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ceedings. It is but proper to add, that if the deten tion of the Adjuster is the deliberate act of the constituted authorities of Georgia, it is equally unjustifiable, and there can be no doubt that, at no distant day, the Federal authorities will obtain full reparation for you for any damages you may sustain; if not, then the General Government itself, which owes you protection, in return for your allegiance, is thereby under the fullest obligations to indemnify you."

upon his requisition, after proper legal pro- | partiality which should characterize all judicial proceedings, and it only remained for the Georgia claimants to pursue the same process to obtain their ten cases. But, Governor Brown did not propose any legal formality in the matter. His mere demand should suffice; as that was not obeyed, he made the second seizure of two ships. Against these acts the owners of the vessels were powerless to obtain redress, for the reason that their remedy was in Georgia local courts, or, failing there, was in the direct interference of the General Government. Gov. Morgan, when applied to by

Governor Morgan's

Views. the owners of the craft first appropriated by the Georgia Executive officers, had answered their inquiries as to

their mode of redress as follows:

"I can only say that your remedy is through the United States Courts, or, if you so elect, through the courts of the State of Georgia, within whose limits the offence of which you complain is stated to have been committed. In a case of this kind the Execu

tive authority of New York can render you no assistance, for the obvious reason that no law of this State has been infringed, and because the wrong

was not perpetrated within its jurisdiction. If, as you state, officials or citizens of Georgia have detained your vessel as a measure of retaliation for the alleged seizure of certain arms by the officers of the police of New York, the tribunals of that State, or of the United States, it must be presumed, will determine the act as entirely unjustifiable, and will afford you ample redress for any loss by detention or otherwise which you may suffer. If your vessel is detained for any other reason than the one suspected by you, it is but fair to assume that the courts of Savannah will examine into the facts with that im

All that was required to obtain the muskets was to replevin them, and leave it for the courts to decide as to the legality of their detention. The ten cases were finally released, by process of law, for the reason stated on page 332, viz.: that the arms could not be proven as belonging to disloyal citizens.

Injury to Southern

These several reprisals did more to injure the commerce of Georgia than could have been surmised. Northern vessels soon ceased to frequent the waters of Savannah harbor; and, as they were not admitted to Charleston harbor, the commercial interests of Georgia and South Carolina, by March 4th, were suffering from great restriction. In inaugurating the persecution of Northern men and commerce, the Southern States struck directly at their most prosperous resources of trade and exchange. Thus, the people were made to suffer, even before hostilities were actually inaugurated by the assult on Sumter, by the arbitrary acts of the very few men directing the destinies of

the South.

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Importance of the

Senate Petitions.

In the Senate, Monday, (February 25th,) a number of petitions were presented of a very stern anti-compromise character, declaring for the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws against revolution and treason. Per contra, Mr. Bigler presented the resolutions of the Pennsylvania State Democratic Convention, held at Harrisburg February 22d, declaring against the use of coercive measures towards any of the Seceded States; approving of the conciliatory overtures made by the Southern Border States; and declaring their hearty concurrence in all reasonable and constitutional measures for the preservation of the Union consistent with the rights of all the States. These resolutions were not as rankly proSouthern in their demands as those passed, early in the month, by the Democratic State Conventions of Connecticut [see page 363] and Michigan. Their modified tone was indicative of the rapid change in public sentiment, against which the leaders of the Democracy eventually had to succumb. Very significant petitions were presented by Sumner, of Massachusetts, Ten Eyck, of New Jersey, and Trumbull, of Illinois.

