a it is no doubt wise to keep Mr. Madison | from the British ministry, "if he can only get: and Co. in office, for there is no doubt at them!" If they will only let him talk to they will ensure it to us. We are them, he will be so contrite, so humble, so curious people. We were bent upon war; yielding, that they shall ask for nothing he will and we trusted the management of it to not yield! and therefore, the president's presithose who had acknowledged themselves unfit dent feels sure of peace. And now the poor deto carry it on! And now, when we are desirous vils, who have been deified as the great men of of peace, because our rulers cannot carry on this country, stand gaping with jaw-straining war, we expect it from them, although we expectation to see, whether Lord Castlereagh know they are detested and hated by those will suffer them to speak, or whether he will from whose kindness alone it can be hoped. tell them to "be azy," and order them about When we fight, we select cripples. When we their business. Is it true, democracy, or is it would have peace and quiet, we hope it from not true? Have you not seen the ministers the intervention of despised political terma- of our potent president, dancing from Petersgants. However, the majority is mad-indeed burgh to Gottenburgh, from Gottenburgh to I am half inclined to say that nearly the whole London, and from London back to Gottennation is mad; I see so much that is unreason-burgh, neglected, shunned, despised? and able, just now, among all parties. This ad- have you not rejoiced when Mr. Crawford was ministration have crazed themselves, their fol-permitted to dine at the same table with Lord lowers, and a great many men of the federal-Castlereagh? Ye, who think that the national ists. However, as, upon the whole, I like honour of this country is to be preserved by these latter people much, I shall say nothing your bawling and brawling, by your violence farther against them, at present, although I and intolerance towards the honest and eapahave a month's mind to it. But even these ble men of this country; ye who affect to be believe in a peace. And why? Those who peculiarly and exclusively solicitous for the wish to hear their answer may ask them. national honour: How has it been preserved by cannot condescend just now to put it upon pa-you, ye men of mighty words and impotent per. But from the knowledge of either fede- deeds-how has it been preserved? How, ralists, or democrats, or the masters of demo- when even you, I speak it in the shame and erats, nothing can be gathered. We must go bitterness of my feelings as an American, abroad for knowledge. Inasmuch as the incapa-when even you rejoice in the midst of your city of our miserable drivellers has left them nothing to expect from the good sense of our enemies, but contempt; nor any thing to hope from their feelings, but compassion; while they have every thing to apprehend from the deadly hate to England which has been so long their pride, and boast, and glory, it is to England that we are to look, if we would calculate the probabilities of peace and war: to England alone. And that way we can look as well, at least, as our purblind administration. What is the character of English proceedings? every where, bursts of resentment are mingled with the "dreadful note of preparation." And yet they hope for peace! Peace? what, now when the nation is humbled? when the democrats themselves are humbled? when even the cabinet is humbled? when its five terrible envoys are humbled? when all the encouragement we receive from even the subtle Gallatin, is, as we have seen it stated in all the papers, that he confidently expects a peace execrable and disgraceful war, because Mr. Crawford was deemed enough of a gentleman, and much of a gentleman and an honest man he is, I know him well, that Mr. Crawford was permitted to dine with Lord Castlereagh at Paris! God help us when the national honour and spirit are in the keeping of those who triumphantly publish and rejoice in such evidences of the respect we are held in abroad.— You hope for peace from this dining party, from the toast given at it by a third person and which Lord Castlereagh was too much of a civil Irish gentleman to decline drinking. You who can hope peace from this, may well see no terror in the admiralty orders; in the troops constantly crossing the Atlantic; in the tone of the English ministerial writings. You may well hope to enjoy Louisiana unmolested, the fisheries delivered to your hands. You may well hope that the poisoned chalice will not be returned to your lips. You may well hope to be let off; you may well hope to soothe the lion to repose after you have roused him to And our wrath-exciting war, our impotent rage! Yes; you are calculators indeed! Fit, condition must bring us to decide on this quesmost fit, to ruin a nation, whether you push it tion. If Mr. Madison was a patriotic man, into war; or whether you paralize its energies if he was a generous man, if he was merely by the idle hope of peace. A beaten and de- an honest man, if he did not value his twenty tested enemy dares to hope for peace, a good five thousand dollars a year more than his peace, an honourable and an advantageous country, he would, knowing, as well he does peace! Know ye, what magnanimity you as- know, that he has not the confidence of the cribe, what christian-like forbearance you im- nation, not of the few well informed even of his pute to those whom you have incited us to go own party, he would retire when that time to war with, because they were base, mo- comes; like his political progenitor he would nopolizing, ambitious, oppressive? "Beat-resign, and render, by his obscurity at Montpe en and banged" by such enemies, do you, of lier the same service to his country that Mr. all others, hope for peace, because you have Jefferson did by his well timed abandonment been beaten and banged? After this, who of the government of Virginia and careful shall decide between your pre-eminence in concealment in the recesses