VOL. II. NEW-YORK, SATURDAY, AUGUST 27 1814. No. 15. PRINTED AND PUBLISHED, EVERY SATURDAY, 34 CEDAR-STREET, AT FIVE DOLLARS PER ANNUM. TO THE EDITOR OF THE EXAMINER. this, or any other gentleman may suppose or choose to represent me, I continue to hold the opinion I exprest, notwithstanding what Mr. Vattel has said on that, and on another British claim; although Grotius supported the same doctrine long before Vattel, and although Mr. Hume seems to favour their argument against the practice of his own country. Nay, sir, I am content that the editor of the Evening Post believe, if he can, and publish, if he please, that I shrink from the contest, writhing under the weight of his wit, and say nothing more, because I have nothing more to say. SIR-The first blow in a battle, and the last word in an argument, are, I have been told, of wonderful avail. The first I shall not seek, and freely leave the other with the editor of the Evening Post; assuring him that I am not out of humour, or, to use his own term, nettled at any thing he said before, or any thing he has now said. The world is wide enough for us both. Neither the insinuation conveyed by describing the merchants of St. John's as my clients, nor his sensibility at what he has thought fit to call the haughty demeanor of offended pride, do in any wise ruffle my temper. If he is satisfied with these things, and others of the same sort, I shall not attempt to disturb his with Great-Britain and the rest of the complacent emotions. Perhaps, when he finds that insinuation in his own paper, he will perceive that I had reason to decline a discussion, on which men, less liberal than he, might ground a charge of supporting the British claims, or lowering the topsail of our independence to the British flag. One thing, however, I must notice. Not because it relates to the question, (for that I will not discuss,) but for a reason purely personal. He says, "the opinion I had advanced, was, that a right to fish on the Grand Bank did not belong to us, by the laws of nations, in common world, as he had ventured, without consulting me, to believe and assert." Aconclusion, which I am sure was not meant, might unwarily be drawn from this phrase. Persons, not well informed, might suppose the editor of the Evening Post was in the habit of consulting me. Wherefore, not wishing to be decked in So, too, when he puts me, according to borrowed plumes, it becomes me to say his notion, at variance with myself, in that I have not the honour to be consulted that I assert what I will not advocate, the by that gentleman. I read his paper, like triumph shall be all his own; and so the rest of his subscribers, and frequently shall be the advantage, if any, in adjust-meet with editorial, as well as other artiing a point of national law. I think I cles, of which I approve, and which I may venture to form, and presume to then applaud. Sometimes, and doubtless hold, an opinion on questions of a public the misfortune is mine, I cannot assent to nature; and if there be, who cannot per- his doctrine. In such case it would be ceive the difference between expressing unlucky that I should be consulted, for it an opinion and making an argument, would deprive the public of instruction, more is the pity. I am sorry for them. or, which is more probable, expose my As much at variance with myself as imbecility. For instance: that paper has, for many months, given us the weight of the wisest and best men of our counof his authority to expect, not only a try-against the clearest demonstration speedy, but an honourable peace, contain-of what was required by an attention to ing, among other things, to soothe the pride of our administration, a reservation to the parties of their respective rights, so as to leave open the old ground for a new quarrel. It has been my lot, sir, to form different notions. It is nevertheless, my sincere wish, that time and experience, justifying what is contained in the Evening Post, may prove the much applauded measures of the moment, for defence, to be an useless waste of labour and money. Do not ask what my notions are. It is of no consequence to know what passes in the mind of one estranged from the conduct of public affairs, whose opinions are of such little estimation, that while you have the goodness, Mr. Examiner, to give them a place in your paper, you feel it a duty to declare your dissent. I must, therefore, even content myself with the consolation of other dull writers, and appeal to time for the truth of my reflections, while remaining on the stage of life a mere OBSERVER. EXTRACTS The the public interest, against the avowed In open hostilities commenced in our own time, and by our own act, against one of the most powerful nations of Europe, which exclusively commands the high seas with more than a thousand ships of war, with our exposed seaboard of about two thousand miles in extent, easily accessible, containing a population perhaps of two million of our most commer From the address delivered on the 4th of Jucial people, inhabiting more than five ly, 1814, before the convention of the hundred rich towns, with very incompefriends of peace of New-Jersey, by tent fortifications, a brave and thinly scatLUCIUS HORATIO