THE thirteenth week of quently compelled to a mere brief of the arthe second session of the gument, instead of admitting the graces of XXXVIth Congress was oratory. one of the most important and interesting in its results of any six days of the session. Speech-making was subordinate to action. The numerous speeches already recorded in these pages prove how ably and thoroughly the entire question of Government was handled. The Convention of Delegates called in 1787, to revise the Articles of Confederation, embodied no finer forensic ability than was displayed in the winter of 1860-61. The wide range of the debate, rendered necessary by the extraordinary nature of the questions sprung by the destructionists, viz.: of a right to break up the Government; of a right to a constitutional sanction of property in man; of the right to equality of the minority; of a right to the extension of Slavery over free Territory-called forth all the lore and mental resources of men not unfitted for the crisis; and the future will not fail to regard the eloquence, the argumentative and legal strength, the learning, the tact, exhibited, as worthy of association with that great era in British legislation, when Pitt, Fox, Burke, Erskine and Sheridan sent the splendors of their rhetoric scintillating over the intellectual, like the magic Northern Lights over the material, heavens. This is challenging a severe ordeal of criticism; but, we may appeal. Among matters up for in confidence to the Globe to justify our par- consideration was the bill allel. Great emergencies are said to call giving the Postmasterforth ready minds: in the declamation of both General power to suspend postal relations Northern and Southern men will be found a with the insurrectionary States, which was verification of the aphorism. We have strenuously opposed by Hemphill and Wigsought to reproduce, in some degree, these fall, of Texas, Mason, of Virginia, Pearce, of notable speeches, though we have, from the Missouri, and other Southern members. necessity of condensation, been more fre- They generally protested against the use of

Mails in the Seceded
States again.

the word "insurrection," as offensive to the | 1847.
ears of "gentlemen from the South"; and
proposed substitutes calculated to strip the
bill of its retaliatory character.

Hemphill offered a substitute for the bill, that" whereas, several States have withdrawn from the Union, and the laws of the United States no longer have force: therefore, Resolved, that the Postmaster-General is authorized to discontinue the postal service, and make arrangements with the Government of those States in regard to the same."

Polk, of Missouri, moved to modify the amendment So as to read, "In all the States which have withdrawn from the Union the Postmaster-General shall have power to discontinue the postal service." Lost-yeas, 19; nays, 30. Hemphill's substitute was also voted down-9 to 38. The bill was disscussed at some length before being put upon its passage. In the course of remarks made by Green, (Dem.,) of Missouri, there was an exhibition of ignorance, and of egotism-ever apt to accompany ignorance- -which did not reflect creditably upon the intelligence of the State from whence he came. The Senator located the "Whiskey Insurrection" in John Adams' administration, and made Washington commander-in-chief for its suppression ! The bill finally passed, by a vote of 34 to 12.

A very long discussion followed on the Civil Appropriation bill, which, after sundry amendments, finally passed by a vote of 30 to 4. The session was prolonged late into the evening.

When the present Administration came into power, the public debt was $29,000 000, with nearly $18,000,000 in the treasury; but now the public debt is over $96,000,000. The smallest possible amount the Government can get along with the next fiscal year is $58,000,000. It was a necessity to pass the bill.

The amendments were finally acted upon, under the operation of the previous question. All the Senate amendments were concurred in, except that on tea and coffee, on which Mr. Sherman asked and obtained a committee of conference.

The Volunteer Bill-
Howard's Speech.

The Volunteer bill [see p. 431] came up, when Howard, of Michigan, resumed his speech [see p. 432,] assuming that the bill only gave construction to laws already in existence. Congress must put in the President's hands means to perform his duty, if it expects him to perform it, and must instruct him as to the mode in which he should do it. They could not be released from this obligation. He repeated, that the President should have power to execute the Constitution in all its parts. The highest duty of a Government, which dates far anterior to all constitutions, is to preserve its existence. He reviewed the several asseverated causes of the revolution, showing how groundless they were. His statements on this head were clear and concise. His summary was not calculated to add strength to the hopes of the compromisers. His words were:

"When the madness of the hour shall pass away; when this excitement shall have disappeared; when men shall look at these things coolly, they will denounce this whole movement as the most causeless revolt to be found in the history of the world. There has been nothing like it since Lucifer and his angels were thrown over the battlements of heaven. There is no foundation for it. There are no difficulties here which might not be settled, and, in my judgment, which ought not to be settled. But, remaining unsettled, what is the duty of Congress! They have but one duty to perform, and that is to move on with moderation, with coolness, with wis

