Peace Convention Peace Convention Roger S. Baldwin, of Con- | before the predetermined necticut; Samuel Ames, of secessionists, who had seRhode Island; Thomas Ruf- cured a Convention, and, fin, of North Carolina; Highland Hull, of Ver- having secured it, would control it. mont; and Asa Fowler, of New Hampshire. Members were added for New York, Massachusetts, Missouri, and Tennessee, which States were not represented in the Convention until Friday, February 8th. The appointment of this Committee was considered an omen of settlement-the members consti The Committee of One from each State held a session of four and a half hours on Saturday. It voted down the motion by David Dudley Field, the New York member, namely: that no action was necessary on the Territorial question. Monday (February 11th) was consumed in considering the several tuting it being, generally, of the "conserva-propositions submitted, and in deciding upon tive" order-those understood to favor lib- the order of their consideration. Tuesday eral concessions for the sake of peace. morning a test of sentiment was made by the introduction, by Reverdy Johnson, of a resolution which, in a slightly amended form, passed by a vote of 10 to 9: Iowa and Massachusetts not being represented. It read, as adopted: Congress shall have no power to legislate upon the subject of servitude anywhere, except to per form its duties under the Constitution in respect to fugitives from service or labor, and to suppress the foreign slave-trade; nor shall any Territorial Government have power to sanction or protect invol untary servitude in any Territory north of the southern boundary of Kansas and the northern boundary The first week closed without action on any proposition. The outside indications seemed to favor the adoption of a plan of adjustment which should at least placate the remaining loyal States; but, the indisposition of the Border Slave State delegates to include the Seceded States in the compromise served to foreshadow but a partial settlement at most. The North, if it must compromise by conceding the right of property in slaves under the Constitution, and by consecrating to Slavery all the Territory south of the old Missouri Compromise line, had no design of making those concessions except of New Mexico; nor to prohibit, or impair, or affect they were accepted as a settlement of the entire question, and would restore the status quo such persons were so held and protected under the of the Union. The Southern members de-laws of the State or Territory from which they were clined the responsibility of speaking for the revolutionary States; hence, the hopes which had sprung up in some quarters-feared by the disunionists, and hoped for by their opponents-of an early and final adjustment, were not strengthened by the attitude of affairs at the close of the first week. So anx the holding of persons to service or labor in any Territory south of said line, in the same manner as removed." It was understood that several who voted in the negative would accept it as a finality, if nothing better were to be obtained. Wednesday and Thursday the Kentucky propositions were considered, and the session ious did the Virginians feel in the proceed- ter day, the Kentucky or Guthrie proposi being prolonged into the evening of the lat ings of the Convention, that Governor Letcher, and a number of the most influential members of the Virginia Legislature, visited Washington during the week, to lend their aid to the work of adjustment. The voice of Virginia at the polls, February 4th, was for Union if compromise could be secured and the "rights of the South" guaranteed; and the Governor but answered the wish of the people in seeking to secure the terms demanded. That he was anxious to save his State from revolution was apparent; but, it was equally apparent that he was powerless tion was, by a vote of 12 to 11, adopted. Its provisions were, in substance: "All Territory of the United States shall be divid ed by a line from east to west on the parallel of 38 deg. 30 min. north latitude; in all Territory north of that line involuntary servitude, except as punishment of crime, is prohibited while it shall belong to the United States, or be under a Territorial Govern ment; in all Territory south of said line involuntary servitude is recognized as it exists in the Southern States of the Union, while such Territory shall be long to the United States, or be under the Terri torial Government; neither Congress nor the Terri ANTI-COMPROMISE SENTIMENT GROWING. 