STOCKTON, Esq. tered militia, but totally inexperienced in the art of war, and almost altogether unWhile the nations of Europe are re-provided with arms or military munitions, joicing in that universal peace, which, do we see our infatuated cabinet, untaught overspreading their continent,, affords a by experience, and unconvinced by proof, fair prospect of restoring for a season the year after year, continually transporting halcyon days of the golden age-While our regular troops to the northern frontier, sitting under their own vines and fig-trees, where they are occasionally provoking without any to make them afraid, they, the enemy by temporary incursions of are pouring forth songs of praise to the marauding warfare, in which fire and God of their deliverance, may I solicit sword is carried for a season into their your indulgence while I contrast their colonies, but which, notwithstanding the happiness with our present situation and vaunting threats of the war men, the hisprospects. And these in comparison tory of the last, as well as the present conwith what they might easily have been, test, proves us to be utterly incapable of had wiser counsels prevailed among our holding by permanent conquest. rulers, afford to the patriotic American A man of common sense, or indeedthe most painful and humiliating conside-one who is not bereft of his reason, can rations. immediately see, that if the men who This impolitic war was originally de-administer the affairs of this ill-fated counclared against the united remonstrances try were intent on bringing the most de vastating calamities of war upon those bounty of a hundred and twenty-four who inhabit the important parts of the dollars to each man, they are unable to country exposed to the ravages of the foe, raise more than the mere skeleton of an (I do not say they are so intent) they army. Of that wretched aggregate could not have adopted a plan to effect it which has the name of an army, I am more certain than the natural operation of authorized by an authentic document to their favourite system. In consequence say, that there were lately one thousand of it, if we turn our eyes to the suffering deserters who had escaped, after having sea coast, we see a small number of Bri- received the bounty. Although without tish vessels, with a few hundred men, the ability to concentrate more than seven spreading alarm, burning and devastation, or eight thousand regular troops at any through the whole maritime districts of one point, and probably at no one time New-England, storming our forts, harass- with fifteen thousand effective regulars ing or leading captive our scattered peo- really enlisted, for the greater part of the ple, burning and plundering our ships war, they have had under pay a host of and other property, destroying all the supernumerary officers, adequate to an araccustomed employments of the people, my of more than fifty thousand men, eating by filling the whole country with terror out our substance, some of whom in many and confusion. parts of the country, are oppressing and dragooning our defenceless citizens. The few really able officers in our service, they have mostly kept in inferior stations, and the government of our armies chiefly committed to a series of unskilful, cowardly, treacherous or enervated dotards, proceeding from Hull to Dearborne, Winchester, Smythe, Wilkinson, Hampton and M'Clure, until having lost fifteen or twenty thousand of our best troops by disease, captivity and the sword, sacrificed army after army, and by the most shameful prodigality and favouritism, by which their creatures, to whom they grant the public contracts, are rioting on the public distresses, having contracted a debt exceeding one hundred million of dollars, lost part of our own territory, our whole NewYork frontier frightfully desolated, and being actually put to our defence, we have not only been reduced to the utmost contempt among the nations of the earth, but have even become a scoff and by-word of the very refugees of Canada and Nova Scotia. To the south, we may behold a few ships of the enemy, sending their barges with about eight hundred men, ranging through the towns, plantations and warehouses at their pleasure, until they approach within a few miles of our capital, and finally destroying or bearing off in triumph, to the amount in value of nearly a million of dollars, one of the staple commodities of the country, from the afflicted inhabitants, who are crying in vain to government for assistance and defence. In the mean time, the men of our famous administration, who, previous to their election, have so often sounded their pretended love of the people, are folding their hands, enjoying the splendid luxuries of life on their liberal salaries, and refusing to the wretched inhabitants the protection of a single brigade of the regular troops which have been raised in their own neighbourhood, and content themselves with giving the watch-word to their tools, to reiterate the childish clamour against the cruel warfare of the British, as if it were very extraordinary that a certain cause of their own creation should produce its natural effect. In contemplating these melancholy scenes, may I not in the inspired lauguage