In the House, Monday, The Morrill Tariff Bill. (February 25th,) the Morrill Tariff bill, with its one hundred and sixty amendments, was under consideration in Committee of the Whole. The discussion was one of intense interest, and the bill, at the hour of one, found only about one-third of the amendments acted on, when the Chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means urged the necessity of concurring in all the amendments, to many of which he was opposed, and, under other cir- dom, but with unflinching firmness, to the discharge cumstances, would vote against them. But of every great constitutional duty-namely, the exhe believed the very existence of this Gov-ecution of the laws of the Union; the defence of the ernment depended on the prompt passage of Union, the public property of the Union-in short, this bill, which is substantially the act of the execution of the Constitution. This must be done.




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There is but one tribunal which can release Congress | men from the duty, and that is, the sovereign power which framed the Constitution. That is the only power which can dissolve this Government; and until it is dissolved by that power, our duty is not doubtful, nor will the final result prove our authority

to have been uncertain."

Pryor Again.

Pryor, (Dem.,) of Virginia, followed in a brief but characteristically violent speech. He did not, at that late hour, propose to discuss all the issues challenged by Mr. Howard's speech. But one good result from the passage of the bill he would consider:

"Inasmuch as its enactment-its eventual enactment is a foregone and inevitable conclusion, I do most fervently pray that it may be adopted at once, to the end that the people of Virginia and the South may be roused to an apprehension of the perils which menace their destruction. Sir, it is by this policy of concealment and procrastination; this Machiavelian policy of divide and conquer,' that the enemies of the South have sown division in its councils. Dissembling designs which I know they entertain, and pretending pacific purposes, which I know they abhor at heart, they have succeeded, so far, in detaching the Border States from the Southern interest and alliance. Sir, for the sake of a united South, for the sake of the cause now suspended on the success of the Southern movement, I beseech gentlemen on the other side-nay, I rather defiantly challenge them, to assume the attitude of avowed hostility correspondent with their bloody designs."

No man, he declared with a violent demeanor, dared to gainsay the assertion, that the Republican party were resolved never to recognize the independence of the Seceded States, nor to surrender the control over the captured forts. In short, they are resolved to permit the South no other alternative but submission or subjugation. In the event that the South declines to capitulate, coercion by arms is their purpose and policy. Who so bold as to deny this assertion? He desired to proclaim to the country that the policy of the dominant party and the incoming Administration is to carry slaughter and sword into the bosoms of the people of the South, rather than tolerate the existence of a Southern Confederacy

The object is to chastise and subdue the Seceded States. By this bill the President may carry on against them a vigorous

hostility. In fact, it was a measure of fratricidal and civil war clearly against the letter and spirit of the Constitution. He closed his fulmination in these words:

"Then, sir, I say, pass your bills of coercion. Pass them with whatsoever indecent haste and aggravating circumstance. Collect the materials of war, so that when your leader descends upon the scene he may draw the curtain from the bloody drama-so that when he assumes the reins of power he may precipitate his legions into the bosom of the South. I do not say they may be welcomed with bloody hands to hospitable graves,' but this I will adventure: that the people of the South will not surrender their rights without a struggle; and that for whatsoever may be wrested from them by the grasp of superior force, they will indemnify their posterity by bequeathing them the legacy of an untarnished name."

