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Andrew Johnson's
Second Speech.

Andrew Johnson's
Second Speech.

pillaged arsenals, seized | they could be joined toforts and usurpations over gether like the Siamese the people tell! Benjamin, Twins, and be borne away but a short time previous to his lugubrious to some secluded spot in the ocean, lamentations over Louisiana's "wrongs," had characterized disunionists as those who shot arrows at the bright sun. What had made him so oblivious to his late sentiments? Had any "wrongs" been perpetrated in the mean time?

He then proceeded to notice the assaults made upon him for his views. Of Lane's rough attack he said:

"I had not said anything offensive to him, or I did not intend to, at least. I felt he had just come out of a campaign, in which I had labored hard, and ex pended my money in vindicating him from the charge of secession. Yes, through dust and heat, through mud and rain, I traversed my State, meet

his platform and principles, and that it was a fixed and decided plan to break up this Government. It was charged that it started at Charleston, and was consummated at Baltimore, and that my worthy friend was the embodiment of disunion and secession. I met the charge; I denied it and repudiated it, and tried to convince the people that the charge was untrue. I did not see what there was in my speech to extort an answer from him.”


He then referred to Lane's recent declara tions, comparing them with his vote, (May 25th, 1860,) declaring that Slavery in the Territories did not want protection. references to the record were particularly damaging to the Oregon knight. Lane assumed that Virginia and New York had accepted the Constitution conditionally, by reserving certain rights. Johnson replied by showing that no such rights were reserved, and that Lane either was too stupid to understand, or had not read the record at all. He said, of Lane's ignorance in regard to Alabama's acceptance of the Constitution:

The speaker then quoted from the Richmond Enquirer of 1814, where, discussing the proceedings of the Hartford Convention, it assumed the position that no State had a righting the charges that secession was at the bottom of to withdraw from the Union-that resistance against the laws was treason, calling on the Government to arrest the traitors, for the Union must be saved at all hazards. Mr. Johnson said he subscribed fully to those opinions. But what is Treason? The Constitution says, "Treason consists in levying war against the United States, or adhering to an enemy, and giving him aid and comfort." Does it need any search to find men levying war, and giving aid and comfort to enemies against the United States? Treason ought to be punished, North and South; and if there are traitors, they should be entitled to traitors' reward. He said that South Carolina early had a prejudice against a Government by the people, and that secession was no new thing in that State. He referred to the early history of South Carolina, who claimed, at one time, that they were ready to go back under the dominion of King George. He read an address of the people of Charleston to King George, 1780, saying that they never intended to dissolve that union, lamenting the struggle of independence, professing affection and zeal for that Government, the King, &c. He then referred to the attempt to break up the Government in 1833 by South Carolina. Then they were restrained and their pride humbled, and men who speak in their Convention now say they have had an intention to dissolve the Union for forty years. The question now is, Are the other States going to allow themselves to be precipitated into ruin by South Carolina?

That State and Massachusetts ever had been a source of trouble to the Confederacy, and he thought it would be a God-send if

"An act to enable the people of Alabama to form a Constitution and a State Government, and for the admission of such State into the Union, on an equal footing with the original States, was approved March 2d, 1819, and the people accepted it with this pascable without the consent of the United States.' sage: This ordinance is hereby declared irrevo

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There is the compact. Yet it is claimed that Ala

bama has a right to go out of her own will, because she cannot get her equal rights. When we are a candidate for the Presidency, then, I suppose, we are all equal brethren in this Confederacy. But after we have attempted and signally failed of an election, then I suppose the enemies' line commences just where our defeat commenced."

Mr. Johnson concluded his speech on Wednesday. Before adjournment, the President




Andrew Johnson's
Second Speech.

Andrew Johnson's
Second Speech.

sent in a message remitting | and mendacious press, an the Kentucky Legislature ordinance taking the State out resolutions, asking Congress of the Confederacy can be exto call a National Convention to present amend-torted, then those who make the proposition for an ments to the Constitution. He said it afforded him great pleasure to perform this duty, and felt confident that Congress would act with careful consideration, to which the resolutions are entitled, on account of the patriotic source from which they proceed, as well as the great importance of the subject.

army expect to have all in readiness-to have their bands armed and equipped, and their Prætorian divisions fitted for the field. Then they will tell

the people that they must carry the ordinance into effect, and join a Southern Confederacy, whether they will or not."