of Carter's mounfalshood or folly? tain. Genius of America! is there no man or set of men willing to give him money enough to retire to the delightful Island which Capt. Porter seems to have so providently conquered for him? Try him-who can say that he would refuse "money for his crown?” I cannot endure this talk of peace. It is worse than idle, it is criminal. We cannot have peace. Let us not be deceived. The condition of the country is awful. If it is to be saved, it must be by FEDERALISTS! Let federalists then do their duty; and if they do it well, it shall be saved. When their hosts shall be poured into the array, even the sinners of Sodom will be unable to effect its destruction. Let us hazard, for our party, MUCH, VERY MUCH : but for our country ALL. 1041 Then what are we to do? Are we to suffer our country to be overrun, our fields to be Jaid waste, our cities to be made desolate ? Divided among ourselves, shall we offer up each other an easy prey to the enemy in his rage? One of my correspondents seems to doubt on this point. I do not. I, for one, will rather trust the people of America, deluded, cheated, crazed, as they have been, by poor, prating, scribbling, impotent demagogues, with the redemption of this country, than a British, or any other army of mercenaries. I would not support a war, even of my own country, which DEMOCRATIC WICKEDNESS.-If a serious athad for its object the unjust conquest of another. tempt should be made to recolonize this counBut when another country shall endeavour to try, we shall have to thank democratic poligive law to, when it shall endeavour to conquer ticians and democratic editors for it, more our own to its will, I am prepared to fight. If it than any others. These have been employed must be under Madison, Armstrong, Smyth, for sixteen years in calumniating the federalHull, any body-if for the punishment of ourists as a British party. I am aware they have sins, we must go to battle even with such odds, as such leaders cause against us, yet From them, the returning sense of the people, if haply we are not subdued, under their dreadful guidance, from them, the returning sense of the people may redeem us. We have at least a chance here. And when liberty is the stake, even a chance is invaluable. But from foreign thraldom, from hosts of vigilant besetting soldiers, from arbitrary and unmerciful exactions, from a military tyranny, what can relieve us? While we yet live, let us live free and independent. say, TO BATTLE. "A day, an hour of virtuous liberty, done it merely for the purpose of procuring the votes of the ignorant, the stupid, and the prejudiced for their party. I am aware they have had no other object in view than to lie good men down, that they might lie their men up. Probably therefore they have done more harm than they intended; but the experience they may ere long receive, will, I hope, teach them that lying is a very dangerous vice, and that its pernicious consequences cannot be limited by human foresight. These geutry then. who perhaps meant nothing more than to get into the full possession of the loaves and fishes, by persuading their simple and a want of fidelity to his duty. His offence, as we have it, in that mirror of pure republicanisin, the National Intelligencer, was, as will be seen, of a totally different character. Mr. courtly in his manners for the luxurious refinement of these modern times. The plain deportment of an honest man, the firmness with which be maintained principles he understood, never offended either Washington, or Adams, or even Jefferson. But this old fashioned plainness, of old fashioned honesty cannot be longer endured; it is "rudeness" now. Hear now, the servile Intelligencer announce his removal: "William Simmons, the accountant of the and to those who had to transact business in his credulous followers, that the federalists were tories and British partisans,” have, it is to be feared, brought the British also to believe the same falsehood. This will appear but too probable when we reflect, that men are al-Simmons, we are told, was not sufficiently ways apt to believe what they wish; and certainly the British could wish nothing so much as to have the respectable and wealthy men who compose the federal party on their side. Moreover, if the democrats, who personally know the federalists, their understanding, their integrity, their individual worth, have been fools enough to believe it, surely it would be very strange, if all the lies they have spoken and printed should not have received the same degree of credit, in England, three thousand miles off, that they have here. war department, whose rudeness to his superiors, One thing seems very clear: if the democrats office, has long been as proverbial as his open have succeeded in making them believe that and bitter hostility to the government which the federalists would join them, in case they supported him, and to all its measures, has at length provoked the executive to dismiss him from invaded this country, it will be a strong in- that office. We hope his removal may operate ducement to invasion. I think it will be con- as a lesson to those, if any there be, who may clusive. I say again, therefore, if the demo-have had a disposition to follow his example." crats have as completely succeeded in mak- There now, is not that something to make ing the British believe this execrable lie, as us plain republicans stare indeed! What an they have in making their stupid followers, impressive "lesson" to the whole race of here, believe it, not only must the war con-office seekers and office holders. As if they tinue, but we shall have to struggle again for were not already sufficiently humble and syour independence. If liars could foresee the consequences of their wickedness, I do believe it would, sometimes, somewhat restrain them. I believe that even the leading democratic editor in this city would sometimes Hall before he put to paper his very gross and abominable lies. However, if he means to invite the British, let him go on as he has done. He cannot more effectually ensure their coming than by making them believe the falsehood that the federalists are "tories and British partisans.” REMOVAL.