Curtis, (Rep.,) of Iowa, answered the Virginian's irate declamation. He (Pryor) had followed in the same line of argument as others from his State, which, evidently, was meant to keep the public mind inflamed and bewildered. The Republicans were accused of meditating

Curtis' Speech.

coercion, when everything they had done and said had no such bearing. The gentleman expressed the hope that the bill would speedily pass for the purpose of arousing Virginia and the South. He did not thus speak to reason, to the bill, or to Congress, but to the Convention of Virginia, and to the assemblies of the South, who are taking action against their own mother-country. The gentleman's own statement that a Confederacy exists within the United States should induce us to draw around ourselves all the means of power and protection we can command. If we are a nation, we ought to show it. What are the pillars of Government? Goodness, wisdom, and power. There can be no Government without power, and no law without sanction, the omission of which would be mere advice. The bill now pending was for means of defence, and for the sake of peace. He contended that there was nothing unconstitutional in the bill, which only extended the provisions of existing laws. Jefferson, and Madison, and other Presidents had power to call out State troops. He repeated, that the bill is intended to aid in the execution of the

Curtis' Speech.

laws, maintain our common Government, and protect and shield our citizens in all sections. He did not make war on the Southern States, but every man who raised his hand against the Government, as in the Southern States, was in rebellion against it. If gentlemen have affection for the country, let them rally around its standard. There is no peace if people will not show more loyalty. The peace and safety of society depend on the Government, which every man is bound to support, and the Government is bound to support every man.

He was interrupted, at some length, by Simms, of Kentucky, Rust, of Arkansas, Hughes, of Maryland, Clark, of Missouri, Branch, of North Carolina, and Burnett, of Kentucky-all of whom contested his positions and inferences with some feeling. Burnett, among his inquiries, asked whether it was the purpose of the Republicans, under this bill, to reenforce the forts in the Seceded States now held by the Federal Government, and to recapture the forts taken therein, unless they shall be surrendered.

Curtis replied, that his purpose was to support the Constitution as it is, until some power shall be vested in him to do otherwise. He had sworn to support the Constitution, and must do so. It may not be necessary to reenforce those forts in the present exasperated state of the public mind. He (Curtis) recognized rebellion and civil war as existing in the South. He would resort to all honorable means to avoid a conflict of arms, and did not believe it would be necessary to move an army thither until the people carry their hostility against the United States. This did not satisfy. Simms asked another question. In executing and enforcing the laws, do you hold it necessary in doing so to reenforce the Southern forts in possession of the Federal Government, and to recapture the property?

The reply was, that he (Curtis) was not going to say in open session what might be come the duty of his country in event of further aggressions. He would not speak of measures that ought to be spoken of only in secret session, if a purpose of that kind were entertained.

Simms, from his seat,

said “Murder !"

Curtis' Speech

Curtis answered - that murder came from the other side. The acts of assassins were not from the Republicans-the murderous axe against the Government was wielded by persons skulking in the Executive Chamber and Senate of the United States, striking at their own mother-their mothercountry.

Burnett, of Kentucky, replied to the member from Iowa. He believed, with his friend from Virginia, that the passage of the bill was a foregone conclusion, and declarative of war. Such a measure never had passed Congress nor received the approval of any President. Those who framed and put the Constitution into operation expressly declared that, under no circumstances, in no conceivable state of the case, were the militia of the several States ever to be called into service by the Federal Government, except in subordination to the civil powers. The bill gave the President unlimited power over the army and navy, and enabled him to call into service 3,000,000 volunteers. The time has gone by to deal with theories, and the fact of secession must be looked on as a reality. The revolu tion was peaceful, successful, and the result a Confederated Government. Was it not bet ter for us and our posterity to recognize that Government-not its independence, but the existing fact-and then treat with it, instead of involving and threatening the country with civil war? No man had more love for the Union than himself, but it must be one of equality, and Kentucky would stand by no other. In arraigning the Republicans, he said that they had rejected all propositions from the Border Slave States, and to accept less than what they contained would be dishonorable, therefore impossible.

John Cochrane, of New York, having obtained the Sickles' Amendment floor, gave way for an amendment offered by Sickles, of New York, as follows:

"Provided, That none of the troops to be raised under this act shall be employed, except to aid in the execution of judicial process issued in conformity with the Constitution and the laws; nor shall any of said troops be sent into any State unless upon

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