Anderson's conduct he approved, and paid a high compliment to the gallant officer for his brave discharge of duty. With such defenders the Union was safe. If the Union was to be destroyed, and the old flag struck to the dust, he wanted no more glorious windingsheet than that same flag, and no better grave than to lie with the Union. He closed by making an appeal to the conservative men of the opposite party to sustain the Union men, fighting for the Union, and do something for the safety of the country; or, at least, let the question go to the people of the country, in whose patriotism and integrity he had an abiding confidence.

In the House, Wednes

The conclusion of Johnson's speech, Wed-
nesday, commanded much attention. His
scathing reply to the Oregonian, and his gen-
eral denunciations of the course pursued by
the seceders, had excited them greatly. The
"irrepressible Wigfall"-like a friend in
need-made careful notes of the speech, to
prepare for a reply. To him was the honor
of the "great departed"-Davis, Toombs,
Yulee, Slidell, and Benjamin-now confided.
The Tennessee Senator resumed, asking
what any State was to get by going out of
the Union-what rights in Territories that
they had not already? He thought the
masses, even in the Seceded States, true, if
they could only shake off the tyranny
of the few men who directed the whole
movement. He adverted to this remarkable
usurpation, showing the designs of the lead-ing
ers clearly to be to override the people-to
ignore them altogether; giving, among other
matters in evidence, the following dispatch:
"CHARLESTON, January 19th, 1861.
"Judge McGrath and myself have sent four tele-
graphs to you. Please urge Mississippi to send
delegates to the Montgomery meeting of States, at
as early a day as possible-say February 4th-to
form immediaely a strong Provisional Government.
It is the only thing to prevent war, and let that
Convention elect immediately a commander-in-chief
for the Seceding States. You may as well return,

at least as far as Montgomery.

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day, Colfax, of Indiana, The Postal Service
from the Postal Committee,
reported a revised bill for suspending postal
routes and officers in the Seceded States-giv-
to the Postmaster-General the power of
such suspension, when, in his opinion, the
service could not be continued with safety.
The bill passed by a vote of 131 to 26. Hind-
man, of Arkansas, voted for it as a disunion
it recognized the right of seces-
sion! Brown, of Kentucky, thought like-
wise, and voted for it on that ground.
The Report of the
Committee being resumed,
Humphrey, of New York,
addressed the House. His argument tended
to prove that the idea of thirteen independ-
ent nations had never existed but in the
brains of political theorists. Before State
sovereignty was dreamed of, nationality had
an existence. Yet they saw States solemnly
declaring the resumption of a sovereignty
that they never for a moment possessed.
True men could not negotiate with traitors,
nor could the Government compound with
treason. But as to those States which remain
loyal to the country, there was no rational

Various Speeches.

Various Speeches.

Various Speeches.

demand he would deny con- | satisfy them that their sistent with honor and prin- rights will not be invaded, ciple. The Committee had and that their equality in wasted much time in devising the means of the the Union will be maintained inviolate, and adjustment, while the true cause remains un- he would pledge himself, so far as he could, touched. Let Lincoln be inaugurated, and that the forts, arsenals, ships, navy-yards, the then Congress could address themselves to mint and the bullion shall be restored. They the subject. The duty of reinvigorating the will do this without firing a gun or shedding Government must be cast on the incoming one drop of blood; they will do it by the peaceAdministration. Animated by a patriotic ful remedy of the ballot-box, with no honor impulse, its acts will be without suspicions soiled or self-respect lost. They will restore of fear, or conscious weakness. It must have the Government in the high and proud posi power to concentrate and lead public opinion, tion it enjoyed before these troubles comaided by Congressional representatives fresh menced, and at the end for years the Governfrom the people. He looked forward to the ment will be in the hands of a party which next Administration with a steadfast trust shall embrace every one of the thirty-four and cheerful hope. Then will come the time States. for adjustment in conformity with honor, dignity, and principle. If the Seceded States return, it must be with a recantation of the disunion heresy on their lips.