361 Peace Convention torial Government shall have | absence of sagacity, in not power to hinder or prevent proposing some remedy, emigrants to said Territory while the Union was crumfrom taking with them persons held to labor or in- bling to pieces. voluntary servitude, according to the laws and usages of the State may be taken, nor to from which such persons out of such relation, and be subject to ju- fourth Article of the Constitution was not to be construed to prevent any of the States from the enforcement of the Fugitive Slave law. And, lastly, it provided that no Territory shall be henceforth acquired without the consent of three-fourths of the Senate." This proposition was submitted to the action of the Convention Friday morning, when Seddon, of Virginia, (understood to represent the Hunter faction,) offered the Crittenden resolution on behalf of the minority, with the amendments of the Virginia Legislature. Messrs. Dudley Field, Baldwin, and Crowningshield stated verbally that they disagreed with those reports. An early adjournment was had, for members to consult with their several Congressional delegations prior to voting on the question. Saturday's session was one of earnest debate. Baldwin, of Connecticut, moved to Peace Convention Mr. Curtis, of Iowa, answered this reference to Congress with much decision, saying that it was a deliberative body, and had a right to consider all propositions submitted calmly. He believed there had been an organized conspiracy to break up the Government, and that no compromise here could have prevented it. He inquired of Mr. Guthrie whether he thought even his own plan would have arrested that movement? Guthrie answered, that it would have saved some of the States. Curtis then examined Mr. Guthrie's scheme, and demonstrated that its purpose was to establish and protect Slavery in future acquisitions of Territory by an artful use of language, and to that the people of the North Would never consent. They were pledged against it, and would not, surrender their principles, but intended no aggression on the rights of the South. This firm attitude of the Republican member excited no little commotion, particularly as he had insinuated that deception was designed in the clause regarding the Territorial question. It was contended by several, among whom was Reverdy Johnson, that it not only applied to present Territories, but to future acquisitions also, and, with that view, he (Johnson) should move an amendment, so as to exclude Territory hereafter to be acquired. Anti-Compromise Sentiment Growing. No vote was taken, and the week's prosubstitute for the proposition of the Com-ceedings closed without any advance having mittee his resolution for a National Conven- been made. tion. This he supported in an able speech. He believed that no other measure would meet with the approbation of the two Houses of Congress. Mr. Guthrie, with much earnestness and power, opposed Mr. Baldwin's substitute, and advocated the report of the Committee. He urged upon the Convention speedy action. There was no time to be lost. If the Convention really intended to adopt measures which would restore peace and good brotherhood between the States, they ought to do so at once. He animadverted, with much severity, upon the refusal of Congress to meet the exigency, and the Pending these events, (February 1st-15th,) the state of the country was calculated to create renewed anxiety for the future. The anti-compromise spirit of the Northern States became more developed with each day's proceedings of Congress, and with every arrival of news from the Southern Confederacy. In the breasts of a large class, a feeling akin to rancor was becoming apparent; while the vast majority of Northern men unquestionably were opposed to any settlement which did not imply the power forever to prevent a recurrence of the revolu Anti-Compromise Sentiment Growing. "If individuals attack the Government in the discharge of Anti-Compromise Sentiment Growing. its duty, and lose their lives thereby, can it be charged that the Government has wantonly shed 'fraternal blood? Will any one pre tion against the General Government. A leading article in the Springfield (Ill.) Journal, understood to speak for Mr. Lincoln, in its issue of February 6th, laid down the "terms" upon which the new Administration would treat with the revolutionists. It stitution, and the Constitution declares that he shall said: "The telegraph tells us to-day that South Carolina has determined to attack the noble Anderson, if Government does not surrender Fort Sumter to the traitors! Away with compromises at an hour like this! Let us first establish the fact that we have a Government-a Government able to protect itself and punish treason. We should not talk about compromise while the flag of the traitors floats over an American fort, and the flag of our country trails in the dust. Until that flag is unfurled over Moultrie, and every other stolen fort, arsenal, custom-house, and navy-yard-until the laws of this Government are obeyed, and its authority recognized, let us never talk about compromise. Concession! Yes, we want concession. We ask no man to yield up his conscience, his manhood, or his honor. The Border States tell us that they are devoted to the Union and the Constitution. We ask them, then, to concede that the one shall stand and the other be obeyed. We are asked to concede that Slavery shall go into the Territories by authority of this Government. Before we talk of such a thing we want it settled that we have a Government. Before compromise of any kind is made, or even talked about, on the subject of Slavery, we want to see the rightful authority of this Government recognized and respected. Let the stolen forts, arsenals, and navy-yards be restored to the rightful owner-tear down your Rattlesnake and Pelican flag, and run up the