claration of war for a few months. War, war, nothing would answer but they must have war, immediate war. Was this change effected by the simple official revocation of Napoleon ? Hardly, one would think, for they had for months supported Mr. Madison's proclamation, declaring

Ush government in fact performed, what it had all along promised to do, that is, it repealed its orders, very soon after the official repeal of the French decrees was ascertained to have taken place, But I do not insist on this fact any further than as it strengthens the assertions that to do so, was what that government had always that revocation as a solemn fact, corprofessed its willingness and determina-rectly and satisfactorily ascertained and tion to do. established. How was it then? Did some

But what that something was, I forbear to intimate, because, and merely because, I could not, in a court of justice, prove the assertion my belief would dictate. But that the declaration of war was produced by wickedness or folly, or a combination of both, is a truth susceptible almost of demonstration.

The proposed grounds for declaring the war were: first, the impressment of our seamen; secondly, the orders in council. It is applicable to both points to remark, that both had existed for years without producing war; and that at this particular time, they existed in a much milder form than they had done before. It has already been stated, and should be remem

Now it is perfectly clear to my under-thing come along with that revocation as standing, that if no secret and mysterious secret and mysterious in its character, as influence had governed our administra- it was instantaneous and decisive in its tion; if they had been merely and truly effects? Of that there can be no doubt. intent upon peace; if they had directed their anxieties simply and merely to the restoration of commerce, and the prosperity consequent upon it, they would have taken time, a little time at least, to ascertain what course Great-Britain would pursue under these new circumstances. The policy of our administration had for years before, been feeble, temporizing and even affectedly patient. They had clung to embargo, long after it was proved to be in operative and afterwards to non-intercourse too. And at this very time, when Bonaparte's revocation was rescinded, they had an embargo on. But all at once these patient and enduring gentry became highly mettlesome and exceed ingly furious. They had Bonaparte's offi-bered here, that the question of impresscial revocation, and nothing would now satisfy them, but instant war against Englaud. The difference was not greater be tween the steed of Alexander and one of the pack horses of his army, than that be-dence of Mr. Madison. The other mattween what these men now were, and what ter therefore, the orders in council, seemfor four years they had been. To wait now ed the only one of any difficulty. With for the repeal of the orders in council, to France, if the repealing decree of Napowait only two or three months, which our leon was issued in good faith and friendunprepared condition had no other consi-ship, there was no ground of dispute, of a deration urged it, rendered necessary- prospective character. Bonaparte had to wait now, was moral treason; and the repealed all his plundering edicts. To same Mr. Bayard, who was afterwards restore American commerce and prosperisent to seek peace somewhere in Europe, if he could find it, was deemed a tory for proposing in June, 1812, to delay the de

ment was not unsusceptible of adjustment, because it had already been adjusted to the satisfaction of Monroe and Pinkney, persons then and now high in the confi

ty, it was now only necessary that GreatBritain should repeal hers. When that should be done we should have nothing

almost to a nihility, did they blow the trumpet of war louder, if possible, than ever; at that very moment did they most obstinately close their ears against every pacific proposition from the British.

to threaten a disturbance of our repose, answer, no. On the contrary, I do most but that same question of impressments, sincerely believe that they declared the to which Mr. Madison in his arrangement war, because they believed she would rewith Mr. Erskine had given the go bye, peal them. The very facts, that, when and which Monroe and Pinkney had be- the repeal arrived here, neither the tone fore that adjusted; and which would ne- nor the conduct of administration underver after have given us any trouble, had went the least change-that under these not Mr. Jefferson rejected the arrange- circumstances they even refused to agree ment. It must also be remembered that to an armistice, establish the charge Great-Britain had never justified her beyond all question. At the very moedicts except on the ground, that they ment when the controversy had dwindled were in retaliation of those of France, uniformly declaring that they would cease, whenever those of France ceased; and now, those of France had ceased. Now too, there was every reason to hope that those of Great-Britain would cease also. If they should, the nation would once more be happy! Wait, let us see, let us cling to this hope, said the federalists. Let us not, at such a moment as this, hazard all, by rushing into war. How were they answered? with declarations, that it was impossible that Great-Britain should revoke her edicts. And what was the event? She did revoke them. Could men be wise, who plunged into war, under such circumstances? Could they be honest?

Except to please Bonaparte, except to perform some secret engagement made with him, the stipulated price, most likely, of his official revocation, what need was there of immediate war? Was the pation prepared? No. Was it united No. Was it likely to be united? No. Not the federalists only, and these to a man, were opposed to it, but twenty-nine members of congress, of the party of the administration, after all the influence of party and the executive had been exhausted upon them, voted against it. It was not possible for the United States to have declared war under more unpromising and disheartening circumstances.