of that sacred bard, whose hallowed lips when touched with holy fire, so mournfully sung his people's woes, exclaim "Remember, O Lord, what has come upon us; consider and behold our reproach; our inheritance is turned to stran gers, our houses to aliens." From the unpopularity of the war in the most populous states, or the peculiar state of our society so unfavourable to raising an army by voluntary enlistments, from the pacific habits of our people, without military discipline or experience, the total want of all previous preparation or Nor are our difficulties less distressing collection of military munitions, of all than various and conplicated. The pub which difficulties our cabinet was origi- lic exigencies are so enormously dispronally forewarned in the most distinct portioned to our financial resources, that manner by many of the friends of peace, our government is evidently at the mercy and notwithstanding the unprecedented of a set of usurious stock-jobbers, who are fattening on the distresses of the public collateral to the others, yet it soon appear treasury, to recruit which, frequently so ed that in reality it had very little efficaempty as to leave every public creditor, cy in producing that disastrous measure, not excepting our gallant seamen, for which, like the fabled box of Pandora, has months in arrear of their dues, and by been ever since scattering ills through our which they are often prevented from en-land. The orders in council, which, whether listing men, loans are effected on the most originally unjustifiable, or provoked by the ruinous terms. If these proceedings be necessity of resisting the decree of Berlin, not speedily arrested, the nation can be and the notorious departure from neutralisaved from a state of bankruptcy only by ty between the belligerant powers, which the imposition of such monstrous burdens had marked the conduct of our government on the people, as will fix a load on us and and people, need not now be discussed. our posterity, which will send many an ho- The fact is, that they had been repealed nest man in the nation supperless to a bed contemporaneously with our declaring of of straw, and convert ourselves and our off the war, of which official intelligence was spring into hewers of wood and drawers of afterwards conveyed to our executive by water for generations to come. Admiral Warren, who came with the olive But the government sycophants are branch of peace, and clothed with full continually ringing in our ears, that not-powers to effect an armistice preparatory withstanding our hopes have been blasted to negotiation. This overture, which with by a very unfortunate progress of events, a previous one made to the same effect, yet that the war, being properly commen-though so adapted to the wishes and hopes ced on good and sufficient grounds, it is our of every wise and good man, and so impeduty to unite our exertions to bring it to a ratively required by the true interests of favourite issue. the country, with an infatuation which Let us spend a few minutes in inquir- can never be sufficiently deplored, was reing into the solidity of this pretence. And jected without hesitation by our adminis here we shall refresh our memory by re-tration. The ostensible pretext for this curring to that most luminous and inte- desperate measure, was a refusal by Greatresting state paper promulgated by the Ho-Britain to suspend, during the negotiation, nourable George Sullivan and thirty-three the practice af impressment, though it is other patriotic members of the minority of remarkable that no equal period since the the house of representatives, who have im-peace of 1783, had occurred, in which mortalized their celebrated names by the there were so few well-grounded comfirm, though temperate stand, which they plaints of this grievance, as in the four made at that day of threatened peril and years immediately preceding the declacalamity, which immediately succeeded ration of the present war. It is equally the commencement of this war. I take remarkable, that in the arrangement made the present opportunity of saying, that in with the British minister, Erskine, in the my opinion, the people of this country re- year 1809, not the least allusion is made ceived more benefit from that protest than to the subject of impressment. In realithey ever did from any publication since ty, this grievance has been always greatly the valedictory address of President Wash- exaggerated by interested partisans, who ington. It certainly encouraged, in a have inflamed the minds of our people inhigh degree, the commencement of a set to a high degree of irritation, by the perof measures directed against the authors version of facts. The truth is, that the of this ruinous war; which opposition, al- British have never claimed the right to imthough prosecuted under various vicissi-press our seamen. This was distinctly ad tudes, will yet, I trust, be successful to mitted by our government, when Presieffect their final overthrow, than which a dent Madison, then secretary of state, in greater national benefit cannot possibly oc- his letter to Messrs. Pinkney and MonLet me, therefore, embody a few im-roe, dated 3d February, A. D. 1807, uses portant facts, brought