The consequence of this mistake is, Papers of all descriptions were so per that from federal papers we get, for thepetually crammed with news, and there most part, no able, well arranged display was, morever such an eagerness for news, of arguments. The most important oc-domestic and foreign, and these in such currences are summed up in a joke; and enormous abundance, that the printer had 'the most alarming events are cracked off in his paper scarcely room for politics; and like a squib. He that can say the smartest thing about a calamitous defeat; or the wittiest about the most ruinous and disgraceful disaster, is sure to be copied into every print! provided always, his piece be

short.

his readers were sure to neglect essays, for the more fascinating displays of “the pride, pomp and circumstance of glorious war." If this was true with regard to daily papers, it was more true with regard to those that were issued but once a week.

Again, political essays, as well as poli tical documents, mixed up together, in a folio sheet; with advertisements, news, &c. &c. were preserved only a few days; and what was printed, if not read during those few days, was sure of never being read after. The strongest political truths could be read only cursorily and hastily, and were then doomed to be forgotten as certainly as the papers in which they appeared would be destroyed.

No man engaged in the conducting of a paper will ever find himself without good friends and advisers. I have my share of them, and I am glad of it; for I can avail myself of their good advice, and I am not bound to follow the bad. Many and many of these have told me, "you should write shorter; people will not read such long pieces." It was a considerable effort of vanity, I confess; but the truth is, and it may as well be told as not, that upon these occasions, I have asked my advising friend, Having reflected much on these mat“do you read all my long pieces?" "Yes." ters, and consulting with some discreet "What all of them?" "O yes-but then friends, I was induced to commence the other people will not; they never do." "Well, publication of the EXAMINER. And, howbut as to yourself, my good sir, do you ever my subscribers may sometimes have read all the long pieces you meet with in been disappointed by occasional irregulathe papers?" "No." "And yet you rity in its publication, I do assure them read mine?" "Yes." "And why do you most solemnly, I have devoted to it all read mine?" "Because I think they are the time and labour, which my health and good." "Well, sir, if they are good, and the performance of duties previously inpoliteness requires me to confide in your curred, could allow. I have laboured ten veracity, why should not other people times more than ever I did before in all have good sense enough to make the same my life. And let any one who doubts discovery, and good nature enough, to be the fact, just employ himself in copying pleased with it, as well as yourself?" Be- the original matter in some tolerably latween my delicacy and my frankness, I boured number, and then, I venture to say, find myself here in some little difficulty; that without putting into the account the and I wish the charitable reader to un-head work, he shall agree that the mere derstand, that I mean, simply this: That mechanical labour is a decent week's where one is pleased with a piece, its employment. length is no objection to it. If it were

Circumstances, which I could not con otherwise, why do women and children, tol, engagements, which I could not negrave gentlemen too, sometimes, sit up glect, will plead my excuse with all, even all night reading novels? Few people are now, I hope. But I have still to add, that displeased with having too much of a good although my subscription list is probably thing.

of any thing more than equal to the expenses of my establishment. I have had commendation enough, oral and written. I have been much encouraged and supported by it. It is well I was; for praise is the author's, as the hero's food.

more than equal to my merits, it is little, circulation:" but they never procured me a single subscriber. Either the paper had not, in its progress, kept the promise it had made in its commencement; or else the gentlemen in question, were deterred by the labour which the performance of their promise would subject them to; and having, probably, as little respect for me, as they had for themselves, gave the matter

A distinguished gentleman in Boston, has once or twice supplied me liberally with this species of aliment. The Boston up altogether. papers have copied from the Examiner

Upon the whole, the present condition freely, considering how long the pieces of the Examiner is not very hopeful. It were. Indeed, I was once induced to be- is rather a popular paper, I think; and lieve myself a favourite in that strong those who subscribe for it, exhibit a very fortress of federalism. Nevertheless I becoming and flattering irritation, when, have but one single subscriber in Boston! by some accident, they do not get it reguIt is a strange world. They used to print larly. I am obliged to them for it. But my speeches there by the thousand, for it seems to be very doubtful whether I circulation. But I was a member of con- shall be able to print it after the present gress then. They can now afford but a year. I wish to do it. It is an occupation single subscriber to the humble editor of in which I delight. But then the number the Examiner. of readers will always be in proportion to

Of Philadelphia I have certainly no the number of subscribers. If good is to right to complain. There, they neither be done by it, it must be because it is read; praise nor support any thing, unless "PHI- but it will not be read unless it is subscriLADELPHIA" be stamped on the title page. They have behaved better to me there, however, than in Boston. I have three subscribers there! In Baltimore-I have, I believe, fifty it is not so good as the author may, in his In Baltimore!