Harris, (Dem.,) of Virginia, spoke patriotically. He said he should use every exertion in his power to preserve this Government. He was for the Union now, even bleeding, torn, and shattered as it is. The calamities, including civil war, attending and following a dissolution, bear equally on both sections, and to each they are boundless. The Cotton States are gone, but the Republican party, by coming forward like men, and rendering justice to the South, can prevent further rupture, until the Border States, by a firm and conciliatory course, can adjust with them all the pending difficulties. This done, these States would return to the Union, and it would then be fixed upon a more permanent basis than ever before. He opposed the idea of reconstruction, and urged the Republicans to accept the Crittenden propositions. Let the friends of adjustment and union stand firm, and our troubles will yet be settled.

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Wells, (Rep.,) of New York, saw no present escape from a dissolution of the Union. Its preservation must be found in a change of sentiment in the two sections, now as wide apart as the poles. Therefore, it was impossible for them to unite on a common ground until they feel like one brother towards another. He proceeded to show that the report of the Committee of Thirty-three asks the Republicans to give up their principles as announced in the Chicago Platform, by recognizing Slavery in New Mexico. Slavery was repugnant to the principles on which the Constitution rests, hence he would never vote for any measure which saps the foundation of the stones on which the structure is erected. This is the principal question; others are of no consequence. He deprecated civil war, and would use no more force against the Seceded States than was necessary for the interests of the country. When South Carolina was hungry, he would give her bread; when naked, give her clothing; and if she should come back, he would meet her half way and kill the fatted calf, and make music on her return. In the House, Thursday, (February 7th,) Henry Winter Davis, (Am.,) of Maryland, expressed his views on the State of the Union, to a very crowded auditory. His reputation as an orator, his known Union sentiments, and his position as the represent. ative of the City of Baltimore, gave interest to his declarations. The public was scarcely

Henry Winter Davis'

Union Speech.


Henry Winter Davis'



Henry Winter Davis'

prepared for the powerful | laxed just when its power was and cogent speech which about to be assailed, and the came from his lips. It rang people, emancipated from out like an alarum on the night-to arouse every control, their passions inflamed by the fierce struggle for the Presidency, were the easy prey of men into an attitude of defence. The openrevolutionary audacity." ing words of his speech were as follow:

"We are at the end of the insane revel of partisan license, which, for thirty years, has, in the United States, worn the mask of Government. We are about to close the masquerade by the dance of death. The nations of the world look anxiously to see if the people, ere they tread its mazes, will be * The corruption of our political maxims has relaxed the tone of public morals, and degraded the public authorities, to become, instead of a terror, the accomplices of evildoers. * # Under their disastrous influence, Gov

restored to reason.


* *

This view, humiliating as it must be considered, was felt to be but too true. Its force struck to the North as well as the South. "Corruption" was a word in almost every politician's mouth-it stared from the page of every partisan newspaper - it was the theme of conversation in offices, on the streets, in homes, and in halls of legislation. To become a "politician" was to become suspected of a want of honor and probity-so fearfully had our ancient political integrity deterioratThe best men withdrew from public life, disgusted with its associations, rather than suffer dishonor by the steps which became necessary to attain office. It was all


excellence and fitness. He was the most talked of and locally influential who could marshal the greatest number of loafers to his

call. Occasionally a good man, owing to some great exigency, was forced from his retirement to take office, and his name served, perhaps, to create a momentary enthusiasm ; but, all soon subsided again, and the great stream of politics drove sluggishly on, to bear to high places and low, men who never should or would have been known in circles where moral worth and intelligence were made requisites. The speaker's words were but too well grounded in truth.

ernment has gradually ceased to fertilize the fields of domestic and useful legislation, and pours itself, like an impetuous torrent, along the barren ravines of party and of sectional strife. The President, no longer preceded by the fasces and the axe, emblems of supreme authority, greets every popu-party and "platforms"-nothing of personal lar clamor with smiles and condescension. He is degraded to the mean office of presiding over the distribution of spoils among the wrangling victors. He dedicates his vast powers to forge arms, with which to perpetuate partisan warfare at the expense of the public peace. The original ideas of the Constitution have faded from men's minds. * *Congress has ceased to regulate commerce, to protect domestic industry, to encourage our commercial marine, to promote internal trade, by internal improvements. Almost every power, useful to the people in its exercise, has been denied, or so limited in its exercise, as to be useless; and men, as a result, have forgotten that the Union is a blessing, and that they owe to the United States allegiance paramount to that due to their respective States. The consequence is, that States stand face to face to wage their own quarrrels, to adjust their own difficulties, to impute to each other every wrong, to insist that individual States shall remedy every grievance, and making the failure to comply a cause for war-as if the Constitution were dead, and the power of the Federal Government utterly inadequate to keep the peace. Unconstitutional Commissioners' flit from State to State, or assemble at the National Capital to counsel peace or instigate war. Sir, these are the causes which lie at the root of present dangers; and, sir, these causes must be removed before the evils can be permanently cured. * *In the struggle for party power, the two great sections of the country have been brought face to face upon this most dangerous of all subjects of agitation Slavery. The authority of the Government was re

