the other heirs at law of "&c. &e.

A Land Warrant will not be issued to an Administrator or to an Executor.

From the National Intelligencer.

WASHINGTON, JUNE 13, 1814. Gentlemen-I am directed by the minister to desire you to insert the following Avis aux Francais, in the next number of the National Intelligencer.

I have the honour to be with the greatest respect, your most obedient humble servant, G. DE CARAMAN,

Acting secretary to the French legation.
Messrs. Gales & Seaton.

[The French omitted.]
The following is a free translation of the
above public notice, for the information of the
American readers :

NOTICE TO FRENCHMEN.

The French subjects now in the United States are officially informed that a decree of the conservative senate of the 3d of last April, pronounces the deposition of Napoleon

Events so considerable and decisive for the safety and happiness of France cannot but interest in a lively manner all Frenchmen in the new world. Their minister, who doubts not their sentiments under this circumstance, and who would like to be the interpreter of them to their sovereign, informs them that the consuls are authorized by him to receive the act of adhesion to this great revolution. They are informed that the white cockade, is henceforth the French cockade, and the rallying sign of all the friends of the throne and of their country.

Given at Washington, this 13th June, 1814. (Signed) SERURIER.

EDITORIAL VEXATIONS.-I have received several letters, and those almost exclusively from the Southward, complaining of the non arrival of the Examiner. I take this occasion to assure all my subscribers, out of this eity, that their papers are carefully and strongly put up, and duly delivered into the office here, and they are as duly sent from it; and if they do not come to medy. I shall, however, do all I can, to detect hand, it is an evil, as yet, out of my power to rethe shameful imposition practised upon them and me. If any of my subscribers have not been supplied with their papers, and will let me know what numbers are deficient, I shall cheerfully supply them, as long as I have any on hand. This is all I can do. If scoundrels in the postoffices are determined to break up my paper in its southern route, I am afraid I shall hardly be able to withstand their operations. And I take this occasion to remark generally, that I wish the subscribers to the Examiner to notify me of all the omissions that may occur in the receipt of the paper.

Several subscribers have sent for the paper, promising to remit the subscription money, but have not yet done so. To those I wish to communicate the information, that if in a very short time their promise is not fulfilled, it will be neither my fault nor any postmaster's, if they should never see the paper again at all.

Some gentlemen have informed me, that they have subscription money in hand, but wish to know how it shall be forwarded. To these I tender my best thanks for their exertions in my behalf, and desire them to enclose me what they have in hand by mail,

To all who have patronized this paper, I take permission to say, that it wants more support. It wants more subscribers, and (I beg some of my city friends to take especial notice of what I am going further to say) it wants more punctuality from its patrons.

VOL. II.

NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, JUNE 25, 1814.

PRINTED AND PUBLISHED EVERY SATURDAY,

BY BAREN'T GARDENIER,

NO. 34 CEDAR-STREET;

AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM.

FOR THE EXAMINER.

NO. 6.

the hour of her affliction, will see with comTM placency whatever we may suffer from a vis gorous exercise of British power.

Sundry speculations are abroad respecting the conduct which Great Britain may pursue towards us, and that which federalists will The fate of Europe is decided. France, adopt, under certain contingencies. Perhaps subjected to her ancient Kings and reduced to it may be well for men to make up their her ancient limits, will no longer exhaust her- minds on these subjects: In considering the self to subdue her neighbours. Cultivating probable course of events, it is material to the arts of peace, she will become a blessing ascertain the opinions and sentiments of those to the world, after having been so long its who are likely to be the principal actors.scourge and curse. The more or less of ter-Those are kings, kings too of ancient families, ritory which may be parcelled out to sove- against whom the ruling party in this country reigns, east of the Atlantic, will determine have incessantly poured forth abuse for uptheir relative weight in the balance of power, wards of twenty years. This may not offend, which directly concerns them, and indi-but it cannot conciliate. Reflecting men, rectly concerns us.

among their ministers, will not fail to observe Great Britain, in restoring the Bourbons, that our government repelled the loyal Spanbas committed a political sin; but on this, as iards and insulted the British monarch, but other occasions, the wisdom of man may flattered and caressed a criminal who had be foolishness with God. The late King of usurped the throne of France. They will France was persuaded, against the feelings of couple this with the seduction of subjects his heart, to espouse the cause of America. from their allegiance, and the attempt to When, afterwards, his subjects rose against protect traitors against the laws of their him, he lamented the example which he had country. They may conclude that we are set. But, humanly speaking, it was the in- instigated by a spirit incompatible with pubterest of Britain to keep on the French lic order. I am not one of those who believe the conthrone an usurper, whose enmity with Spain would have rendered her alliance with that duct of nations, princes, or individuals, to be power as constant and firm as it was with Por- wholly selfish. Those who hold a faith so littugal. The consequence of this step, which tle honourable to our nature, will do well to the ministers may not have been able to contemplate the sublime scenes lately displayavoid, being urged, perhaps, by their allies, ed at Paris. It may give them a better opinion and certainly by the sympathies of English- of their species. G. Britain may perhaps conmen, may appear some five and twenty, or tinue to exhibit that magnanimity which base thirty years hence. At present a gush of gra-minded jacobins attributed to fear. But there titude in the French monarch, and the neces-are discreet men, who believe she owes it to sity of peace, to heal the wounds inflicted on bis kingdom by the late ambitious tyrant, will prevent opposition to the British cabinet. To us it is important that there be, in the house of Bourbon collectively, a balance to the naval power of Britain; although the good we are to derive from it is remote. At present we must expect that Spain, as well from attachment to Britain for friendly support as from resentment of the injuries and insults heaped on her by our government, in