-William Simmons has been removed from the office of accountant to the war department, and George M. Troup appointed in his place. chophantic, they are here admonished, in the official newspaper of our very republican ad ministration, to beware how they follow the example of plain honest William Simmons. It will probably amuse the reader, it we endeavour to ascertain in what this very offensive “rudeness” of Mr. Simmons consisted. To this end I give his letter, TO THE EDITOR OF THE FEDL. REPUBLICAN. SIR-By my statement in your paper of to-day, I presume it will be admitted, that from my endeavouring to prevent Gen. Armstrong from the misapplication of public monies, he had become hostile to me. I will now relate some of his subsequent conduct, by which the public may judge the injury he has done to the present administration, by refusing to receive my reports, for balances ascertained upon settlement of accounts, that warrants might issue in favour of claimants, as had been usual ever since the establishment of Mr. Simmons received his appointment if, the office; thereby hurting public credit and preventing creditors from every part of the contiI do not mistake, from General Washington. nent from having their balances remitted, as Under Mr. Adams and Mr. Jefferson, and du- heretofore, by the treasurer of the U. States. ring the first five years of Mr. Madison, he On the 12th April, 1814, I certified a balance due to Thomas Buford, Esq. late deputy com was continued not only undisturbed, but ap-missary of purchases. On the following day I plauded for the ability with which he discharged the duties of his office. And even Now, that he is removed, he is not accused of was in the secretary of war's room, and observing my report upon his table with the warrant (made out by his clerk in the usual way for the cases, when the individuals are indebted, before balance, the warrant not signed by him.) I observed to the secretary, that the gentleman whom that warrant was for, was in my office, waiting for it, and desirous of leaving town. The secretary replied" that he would sign no more war-war, above referred to, and take the occasion to rants upon my settlements until after the accounts had been re-examined at the treasury." I asked him, if he had any information of any misconduct of Col. Buford, or was suspicious that the balance reported by me was not correct. He observed, No-but if congress would not give him a comptroller that he had asked for, that he would not sign any more warrants upon my settlements, until the accounts had been re-examined at the treasury. I then observed, that I could have no objection to that-it would relieve me from great responsibility, but would be a great Now, then, for the "rudeness." Mr. Simhardship to the claimants, many of whom, from mons has under three presidents, and for five the size and magnanimity of their accounts, attended the examination at my office for several years under Mr. Madison, proceeded in one months; and if the accounts were to be re-ex- plain regular uninterrupted course. As long amined at the treasury they would be detained as there was money enough in the treasury, as much longer, and from the relative connexion this course was never objected to. But now of the accounts with others in the office, and without reference to my books, any re-examination out of my office, and by persons unacquainted with the routine of examination, would answer but little purpose. He also observed-that he and Mr. Jones (the secretary of the navy) had both determined not to sign any more warrants upon settlements by the accountants until after the accounts had been re-examined at the I the secretary at war discovers that the operations of the accountant and of the government had been for two and twenty years “illegal.” purposely omit any remarks on this misera ble shift to protect the empty coffers of our national spendthrifts. We are in search of treasury, according to law-that they had both Mr. Simmons' “rudeness.” Is it then that the been acting illegally ever since they had been inrudeness consists in his requesting the compoffice, and that they would do so no more. troller to furnish him new "forms" to meet then returned to my office, supposing that they had both come to this determination. Soon after this new " course prescribed by the secretary at my report in favour of Col.Buford was sent to me, war?" Or in the concluding remark, that the with the following remark noted upon it :-"number of accounts call for immediate attention?" It may be presumed that the request for forms could give no offence. It must have been then, that the hint, he gave did. Mr. Simmons expressed a solicitude for the poor officers, soldiers and other public creditors, which was very "rude" and he was according ly dismissed. How could a bankrupt treasury endure such "rudeness ?" "The accountant will report, from time to time, all such settlements as shall have been made by him, for the inspection and revision of the accounting officers of the treasury, agreeably to the act of the 8th May, 1792. JOHN ARMSTRONG. War Department, 18th April, 1814. As the business of my office, from its first establishment, had always been conducted in conformity to rules and regulations furnished by the comptroller of the treasury, I deemed it proper to write to the present comptroller a letter, ofed. which the following is a copy: But no, Mr. Simmons was not yet dismissOn the 18th April, 1814, he received a letter from the comptroller, which is so long and amounts to so little, that it need not be published. Mr. Simmons continued to examine his accounts. SIR-I adjusted the account of Thomas Buford, late deputy commissary of purchases, and report- "And as it regarded those (he says) on which ed the balances found due him, in the usual form, balances were found due to the United