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OFFICERS CALLED FOR. 45
tice and liberty, the world has ever seen. With such | started the ball of revolution, and they will carry it a Constitution and our institutions, we can establish forward to the consummation and the end they have a Confederacy which shall endure for ages; and our in view. Solitary and alone, it is my fixed belief Confederacy will be as powerful as it will be great. that the State of South Carolina, whatever may be* The Union is dissolved, and henceforth tide her, whoever refuse to stand by her-that South there is deliverance and peace and liberty for the Carolina, solitary and alone if need be, will launch South. We leave it, not in a time of public danger her gallant little bark of independence upon an unand trouble, but in a time of established security; tried political sea; abiding in the justice of her not in a time of war, with a foreign enemy thunder- cause, and relying upon the gallant arms and the ing on our coasts, but in a time of profound peace stout hearts of her people, will peril all in the con. with all the world. We leave it victorious in three test with our enemy." wars, led on by Southern generals; and with a vast domain of territory, stretching from sea to sea, greater than all civilized Europe contains-the glorious fruits of Southern statesmanship. We leave it, as our fathers left their union with Great Britain, after a patience of endurance, which they would have scorned; and armed like them, with the mighty consciousness of right, more powerful than armies with banners. The long weary night of our humiliation, oppression, and danger is passing away, and the glorious dawn of a Southern Confederacy breaks on our view. With the blessing of God, we will soon be a great people-happy, prosperous and free." This speech was significent not only of the state of sentiment in the State, but demonstrated, incontestably, that the work of rebellion had been progressing long enough before the Presidential election to render secession a fixed fact in event of Lincoln's success.
"This great Government, the wonder of the world --this mighty Federal Union, the centre of so many hopes and aspirations-is now sliding from under our feet, and those great sovereign communities that breathed into it the breath of life; that called it Into being, but which has been most perfidiously abused and betrayed, are about to recall the powers with which they clothed it, and to assume their original positions among the people of the earth as a sovereign and independent nation. But, fellow-citizens, what is most remarkable of all is, that it is not a legislative, but a popular revolution. The people
Another speaker from the delegation said: "The wicked and nefarious plot which forty years ago was conceived to seize the reins of this Government for the purpose of plundering the South and uprooting her institutions has, day by day, matured, until the hour of its accomplishment has come. The knell of this Union has been sounded, and it must go down, if it has to go down in a stream of blood and in a multitude of human suffering. Of what value, my friends, is this Union to you now? Three thousand millions of property is involved in this question, and if you say at the ballot-box that South Carolina shall not secede, you put into the
sacrifice three thousand millions of your property. Aye, my friends, that Union of which so many speak in terms of laudation-its virtues, its spirit, its splendor has forever fled. It is now a dead carcass, stinking in the nostrils of the South. * * Aye, my friends, a few weeks more and you will see floating from the fortifications the ensign that now bears the Palmetto, the emblem of a Southern Confederacy.
A thousand hearts will rally to its support, and a thousand swords will leap from their scabbards, resolved to make it their winding-sheet ere it shall
trail in dishonor in the dust."
Upon the adjournment of the Court of Chancery, on the afternoon of Friday, November 16th, the Chancellor, in his parting address, "expressed the earnest hope that when they again met, it would be as the Court of an independent State, and that State a member of a Southern Confederacy." About this time a de-. Navy and Army offi mand was made by the cers to resign. Mercury, of "all the Army and Navy officers of the State of South Carolina, now in the service of the General Government," to throw up their commissions and join in the revolutionary movement.
The call read :
"In behalf of the people of the State of South Carolina, we would this day call upon each and all of her sons who are now engaged in the military ser
vice of the Government of the United States, to renounce at once the sword and the rations of the vulgar oppressor, and to hasten at once to the homes that gave them birth, for the protection of their native soil, the preservation of the institutions of their State, and the maintenance of the liberty of freemen, bequeathed them by their fathers.