herself to make us feel her power. That her dignity requires the adoption of a Roman rule, finely expressed by the poet, "parcere subjectis et debellare superbos." We boast the privilege of governing ourselves. How we!) qualified for that office, it is fitter for others to feel than for me to express. Confessedly it is an essential point in the management of foreign affairs, to form a just estimate of ones own strength and of theirs whom we are to deal with, so as not to embark in dangerous

enterprises for objects of trifling value. The | by supporting them, adopted it and made it Roman senators made themselves masters of their own. I can readily suppose that the this subject; comparing their power with that menace of an intention to exclude us from the of others, took care not to make war with fisheries and trade to the East and West Inthose who could beat them, but prudently dies is a mere newspaper paragraph; but I pocketted affronts till a convenient opportu- can also suppose that influential characters in nity presented itself for resenting them with Great Britain, are interested in the exclusion, effect. Thus they became, by degrees, the and am inclined to believe that we may be, if masters of their neighbours, till having sub- not shut out from, much restrained in the dued and amalgamated with themselves all West Indies. France will recover St. DominItaly, they were irresistible. It is idle to go, and Spain hold her American dominion.— suppose that every man in the community can We know it was their policy to secure the find leisure to study the state and condition of trade of their own colonies to themselves.— foreign powers, or even their own. What does And although the conduct of Britain was the sovereign people of New-York know about more liberal, we have too much reason to apthe sovereign people of Kentucky? Just as prebend that those three nations will now much as the sovereign people of Kentucky come to an understanding with each other, in know about the sovereign people of New- which neither our opinion will be asked, nor York. And yet these high and mighty sove our interest consulted. Some commercial reigns, with sundry others of equal worth and intercourse with the British East Indies may wisdom, undertake to weigh all the states of perhaps be obtained; but we shall, I appreEurope in the scale of their own intelligence. hend, meet with more difficulty in that reWe see, and shall I fear severely feel, the con-spect now than heretofore. The fisheries, imsequence in a war begun without sufficient portant to us all, are a vital interest to our reason, prosecuted for no valuable object, eastern brethren: I wish, sincerely, we may maintained at a prodigious expence, pregnant not be deprived of them, and am not without with great danger, and leading to utter ruin. hope, when I consider the firm and honest opThese high and mighty sovereigns may per-position made in the eastern states to this exehaps receive a corrective lesson from the hand crable war. Our former privilege may, perof experience, and as long as the remem-haps be renewed, in favour to them; for as to Brance of it shall last, may govern themselves with a little more discretion.

force, it is out of the question: and the pretence is ridiculous. Should our independencc But setting aside the selfishness and the be assailed, America, united, is invincible. magnanimity of our foe, it behoves us to re- But foreign conquest is a different affair. And collect that we have not a patent right for of all conquests, none are so unlikely as those the exclusive exercise of anger and resent-which are to be effected by naval expeditions, ment. Others have passions as well as our-under the direction of our southern lords. selves. Those of the British are roused and Those who declaim, in high style, on what we must be indulged, whatever may be the wish can do, and what we will do, reckon, I fear, or will of their ministers. The Prince Re-without their host; and when called on for gent, and those about him, may view Messrs. their share of the bill, may lower somewhat Madison and Co. with contemptuous pity, but of their lofty demeanour. a spirit of resentment prevails through the nation, and it is the interest of many to keep it up and stimulate it to action. If, therefore, a peace be concluded before we taste the bit-view our hold on the fisheries. I doubt terness of that potion which we mingled for them, let it be remembered among the other miraculous events of this wonderful year.Believing, as I do, the conduct of the American government to have been unjust, I beHeve the Almighty will visit the sin not only on their heads, but on the heads of those who,

This leads to the consideration of what federalists will do, under certain contingencies. But before we glance at it, let us steadily

whether our administration will endeavour to obtain them. If I do them wrong I am sorry for it, but in my conscience, I believe they have such enmity to commerce, as gladly to see the commercial states stripped of that valuable right. I acknowledge that Mr. Madison was, in the national convention, an ad

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