States, to the secretary of war, that a warrant might is- they have been settled as heretefore, and the ac site for the payment of the balance. This course, counts definitively prepared for entry on the however, the secretary of war declines, and has books of my office, and the party informed by returned the report with the following note there-letter. But as it regarded accounts on which on. [This note is copied above.] balances were due from the United States to in Understanding from this decision, that all ac-dividuals, they were generally examined, the ba counts adjusted in this office, are to be reported to the treasury for examination and revision, before the balances are to be paid; or in other lances ascertained, and such as had been settled, between the time the secretary of war made his objection to receiving my reports, and the time I got the comptroller's letter, believing, as I did, I do not know the rest of the story. What the objections had been removed, I sent the re-rudeness to his superiors," Mr. Simmons ports into the secretary's office, where the war 66 rants were made out by one of the clerks in the committed, after he had been branded as “a asual way, and thence were taken in to him for damn'd rascal," remains to be seen; and when his signature; but instead of signing the war-I am furnished with the details, I shall be rants, he tore them up with great violence and able to let my readers know how, in this land put them in the fire, returning the reports to my office, and desiring I should send no more re- of liberty, and by this administration of reports to him. Soon afterwards, a claim was pre-publicans, a man must expect to be punished, sented in favour of a Mr. John Douglas, from DEPARTMENT OF WAR, Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, and as I was not at li-if with the spirit of a free and independent berty to report on his account, I made the en- American, he shall dare to evince resentment, dorsement of which the following is a copy: when his 66 superiors" insult him in the coarsest manner. We shall then see that The secretary at war having determined not when a secretary at war calls an accountant to receive any reports from this office for the ba- of the war department "a damn'd rascal," lances payable, ascertained on settlements, until he is in the regular exercise of his official suafter the accounts have been settled, and report Accountant's Office, April 25, 1814. guilty of a ed to the accounting officers of the treasury for periority; and that when the accountant retheir inspection and revision; and the account-sents this insolence like a man, he becomes ing officers of the treasury having by their letters under date of the 18th April, 1814, refused "rudeness to his superiors," to receive the accounts in any other way than not only subject him to removal by the forms, which have been presented in July from office, but to be libelled in the official and August, 1792, immediately after the pasage Gazette of the liberty and equality adminisof the law, which forms direct that all settlements made by the accountant shall only be ren-tration of these enlightened republican Unidered quarterly to the treasury-a difference of ted States. After which let any body be opinion, therefore, existing between the secreta-guilty of like "rudeness to our superiors," if ry of war aud the treasury department, I am un- he dare. It has become a violation of all able to make any settlement, or to report any balance, in any other way than that heretofore practised, until the difference of opinion above referred to, is removed. (Signed) WM. SIMMONS. sound practical republicanism for an American to resent an insult, if it proceed from his superiors. He must submit to be abused, kicked and cuffed. Did not the administration submit to it from “ their superior," Turreau? And shall Mr. Simmons dare to dif fer from this high example? 1040 This claim, which was for upwards of 2000 dollars, was again made by Mr. Douglas, in June, 1814. I informed him that the difliculty had not been removed, but advised him to call upon the secretary of war, with whom the objection rested. After his interview with Genealr Armstrong, whom he could not induce to recede, he called upon me at my own house, on his being ready to return to Pittsburgh, and observed, that he could not go home without lettng me know what General Armstrong said of me, and that he would give me a certificate of the mean to take up this subject; and treating fact. There were several gentlemen at my house it historically and argumentatively, I feel at the time, who witnessed the occurrence. The a strong confidence, that I shall be able following is a copy: "I certify, that in a conversation with the secretary of war, this day, respecting a claim, which I have against the government, in speaking of the accountant of the war department, he remarked, among language which I consider ed unbecoming, that the accountant was a damned rascal. (Signed) JOHN DOUGLAS. Washington, June 8th, 1814. FRENCH INFLUENCE.-If ever I have leisure enough, (but I fear I shall not, until I am removed from office next winter) I to convince every impartial and patient reader, that a settled and determined accordance with the designs of the usurper of the French throne, and the oppressor of Europe and the French people, is the true cause of the evils to which we are subjected. A fair developement of facts, and a dispassionate, but a faithful and fearless exposition of the arguments ou When the above was communicated to me, I was about to proceed immediately to give the assassin, who would not dared to have made the assertion in my hearing, the chastisement that so daring and villainous an outrage to an innocent this subject are due to this nation and and injured character deserved, but was pre-posterity. I am not so completely orga vented through the interposition of my friends nized in habits of labour, as to venture to present. Your most obedient servant, undertake it yet. On this subject my WM SIMMONS. |