Either the administration believed, that the orders in council would be repealed,, or that they would not. If the first, it was the excess of folly and depravity, to declare war; if the second, the folly was certainly not less. For, if they really and sincerely believed the orders would not be repealed, it was the summit of folly to declare war when they did; and for these reasons:

First: A postponement to November, would enable them to prepare and enter upon a system of revenue commensurate with the magnitude of the undertaking.

Secondly: It would enable them to recruit our armies, while it was yet uncer tain whether there would actually be war or not, with greater facility and rapidity; so that by November, they might have had in the field any force they wished.

Thirdly: They might have built vessels of war on the lakes, so as to have secured the ascendaney on those important waters.

Fourthly: Had the British persisted in their orders, and, by November, it was certainly to be known, not only those friends of the administration, who voted against the war, but every federalist in Did the administration believe that the country would have felt its justice, Great-Britain would refuse to repeal the and applauded its propriety. There orders in council? Without hesitation I would have existed the same unanimous

determination to maintain our rights, which, at this moment, animates every true heated American.

In June, we were unprepared, divided, distracted. In November, we should have been ready and united.

And not a moment's delay could be procured. Neither the alluring hope of a continued peace, and restored prosperity, which would be the consequence of the repeal of the orders in council, if they should be repealed, as in fact they were, nor the necessity of preparation, nor the certainty of the complete union of public sentiment and exertion, in case of a refusal to repeal could induce them to pause a moment, and they rushed precipitately into this destructive war.

Was it folly, or was it wickedness? was it INSANITY, or, was it CORRUPTION?

EXTRACTS.

311

we have fallen from the proud eminence on and deep abyss, in which we find ourselves, it i which, in other times, we stood, into the darks now worse than useless to inquire."

From the Albany (a federal) Gazette, in comɔ i

ment of Gen. North's address, Sept. 15. "The sentiments it contains are purely federal; they emanate, and such as every American, and highly honourable to the dignified source whence friend to his country must approve and adopt. is proper for every man to pursue when his country is in danger. There is but one course; every post; willing to gird on the armour of war, and man must do his duty; every man must be at his breast himself to the enemy; there is safety in nothing short of this."

It is no time to hesitate as to the course which it

From the Raleigh Star, (a N. C. federal paper,)
September 9.

many on account of the imposing force which the "The language of despondency is held by enemy presents on our shores, and which has even penetrated to the capital of our country. can. Though all may wish the energies of the Such language is unworthy of a genuine Amerination were directed by those from whose wisdom more happy auspices might be indulged, yet it is our duty never to despair of the republic.' "It is highly gratifying to the best feelings of difference of opinion which prevails as to the po Americans to observe, that notwithstanding the "It is necessary, absolutely necessary, that carrying it on, yet all are united, hand and heart licy of engaging in this war, and the mode of there should be at least a truce to the animosi-in contributing their utmost to repel our invaders. ties of party; that we should join, hand and heart In this respect Stonington and Norfolk are animain the great work of patriotic exertion, and that ted with one spirit; a spirit that does honour to we should merge all personal, all local, all party American patriotism." considerations in the great duties we owe to our country."

From the charge of his Honour the Mayor of
New-York, Sept. 5, 1814.

From the address of Mr. Duer, a federalist, to a

meeting in Orange County, (N. Y.) Sept.
"On our part (i. e. on the part of the federal-
ists) we are willing to forget under what circum-
stances, and for what purposes, as we supposed,
the war was declared. We will not stop to in-
quire who are the authors of the evils by which
we are afflicted. We will no longer reproach
those by whom such men have been maintained
in power. But we baca a right TV expect, and
we do expect, that those who have applauded the
war, as a wise and necessary measure, should
cease to consider their fellow citizens, who from
principle and reflection have condemned it, as
men careless of the rights and honour, foes to the
liberty and independence of our country; as
men devoted in their hearts to the cause of the
enemy, and ready, either by secret treachery or
open force, to aid him in the conquest of our
freedom. Let the disgraceful language no lon-
ger be held that we are to be marked, that we
are to be proscribed, that we are to he held up as
the objects of popular odium, and popular ven-
geance."

From the address of Gen. North, (a federalist,)
September 9th.

"By what unhallowed arts, or dire misfortune

-

From the Philadelphia United States (federal) Gas ·
zette, September 14.
SONG

FOR THE WASHINGTON GUARDS,
(who are all federalists,)

BY A MEMBER,

Shall the shout of their triumphs be heard near the grave

Of the HERO, whose sword flash'd dismay on our foes?