ever-glorious Stars and Stripes-disperse your traitorous mobs, and let every man return to his duty. Then come to us with your list of grievances." While, in regard to the probable course of action to be pursued by the incoming Admin tration, it said: "It is the duty of this Government to retake its stolen forts, and other property wrongfully with held. In the performance of it, no more force will be used than is necessary. Forcible resistance will be met, and, if possible, overcome. The Government will collect its revenue, using just so much force as may be necessary for that purpose. "We assume that this will be the action of the Government, because it is the duty of the Government, and because an Administration is just going into power that will fearlessly and faithfully perform its whole duty. tend that the Government can do less than this? When the President takes a solemn oath to support the Con see that the laws are faithfully executed, can he disregard that oath and suffer the laws to be trampledunder foot? If treason and rebellion make it necessary to use force to execute those laws, is he not justified in using it? Is it coercing South Carolina to defend Fort Sumter against the attacks of a mob collected from South Carolina, Georgia, and other States? Is it coercing Florida to hold Fort Pickens against the mob collected to steal it? Is it coercing any of the States of this Union for the Government to take and hold possession of all its property within them? Is it coercing a State to enforce the national revenue laws? Will it be coercing South Carolina to take possession of the United States Customhouse, Armory, and other property belonging to the Federal Government? Is it coercing a State to abolish Post-offices where men cannot be found who are willing to hold them, or who will not honestly account to the Government for postage received? Coercion of a State! He who invented the expression did a good work for traitors. He raised a screen behind which sympathizers with treason might have a temporary hiding-place." These sentiments, if not directly inspired by the President-elect, were regarded as expressing the views entertained in his circle, and went forth with the weight of authority. That they received the hearty approval of the the corresponding tone of the leading papers Republican press, soon became evident from from Maine to Kansas. The exception was in the case of Democratic papers, chiefly of the Breckenridge school. The "Democracy," as an official organization, in some instances, boldly assumed the State Rights ground, in view of covering the retreat of the Seceded States, and thus gave the Southern leaders an argument for their hope of Northern cooperation in the division of the Confederacy. The Democratic State Nominating Convention of Connecticut, February 6th, selected James C. Loomis as its candidate for Governor, and adopted resolutions in substance as follows: "That the Union is a confederation of sovereign and independent States; that any trenching on their equality is a violation of the Constitution; that the ANTI-COMPROMISE A FINALITY. 363 The Democracy faVoring Secession. present condition of the country is owing to the sectional spirit of a great Northern party denying the equality of rights; that the doctrine of coercion, instead of conciliation, is pernicious, and should be resisted, as leading to civil war, and destruction of the moral and commercial interests of the people, and will destroy the Union, and prevent its reconstruction; that the Crittenden Compromise, or something like it, will harmonize opinions; that our Senators and Representatives have failed to meet the requirements of their position; that the Personal Liberty bills should be repealed," &c., &c. So, also, of the Michigan State Democratic Convention, February 7th. In nominating a candidate for Supreme Judge, resolutions were adopted declaring devotion to the Union, opposing coercion, and favoring compromise. But, the drift of public sentiment threatened to overwhelm this class of temporizers. The voice of the people became too stern to doubt its purpose; and, in saying that all hopes of compromise had expired by the middle of February, we feel that the statement will bear the test of any denial which may be made. Speaking for the North-west, an influential journal of Chicago said, (February 11th :) Finality. "Speaking for the NorthAnti-Compromise a west, we bid the Reconstructionists defiance. If they want revolution, they shall have it. If they insist upon disunion, they may succeed. But they cannot improve upon, and they shall not tamper with, the Constitution which our forefathers made. Liberty with us, and with those for whom we speak, is something more than a sentiment or an idea; it is a reality-an embodied form-with whom, and for whom, we and they are willing to do battle with tyranny, in whatever form it may appear. The Constitution, as it is, is sufficient for all. That in strument which has b、rne such beneficent fruit in Anti-Compromise a Finality. the past, though sometimes perverted by men who have used it in oppression's cause, is our lamp and our guide in the future. It is the New Testament of Freedom-the last revelation