But it is not so.

bed for. A political paper without support enough to pay its way, never did nor can do much good. Aud in truth, if it be not subscribed for, it is pretty evident that

vanity, have supposed it. When eight Indeed if I had received in other parts hundred and sixteen pages, containing such support as I have been honoured perhaps twice as much matter as any ocwith in Maryland and North-Carolina, I tavo volume you may take up-when in should go on with my labours as gaily as fact then, sixteen hundred pages unia lark. versally and immediately interesting, The citizens of the city of New-York cannot be sold for five dollars, in sufficient have done all I could ask of them. They numbers to pay for the printing of them, constitute more than two thirds of my whole the author of them may, I think, be well' support. But in the state, at large, scarce assured, that he has been so unfortunate fy a living creature has done a single as to have taken more counsel from his thing in advancement of the circulation. vanity than his discretion. And if he frankSome few have promised abundance of ly confesses his error, he may be allowed exertion; in Albany, especially, two gen- to boast, that next to that of being free tlemen of high political standing and in- from fault, stands the virtue of acknowfluence. The paper was "excellent-ledging it when committed. calculated to be very useful-they would An author's fate is in the hands of the exert their utmost means to extend its public; and he has no right to be discon

tented if he does not please them. If he can please neither the public nor his party, he has still less right to be angry. And for myself, I say honestly, as this undertaking was one of my own choosing, on my own head be the consequences of my miscalculations. And if I must retire from st, I shall do so with as much cheerfulness as I entered upon it.

B. GARDENIER.

could be of very little avail; and that our ebject might be attained without incurring the expenses and being subjected to the calamities of war. On the contrary, it was plain enough, that if he should fall, by which means England would beconte more powerful, and perhaps less yielding than ever, we should only have made our condition worse than it was before. If even the administration had enjoyed the confidence of the whole nation; if they could by loans, as well as taxes, have THE LATE NEWS.-It was not among brought into practical operation all the the weakest objections to the expediency resources of the country; if they had even of declaring the present war, that we been able to use the means thus in their should, by so doing, make a virtual league hands, with skill and efficacy; still, it with Bonaparte; an actual, if not a seemed palpable that the contest must afformal alliance; and that after all the efter all, be decided in Europe. And, thereforts we should be ourselves able to make, fore, it appeared, to reflecting and reasonathe attainment of the objects we had in ble men, clearly expedient, to wait for the view, would depend, not upon our own, close of the great tragedy there, striving but upon Napoleon's triumphs. If it was in the mean while, to enrich and strengthnecessary to the establishment of Ameri- en ourselves as much as possible, so that can rights, that England should be defeat-if the conquering party should prove uned and prostrated, it was not in America, reasonable and arrogant in his pretensions that it could be done. The democratic -printers and politicians have, since the war, uniformly justified their anxiety for the success of the tyrant, the great enemy and destroyer of republics and republican liberty, upon the ground that his success was necessary to our safety. Such an ar- The difficulties, moreover, between us gument seems not unreasonable; and has and England, had grown out of the war been in most instances urged, I believe, between her and France; and the disadwith perfect sincerity. But it seems to have vantages under which we laboured, espe escaped these politicians, that exactly as cially the erders in council would cease we connected our destinies with those of to exist, whenever that war terminated Bonaparte, we had no control over them; In one word, it was plain that if Bonaparte and that, therefore, the most unwise thing should triumph, we could expect nothing that could be done, was to place ourselves from his justice, his kindness or his gratiin a situation, in which, if he prevailed, tude. But if, on the other hand, Great we should be placed at his mercy; and in Britain should be victorious, and if her which, if he should fall, we should be policy in times more critical and even placed at the mercy of his enemies, whom alarming to her safety, had indeed, as has by the declaration of war we had so rash-been so repeatedly asserted, been one ly made ours too. Prudence would have of injustice, malignity and cruelty, it seemsuggested, that if our prosperity depended ed to follow necessarily, that under the upon Napoleon's success, our interference joint influence of her irritation and success,

towards us, we might be in a situation to resist. This seemed the discreet course; more particularly to those who believed that we could expect very little from the justice or kindness of either France or Eugland, when unable to oppose them.

tancy. Still thinking my reflections correct and just, I must venture to proceed.