By the souls of those HEROES who died to obtain,

For their country the blessings that liberty, gives;

Let us swear, our proud honours, and rights to

maintain,

Independent to live, or to yield up our lives,

And in hist'ry's bright page 'twill eternally
bloom!

From the Honourable Mr. Hanson's paper, the
Federal Republican.

to disgrace community without consulting the credit of the victims, by a show of force to keep their submission in countenance. But Captain Gordon set his men to work like horses, yoking four or five to a dray to haul away his plunder from the distance of High-street to the wharves. The rules of national forbearing are crased, the ties of man to man are severed by Capt. Gordon; and as if not only the laws of war were to cease, in the few principles in which they serve as a shield to declared enemies, he has brutified his fellow seamen and subjects into quadrupeds to facilitate the destruction of our peaceable and oppressed citizens. Should he not gain his deserts on his attempting to return, it will be another stain on our escutcheon. Every hand and every voice ought to be raised against the freebooter. Every mile of the descent ought to be lined with resolute and prepared opposition. No sentiment ought now to prevail but horror at the criminal and cool plotters of our inpotent condition, and an undismayed and never ceasing ardour and zeal in preparing and hurling upon the foe it has rendered insolent, the opposition and vengeance which go free and spirited people are never without the means of inflicting, because they cannot. be deprived of the courage which God has implanted in their hearts to preserve their rights and safety.

From the Boston (federal) Gazette, Sept 12th.

"The expectation and desire of a speedy termination of the war continue to prevail, and are the chief cause of that torpor which has seized upon the popular feeling, It is absolutely neFELLOW CITIZENS-Notwithstanding the secessary, unless the country is to be abandoned by rious aspect of our public affairs, you are not, and the people, as it has been betrayed by their crimi- you will not be dismayed. It is natural that a nal deceivers, that every man should awake, people, who have reposed in peace for many years, arouse and prepare for action. The country must should be moved by the near approach of war; be defended, the invaders must be repelled. Infi- especially as it is a war which we have uniformly nite distress and misery, still deeper disgrace will condemned in its origin, and in its progress. But befall us, if the force sent to our shores, is not it is now useless to spend time in considering by overpowered. No man who is mindful of what what course of mistakes, and misconduct our evils he owes to his country and his own character, are come upon us. It becomes us, to look calmly can advocate submission, where resistance is and firmly on our dangers, and to meet them like practicable. The fight will now be for our coun-men who know how to value their country, and try, not for a party. When the enemy is expell- their civil rights. What is it then that has hap ed, we will then call to an account, in the mode pened to us? It is WAR. All nations on the earth prescribed by the paramount law of the land, the are, by turns, subjected to this calamity. It is now traitors who may appear to be guilty. our turn. But we go into this war with feelings "If it be not the wish and intention of governmost honourable and praise worthy. It is no war ment, that every attempt of the enemy shall be of invasion on our part. We have not invaded, successful, let them make up by present activity for past neglect. The time has come when the people should see that their voice is oheved

what we express.

Their voice is, omit no sacrifice, spare no expense to eave the country. It is seriously threatened, and can only be saved by extraordinary exertions,

such as our fathers made before us."

From the same.

nor have aided in the invasion of our British

neighbours. It is no war of conquest on our part. wish to conquer none but those who come to conquer us. It 18 then, vn vur part, a righteous and just war, in which we may engage with pure consciences, and with a firm reliance on the ALMIGHTY, who has never forsaken us in the hour of peril,

What is the immediate danger? It is that w "To the disgrace of the British nation as well may be invaded. And who do our invaders conas our own, the contemptible force under Capt. sist of, and who are we that are called on to expeł Gordon of the Seahorse, continues rifling Alex-them? Let us admit that they are soldiers, and andria. Never was such licentious and unprinci- are used to arms; but we must also admit that pled robbery practised in modern warfare; and they are men; that they may be made to feel and it is the more galling, since the laws of Heaven, to suffer like men; that they are animated by no of war and of humanity are thus outraged for a other zeal than submission to orders; that their period of days, without intermission.. Impotence leaders know us to be descended from a common seems to reign, and came to predominate, both ancestry with themselves; that we are not unactively, and passsively. Bonaparte never com-used to arms; nor insensible to military glory; mitted depredations to be compared in all their that their leaders know and remember that their circumstances with this, and he never attempted forces have met our forces, in days afore time, up

on New-England ground. They will come among | to resist them,) he comes! He dares to come, to us with these recollections.