to my recollection these expressions: "I take it for granted, by a recent perusal of that interesting do- that you have not failed to make due use cument. The avowed pretext on which of the arrangement concerted by Mr. King this war was commenced, were the orders with Lord Hawkesbury, in the year 1802, in council, illegal blockades and impress- for settling the question of impressment. ment of seamen. Notwihstanding reli- On that occasion, and under that adminiance on the first, as the principal cause, stration, the British principle was fairly cur. genounced in favour of our flag; Lord though he has since been an advocate for Hawkesbury having agreed to prohibit war on the avowed ground of impressimpressments on the high seas, and Lord ment, in a letter which he wrote to Mr. St. Vincent requiring nothing more than Madison, on the 28th February, A. D. an exception of the narrow seas, an ex- 1808, on the subject, uses these words; ception resting on the "absolute claim of“ I have on the contrary, always believGreat-Britain to some peculiar dominioned, and still do believe, that the ground over them." From this it appears that the on which that interest [impressment] was British government agreed to renounce placed by the paper of the British comimpressment on the high seas, in favour missioners, of the 8th November, A. D. of the American flag, and was disposed 1806, and the explanation which accomto come to an arrangement of the subject. panied it, was both honourable and advanWhat then is the right which the British tageous to the United States; that it condo claim on this point? It is distinctly tained a concession in their favour on the this, to seize and search for their own sea- part of Great-Britain, on the great princimen, vast numbers of whom sail under ple in contestation, never before made by false or fictitious American protections, a formal and obligatory act of their gofound on board our private merchant ships, vernment, which was highly favourable to a right which they claim and enforce on our interest." Although this man could every other nation, and which they will state such opinions, yet since his admisnever surrender to any in the universe.sion into the administration on certain A British minister who should have the terms, which are said to be a support of hardihood to do it, would be considered him on a future choice of president, by as having betrayed the nation by the con- the prevailing party, we see him an active cession of a right essential to her exist partisan in making a war on the ground ence as a maritime power, and would pro- of impressment. So pliable is the patribably answer it with his life; for it has otism of our pretending republicans! If it been reserved for the American people to be asked why this favourable arrangement exhibit the singular spectacle of this de- was not consummated by our government, Jusion by which they have not merely fellow citizens, let it never be forgotten, suffered with patience the most barefaced that it was because Mr. Jefferson, then prostration of their national interests by president of the United States, labouring their own agents, but of rewarding those under the mania of believing the downfall agents with their confidence and applause. of Great-Britain at hand, promptly rejectPresident Madison, in his message to con- ed it, without deigning to lay it before the gress in May 1813, expressly denies that senate, his constitutional advisers, and Great-Britain has any such right, and possessing a co-ordinate power in making hence it is that a late official paper promulgated 30th April last, by the lords of More than two years ago, and for two the British admiralty, declares as to the months before this contest commenced, dispute with the United States, that "the every eye was awake, and every ear open previous question now at issue, is the to the events which were passing at maintenance of their maritime rights, Washington; and especially for the last which are the sure foundations of their four weeks, the measure so much dreaded glory." treaties. was canvassed on every occasion in pubBefore the insanity of the war men had lic and private conversation among our produced the present disastrous contest, citizens. All the pretexts assigned by this had ever been considered by both go- the men of blood in favour of the awful vernments rather as a subject of friendly mischief which they meditated, were disnegotiation than as a cause of war, and in cussed and well understood. Many pubfact a safe and favourable accommodation lic meetings in New-Jersey were held, in did take place in the year 1806 between which the people appeared to express an them, by a kind of treaty entered into universal sentiment adverse to the war. with Great-Britain, by Messrs. Monroe Not a solitary expression of public opinion and Pinkney on our part. This arrange- could be extorted from a man in our state, ment would have relieved us from the ope-recommending it. I can seriously deration of the grievances in regard to im- clare, that in various conversations which pressment of which we complain. Mr. I held at that eventful crisis, with many Monroe, the present secretary of state, hundreds of my fellow citizens, including, |