of Christian Democracy. He who sullies one of its pages by any of the amendments which are proposed, whereby the right of every man to have and own himself is denied, is an Atheist before Heaven, and a traitor before man!" It is important, in tracing the progress of the revolution, to note carefully the gradual changes of public opinion, and the causes which led to those changes; for, in those causes are to be found at once the reasons for the conflict which followed, and the justification for it. If "conciliation" and "compromise" failed, there was a reason for it, and that reason will be found in the invincible public opinion of the North gradually brought to bear on Congress and the Peace Convention. "No compromise" soon became the paramount idea in view of the persistent attitude of hostility assumed by the Seceded States, not only in the formation of a new General Government, but in the organizations of armies with which to force the Unionists to an acceptance of the terms which the Slave States might offer. To "conciliate" and 'compromise" in the face of force, was to cower before revolution. A prominent Democrat from New York said [see page 348] on the floors of Congress, "I say, in the presence of this new and last phase of the secession movement, that it can have no friends in the North, it can have no apologists in the North; but there will soon be no exception to the general denunciation which it must meet with from the loyal and patriotic citizens of this country." He but heralded the uprising which was soon to marshal its millions under the rallying-cry of "The Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws!" 66. CHAPTER XXVI. GOVERNMENT'S ATTITUDE OF DEFENCE. MR. HOLT'S LETTER THE PRESIDENT. ARMY AND NAVY RESIGNATIONS. COM. MODORE TO PORTER'S PATRIOTISM. INTERESTING STATEMENT. results, if the conspirators were not thwarted. To circumvent them was the purpose had in view by the War Department and General Scott in their disposition of the troops above referred to; and the enemies of the Govern ment saw, by the middle of February, that, as the hope of forcing the North to terms of settlement died out, the ability and determi nation of the Administration to resist further aggressions increased. If hopes were entertained that Mr. Lincoln never would be inaugurated, they proved delusive in the face of the vigor now manifesting itself in the War and Treasury Departments, as well as in the gathering strength of the spirit of resist ance in the Northern States. THE centralization of troops at Washing-| to look far enough into the future to read ton, Baltimore, Fortress Monroe, St. Louis, the reinforcements thrown into Pickens and the defences on the Tortugas and at Key West, gave the "friends of the South" extreme unrest. "Coercion" then became their ceaseless cry. It burdened every dispatch to the revolutionary sections, to arouse animosities, and, if possible, to concentrate the still divided sentiment of the South to the one point of "cooperation" and resistance to Federal obstructions to their demands. The Virginia election of delegates to the State Convention, held February 4th, resulted in a large "Union" majority; but, so sedulously had the poison been sown by the conspirators, that many Unionists were only pledged to the Union in event of all demands of the South being complied with. The failure of the Peace Congress was to be the signal for Virginia's secession. That she was predestined to secede, from the earliest stages of the movement, is not more evident in the hearty cooperation given to the plotters against the Government by the Virginian, Floyd, than from the attitude of her two United States Senators, Messrs. Hunter and Mason, as well as of several of her representatives in the Lower House. Though these persons refused to be identified, at first, with the secessionists, their masks soon fell away, and the Southern scheme of confederation found in them its ablest coadjutors-Virginia found in them her most inveterate enemies. The Charleston Mercury, February 5th, said: "When Virginia comes to our side, she will bring with her the landward-pointing guns of Fortress Monroe and the intrenched City of Washington. The question, we believe, is becoming-on account of the weak position we occupy a military one." An expression which lifted the veil and allowed the North The state of the defences and the feeling at the Capital, February 18th, we learn from a communication addressed by Mr. Holt to the President, on that date, in answer to the House resolution of February 11th. It read as follows: "WAR DEPARTMENT, February 18, 1861. [ Mr. Holt's Letter to the President. "SIR-On the 11th February the House of Representatives adopted a resolution requesting the President, if not incompatible with the public interests, to communicate the reasons that had induced him to assemble so large a number of troops in this city, and why they are kept here; and whether he has any information of a conspiracy, upon the part of any portion of the citizens of this country, to seize upon the capital and prevent the inauguraThis resolution having tion of the President-elect.' and report, I have the honor to state that the body |