threaten with destruction our capitals! the caWe are men, not so well disciplined, not so pitals of New-England! Elated with his conmuch accustomed to the tented field as they may quests, (conquests of a few defenceless seaport be; but we are under a GOVERNOR who has seen towns,) he approaches, with proud and haughty days that "tried men's souls" A MAN who does daring, our homes; our sanctuaries. Already not hear for the first time, the threat of British has the feet of the enemy polluted with its tread, invasion. He is calm and firm, and is so, because our sacred land, where rest the ashes of our brave be knows the strength and the resources of those, and noble fathers. Yes, an enemy has trod, who rally around him. He knows and we all with hostile foot, on the soil of New-England! know, that the united force of Great-Britain can- and Now treads it-how does his proud banners not conquer New-England. We who are called wave triumphant over the heads of our brave, to this contest go into it with hearts very differ- but unarmed, sons of New-England! Yes-alt ent from those which beat in the bosoms of our as- this is-and yet Rhode-Island men almost slumsailants. We are owners of the land on which ber. Let this no longer be so-awake! arise ! we fight-the land on which we were born; the citizens of Rhode-Island! shall we slumber till land on which are our homes, and the dwelling the enemy is at our doors, and they awake when places of those whom GOD and nature have placed all is lost; awake but to see our cities and towns under our protection. We cannot be faithless to wrapt in flames-our wives and children fleeing these solemn duties. Invaders always present their homes in despair and wretchedness, and themselves at great disadvantage, to a prompt and calling upon us for help and protection, and we efficient resistance. We shall feel as the English can extend it not? Will not our agony be bitwould have felt, had the French invaded them; ter tenfold-as our consciences would goad us-they will feel as the French, in that case, would that we cruelly slumbered, when we should have felt. On that occasion, so awful to the Bri- have watched? No! my brethren, let us not tish nation, it is said, that the bishop of Landa feel this accumulated wretchedness, should fate addressed the people. He said it had been asked dooms us to be witnesses of the agonizing sight whether a number of Englishmen, called suddenly of the destruction of every thing earthly that we from peace employments, could beat an equal num-hold dear, ber of Frenchmen. He answered, that it could The sons of Rhode-Island have not degenernot be known whether they would or not, But ated-I know they have not-witness the hero of this he felt certain, that half the number of En-[ic deeds of Perry-of Allen-her gallant sons. glishmen would always try.

Come, then, fellow citizens! Let us dispel all gloom, and apprehension: we have taken the charter of human life on certain conditions. These we must perform. We will at least have nothing wherewith to approach ourselves. We may avert all the evils, which hang over us, by manly resistance. Remember this is no war of our making: we are on the right side; and thrice is he armed who hath his quarrel just. Nothing can happen to us, that has not happened to all people under the sun, but no people under the sun ever had so many hopes and consolations as we have, founded on our natural strength, our devotion to our country; our solemn duties; and fastly, in our reliance on that ALMIGHTY BEING, whom our fathers worshipped, and in whose name they met, and vanquished the eneInies of their country.

If it is the wish of our political opponents, that party contentions should cease, and that we should join together heart and hand in the defence of our families and homes; let them evince the disposition and I presume there can be no reasonable objection to the measure.

I call upon ye, then, men of Rhode-Island, to rouse in the greatness of your strength, and with firm heart and nerve, and with souls not to be intimidated by dangers and perils, however great, to arm!-to prepare yourselves as becomes free men, to meet the foe that now threatens your destruction,

The present crisis of the affairs of our country demand the utmost exertion of all our strength, for the preservation of that liberty, so dear to us, which our fathers so nobly contended for and obtained, and banded down to us unimpaired; and their spirits, from their abodes, are now calling upon us to preserve it in its vigour, and leave it to our children as the most precious legacy man can bestow upon his posterity.

I conjure ye, then, be not deaf to the call:The destruction of your liberty is indeed threatened-but it is not yet too late to save. Let the recollection of the heroic bravery and undaunt-ed. firmness displayed by your immortal Greene, and a host of other brave and generous spirits for its obtainment, animate you, their descendants, to make a fixed and firm resolve never to cease the struggle for its preservation but with your lives for what is life without liberty?

Listen not, for a moment, to the base and dangerous advice of some amongst you, to be quiet, From the Rhode-Island (Federal) American, and rely upon the generosity and magnanimity

September 16th.

of the enemy for it proceeds from weakness and TO RHODE-ISLAND MEN. error; witness the barbarous and humiliating The enemy approaches you! Satiated with terms forced upon the unprotected Alexandriansthe spoils of the east, he is moving westward for terms that an Algerine pirate would have scornthe conquest of nobler and greater objects.ed to have offered to his defenceless enemy. No! From revelling upon the hard earned products of like men resolved to live free, or die like free-. our eastern countrymen; emboldened by their men, rely only upon the temper of your steel-all ready acquiescence to his demands, (which were other reliance is vain, and leads to certain destrucassented to, because they were not in a situation/tion; none other ought a freeman ever to think