"South Carolina wants her soldier citizens around her now. The mother looks to her sons to protect her from outrage. Shall she look in vain? She wants, now, military skill and science, to direct the courage and energies of her people. She looks to her Army and Navy officers to supply that want. Let them return home at once, without any hesitation whatever. They need have no more doubt of South Carolina's going out of the Union, than of the world's turning round. Every man that goes to the Convention will be a pledged man-pledged for immediate separate State secession, in any event what ever. Once out of the Union, nothing but conquest will bring her back. She is resolved, sick of the Union, disgusted with it upon any terms that are within the range of the widest possibility.
"Her sons, however, will be taken care of, whatever the result of her secession-for that is a fixed
fact. Let them not hesitate; but rather let their promptitude bespeak the amount of their devotion
to their native State."
Great Popular Demon.
Saturday morning, Nov. 17th, the people of Charleston inaugurated a gala-day by erecting a pine pole, ninety feet in height, from which was flung the Palmetto flag. It consisted of a white ground with a palmetto tree in the centre, under which was inscribed —“Animas assibusque parati." The State flag also flew from all the public buildings and leading houses in the city. It is estimated that twenty thousand persons took part in the festivities of the day "to inaugurate the revolution." As the flag ran up the "liberty pole," the Washington artillery fired a salute of one hundred guns, while a band discoursed the "Marseilles Hymn”—adding the "Miserere" from Il Trovatore, as a requiem for the departed Union.
blessed our fathers belng imperiled, we ask Thy fa vor and aid. Inspire us with courage, with a spirit of self-sacrifice, with a love of law and order, and with dependence upon Thee. Bless our State, and her sister States, in this great crisis. May they act as becometh a moral and religious people. Consecrate with Thy favor the banner of liberty this day hung in the heavens. May the city over which it floats be in Thy gracious keeping. Shield our commerce on the seas, and protect our homes and firesides. May agriculture bring her stores to our mart, and order and quiet abide in our streets, if it be Thy will. Avert from our land the horrors of war; but whatever we may be called upon to endure, be Thou our fortress and defence. O God! our fathers have declared unto us the noble works which Thou didst in their days. Continue Thy goodness to us their children, and make us that happy people whose good is the Lord, through Jesus Christ, our Redeerer. Amen."
This was succeeded by speeches, chiefly from business men, since it was a business men's, or people's celebration. The crowd was addressed as 66 Citizens of the Southern Republic." Processions came pouring into the public square from all sections of the city, bearing banners and mottoes expressive of the sentiments of the hour, viz. :- "Now of Never," "Stand to your Arms," "South Carolina Goes it Alone,” “God, Liberty, and the State," "No Stripes for South Carolina,” “Let us bury the Union's Dead Carcass," &c., &c. Secession badges were worn by men, women and children. A reporter present said :"All classes are arming for the contingency of coercion. Revolvers and patent fire-arms are selling like hot cakes." The same authority said:
"Not a ship in the harbor has the Federal flag flying, but, far down in the Bay, it can still be discerned flying over Fort Moultrie."
In the evening of the same day another vast concourse of people assembled in the square to hear speeches, all of the most radical disunion character. One thought, feeling and devotion to the secession sentiment prevailed. Merchants from Northern cities, it is
said, took part in the proceedings-giving the people strong assurances that New York, Philadelphia and Baltimore, would sustain South Carolina in her course.
From the speech of Mr. Theodore G. Barker we must re-produce a paragraph to show
that a strong feeling prevailed against the with the men of the western part of the State. Union for its majority rule. Mr. B. said :- They would come up to the Convention with "I am not one of those who hearts resolved to do or die. The people of can bear to scoff at the lost South Carolina had determined, right or grandeur of this dying Repub-wrong, to be free. The die was cast.