our sufferings would become as intense as will have enough to do, to weep over the the could make them. I am aware that lat-misfortunes with which their folly is hereterly the hirelings and dupes of adminis- after to overwhelm our devoted country. tration have given out, that Russia, and The events which have recently ocprobably the other powers allied with her,curred in France, have had an effect upon will insist upon England's abandoning my mind, in some respects different, as those high maritime pretensions, which far as I can ascertain, from some of those Interfere with the rights of all nations. I with whom I have united my humble laam neither prophet nor statesman enough bours for the good of our common counto receive or resist this prediction. But try. What I am about to say therefore I may be permitted to remark, that if is advanced with real diffidenee and hesithere be any good sense in this idea, then our war must appear to have been still more unnecessary. If in the success of It may safely be allowed, that one of the allies, and not in that of Bonaparte, the most delicate situations in which howe were to found a just expectation of a nest men can be placed, is the very one restoration of the "liberty of the seas," in which the opposers of war and the adthen clearly we ought to have abstained vocates for peace in the United States from aiding Bonaparte, which we did by have been placed. The government had attacking one of the powers of that grand declared a war, which some believed unalliance, from whose triumphs we were to just; but which all united in considering expect such desirable results. It is plea-inexpedient. There was manifested in the sant as well as painful to retrace democra- administration during the progress of that tic reasonings. While victory seemed to war, an imbecility, a childish, an ideot perch on the tyrant's standard, it was from weakness, which was to double and treble him, that we were to expect the freedom and quadruple its burthens and its calaof the seas. But no sooner is it ascer-mities. They were asked for their blood, tained that he is prostrated, and "none so and they refused to let it flow in such a poor to do him reverence," than it is dis- cause; they were asked for their money, covered, that the thing we seek, "the free- and they refused to bestow it upon dom of the seas," will certainly be esta-petency. They, in their turn, asked for blished by his conquerors. And so this con- peace, a speedy peace. They said the sequence follows; that whether Bonaparte orders in council allowed by yourselves was beaten or not beaten; whether the great cause of quarrel, are withallies were triumphant or not, the United Adjust the question of impressStates wree equally sure of the restorationments in some way or other for the present. Make peace while your offer is yet of some value to England; make peace while it is yet desirable to her; make it before she is either destroyed or trium

of " the freedom of the seas." If all this be so, then, why in God's name, were we precipitated into this war!

to be the

drawn.

incom

It is however in vain to weep over errors that are past, unless we resolve up-phant, for in either of these events it will on reformation. It is scarcely possible to be equally indifferent to her, whether she look into any part of the conduct of this make peace with us, or not; or if a difadministration, without finding the most ference exists in the event of her being glaring proofs of their utter incompetency triumphant, she may even prefer war to for government. And if, when this in- peace, upon any terms. It was even, and competency has become manifest, they I think wisely too, deemed correct, to shall still be trusted, good and wise men distress the administration, so as to com

peľ them to make peace, while peace could yet be made advantageously. All that men could do, the friends of peace and their country have done! In vain they have laboured, but still to their utmost they have laboured, to avert the terrors of the awful condition in which imbecility and folly and phrenzy have placed us.

their utter deformity is palpable, their union with tyranny and oppression and wrong, demonstrated and confessed. Let them in all the anguish of detected and convicted guilt groan forth their regrets. I have no sympathies with such inhumanity and barbarity. Nor have the peo ple of the United States feelings so detes table. They are a part of the great fami

To my mind, we are now at the commencement of a new era. The fall of ly of nations, and cannot but feel a deep Bonaparte produces a new political world; and honest interest in the happiness of new feelings, new relations, new counsels. their brethren. They will disdain those The storm which has shaken and con- miserable political calculations, which vulsed Europe to its foundations, is sub- would restrain and destroy the noblest virsiding; and the demon who directed its tues of our nature. For virtue can make fury and its ravages, is fallen powerless to no compromise with injustice and wrong'; the earth. Let Humanity raise her af and whatever particular evils she may flicted head; let the christian world re-fear, will and must rejoice at the downfall joice! I war not against feelings sacred of despotic power and unpitying oppression. like these. I bow in adoring thankful- Virtue can never be terrified by the apness to the great God, who hath made prehension that the restoration of the bare his arm, and driven this horrible pes- rights and happiness of nations long entilence from among the nations. slaved and oppressed, can be dangerous to her, or to any nation which has yielded itself to her influence. All history shows that the Almighty suffers no such con nexion in human affairs.

But if new conflicts, if new calamities,

light in unnecessary cruelty, and ravages, and desolation; who acknowledge the ancient laws of christendom; who have not the hardihood to throw off every appearance of moderation and equity.

And who shall dare to repine? Or if any one dare, what can he allege in his justification? What, but that our destinies have been connected with the cause of injustice, despotism and oppression? And" is it indeed so! Did our safety indeed de-await us, we shall at least have the conpend upon the triumph, upon the unlimit-solation of knowing, that we shall coned extension of the power of the greatest tend with powers, who are not impelled tyrant that ambition ever raised to the by insatiable ambition; who do not deexecration of human kind! Alas! if the emancipation of Europe from the fangs of such a despot, casts a gloom over the prospects of a free and virtuous people, then must the system which has produced such effects be as execrable as the execrable Nevertheless, condemning and detestcause of the tyrant itself. Then have weing the folly, and wickedness, which have indeed been deluded into the support of a usurper's wickedness, by the pretence that we were contending for our own rights. The cause which becomes hopeless because tyranny has been crushed and destroyed, cannot but be itself the cause of tyranny! Let the cabinet at Washington, and its base instruments throughout the union, hang their heads with shame, now that

brought us into our present deplorable condition, let us calmly and intrepidly contemplate its real features; let us portray it to our fellow citizens, as it is; let us give them what counsel we can, that may yet restore our country, and having done so, we may at least enjoy the mournful consolation of knowing that if our country must fall, We are INNOCENT.”