The True Cause Cropping Out.
lic. It has indeed been a glorious triumph of free institutions. The diseases which have undermined it are common to all known human systems. Its death should be no discouragement to our continuing the grand experiment of self-government for ourselves. The great lessons of its short but brilliant history will not be lost to us or mankind. But remember, also, its warnings. Beware of the tendencies of a majority government-Remember the teachings of the great State-Rights Champion of Carolina, your own Calhoun. See to the protection of the minority; beware of the abuses of universal suffrage; beware of Democratic Absolutism! But be not discouraged. The torch of liberty, which was kindled by the great men of 1776 in the fires of the American Revolution, is already passing into the hands of the leaders of the Southern Revolution of 1860. The experience of near a century will teach them how to keep it bright forever."
A Congressman's Views.
On the evening of November 21st, Hon. John McQueen and others addressed the people of Columbia. Mr. McQueen said, among other things:
"In three short weeks, according to his humble judgment, the sovereignty of South Carolina will be again established. The people are determined to live free or die. In a journey of three thousand miles that the speaker had made through many Southern States, he had not met one man who was not ready to strike the blow at once. They say you are ready, and if you strike we will soon follow you. Had they not heard it said by the other Southern States that if South Carolina goes now, whether we unite with you or not, yet upon the shedding of the first drop of blood we will be with you in such numbers that there will not be soil enough in South Carolina to hold us?"
All these expressions, taken in connection with the resolves of the Legislature, leave no reason to doubt that the people were prepared for any contingency which might arise, either in separate secession, in a peaceful negotiation of terms of settlement with the authorities at Washington, or in a conflict with the Federal Government. It was, apparently, a matter of indifference what turn events might take :—all appeared to feel that their mere act of secession was equivalent to the full accomplishment of the States independence.
Vigilance Associa tions.
As a further feature of the attitude of the people throughout the State, we may mention the formation of Vigilance Associations," whose objects will be inferred from the following resolutions adopted November 24th, by citizens of Lexington District :
Resolved, That the officers shall be elected every four months by the members of the Association, and they are required to meet monthly, and transact all business that may be referred to them, having full power to decide all cases that may be brought before them, and their decisions shall be final and conclusive.
Resolved, That the President appoint as many cap. tains of patrol as he may think necessary to carry out the object of the Association, each company of patrol to consist of not less than five men.
Resolved, That the patrol companies have the power to arrest all suspicious white persons, and bring them before the Executive Committee for trial.
Resolved, That each captain of patrol be required to call out his company for duty once a week, or as often as he may think necessary.
Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to put down all negro preachings, prayer-meetings, and all congregations of negroes that may be considered unlawful by the patrol companies.
Resolved. That the patrol companies have the power to correct and punish all slaves, free negroes, mulattoes, and mestizoes, as they may deem proper, as nothing herein justifies any patrol company to injure any person's property.
Resolved, That we pledge ourselves to give no general passes-each pass to specify where to go and when to return.
Resolved, That each and every captain of patrol be furnished with a copy of these resolutions, which they must show to all persons residing in their neighborhood, and request their signatures.
Resolved, That each captain of patrol be required to make a return to the President monthly, and report all persons who refuse to do duty.
Resolved, That we will prohibit all peddlers from passing through our section of the district, unless they be legally authorized to do so by law.
Resolved, That any of the above resolutions may be changed at any regular meeting by a majority of
according to the Constitution of this State, to exercise the office to which I have been appointed, and will, to the best of my abilities, discharge the duties thereof, and preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of this State and of the United States."
It was also provided, among other things, by the State Constitution, that the Governor "shall command the military forces of the State, except when they shall be called into the service of the United States." As it was impossible to alter that Constitution for the emergency, the entire obligations of the in
two-thirds of the votes of the members present. Resolved, That the officers do duty equal to any of strument were ignored as part of the scheme of the revolution. The Constitution could
only be altered after the following process:
"No part of the Constitution shall be altered un
These Vigilant Associations and Committees were soon at work, and large numbers of Northern men and women-teachers, preach-less a bill to alter the same shall have been read ers, travellers, peddlers, &c.—were arraigned by them and compelled to leave the State. In a few cases violence was resorted to, in the way of tar and feathers, where an "abolitionist" was "spotted."
three times in the House of Representatives and three times in the Senate, and agreed to by two-thirds of both branches of the whole representation; nei
ther shall any alteration take place until the bill, as agreed to, be published three months previous to a new election for members to the House of RepresenFrom the planter owning six hundred ne- tatives; and if the alteration proposed by the Legisgroes, down to the "white trash," all seemed lature shall be agreed to in the first session by twoto feel the fire of enthusiasm in the cause of thirds of the whole representation in both branches disunion-all alike were inspired with hatred of the Legislature, after the same shall have been of the North and contempt of the Federal read three times, on three several days, in each compact. So far as we can know, not one soli-House, then, and not otherwise, the same shall betary voice in South Carolina was raised in come a part of the Constitution." behalf of the Union, after the middle of November.
A Queer Case
A strict constructionist may, very properly declare the whole act of secession illegal and [A very remarkable fea- unconstitutional under the laws of South Cature of this "popular up-rolina. As the Wheeling Convention afterrising" is the fact that the wards declared the entire vote of Virginia Legislature and the people in the action taken and the declaration of secession illegal, so any abrogated their own Constitution, and never for citizen or body of men in South Carolina can a moment regarded its provisions. Thus, declare the acts of their Legislature and Conevery officer serving the State was required vention entirely illegal under their State orto subscribe to the following oath:ganic law, and consistently might repudiate the entire proceedings.]
"I do swear (or affirm) that I am duly qualified
VIEWS OF THE FATHERS OF THE REPUBLIC ON THE
BEFORE entering upon the narrative of the | indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every events which rapidly followed upon the open- attempt to alienate any portion of our country from ing of the XXXVI Congress, (2d Session,) the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now which assembled Dec. 3d, we must pause to link together the various parts. For this you have introduce the opinions of the founders of the every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens, by birth or choice, of a common country, that Constitution and of its most eminent expoundcountry has a right to concentrate your affection." ers, on the question of Union. It is only by having their views, of the right of a State to secede, that we can form a just estimate of the position which parties soon assumed on the question of disunion.
Opinions of President
Upon the benignant character of the Constitution, and its provision for all needed amendment, the Address says:—
"To the efficacy and permanency of your Union a government for the whole is indispensable. No Chief of all comes Wash-alliances, however strict, between the parts, can be ington. In his Farewell an adequate substitute; they must inevitably expeAddress, we have at once rience the infractions and interruptions which all his warning and his encouragement. The alliances, in all times, have experienced. Sensible Union, one and indivisible, is his prayer and of this momentous truth, you have improved upon his adjuration. Did he sadly foresee, with your first essay by the adoption of a constitution of the prescience of his patriot spirit, the cir- government better calculated than your former for cumstances of 1861, when he wrote that im- an intimate Union, and for the efficacious managemaculate document? It says: ment of your common concerns. This government, the offspring of our own choice, uninfluenced and "The unity of government, which constitutes you unawed, adopted upon full investigation and mature one people, is also now dear to you. It is justly so; deliberation, completely free in its principles, in the for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real inde- distribution of its powers uniting security with enpendence; the support of your tranquility at home, ergy, and containing within itself a provision for its your peace abroad; of your safety; of your pros own amendment, has a just claim to your confidence perity; of that very liberty which you so highly and your support. Respect for its authority, comprize. But, as it is easy to foresee that, from differ-pliance with its laws, acquiescence in its measures, cnt causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken, in your minds, the conviction of this truth; as this is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insiduously) directed, it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your National Union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual, and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and 7
are duties enjoined by the fundamental maxims of true liberty.
"If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment, in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change by usurpation.
"The basis of our political systems is, the right of the people to make and to alter their constitutions of government. But the constitution which at any time exists, till changed by an explicit and authentic act of the whole people, is sacredly obligatory upon all. The very idea of the power and the right of the people to establish government pre-supposes the duty of every individual to obey the established government."