Mr. Davis further spoke in substance: Without any grievance or menace, we find six States have usurped the extraordinary prerogative of rebelling against the supreme law of the land, assuming to be independent powers-seizing forts, ships, &c., and insulting the national flag. We have seen a Cabinet Minister distributing the public arms in the South, for the benefit of those who are about to resist public authority and wage war; we have seen a Cabinet Minister still holding his commission, and still bound by oath to support the Constitution, going as a Commis. sioner from one State to another, for the purpose of organizing the great scheme of rebellion; we have seen a President neglect

Henry Winter Davis'

Henry Winter Davis'

Davis replied: "I represent here the Fourth Congressional District of Maryland only; but though I am not elected by the State of Maryland, I am entitled to speak what I know to be the sentiments of Maryland." Great applause followed this forcible expression, both on the floor and in the galleries. Objections were made to these demonstrations, which Mr. Davis begged might be discontinued. He proceeded only again to be interrupted by Kunkle. Resuming, he re

ing the most solemn warn- | desire to be heard;" and ing of the first military of- further said, when Davis ficer of the age, in allowing declined to yield the floor, the forts to be taken possession of; we have "I deny the right of the gentleman to speak seen him, subsequently, making bargains for for Maryland; let him speak for himself peace with the Disunionists, until he shall be only." relieved from the responsibilities of office, instead of defending the public property and vindicating public honor, and, without remonstrance, permitting the work of disintegration to go on. His ascension to supreme power shows his utter incapacity for the Presidential honors showered upon him. We have seen, too, recently, a late Cabinet officer President of the Southern Convention, declaring it to be their purpose finally to sever connection with the United States, and take all the consequences of establishing a sover-peated, that Maryland did not recognize the reign and independent Republic. We are driven to one of two alternatives, and we must recognize what we are informed is an accomplished fact not to be recalled, or we must refuse to acknowledge it, and accept all the responsibilities attached to that refusal. He did not wish to quarrel about words, but the Constitution and laws of the United States must be enforced, and those who stand across the path of that enforcement must either destroy the power of the United States, or it will destroy them. He trusted that this condition was centuries or thousands of years distant. The revenue may be collected on ship-board, and the laws of commerce enforced by not allowing vessels to pass out without papers from the United States authorities, and the postal facilities can be continued or suspended, according to the circumstancs of the locality, and the courts of justice may be supported as in Utah, or their jurisdiction be extended in the States where there is no disturbance. These are clear and peaceful measures for enforcing the laws, and the United States Government is vested, under the Constitution, with adequate power to meet such emergencies. It may dispose of the troops and sink ships without war. After further discussion, he said he could speak for Maryland, who has confidence in the strength of the great Government who protects her.

At this point Kunkle, (Dem.,) of Indiana, interrupted: "If you speak for Maryland, I

right of secession- did not recognize any right to repeal or abrogate the supreme law. Should any Convention be called, of whatever character, and under whatever auspices, those who should presume to inaugurate a revolution would meet with revolutionary resistance on the soil of Maryland under the Stars and Stripes. They will not allow either the majority or the minority to drag them from the Union. Within Maryland are men who will assume resistance to anything looking to armed rebellion. He concluded, de tailing the causes which had called the Ro publican party into existence, and had given it the great popular sympathy by which it was enabled to attain to power; saying:

"That result is now becoming the starting-point of new agitation-the demand of new rights and new guarantees. The claim to access to the Territories was followed by the claim to Congressional protec tion; and that is now followed by the hitherto unheard-of claim to a constitutional amendment, establishing Slavery not merely in the Territory now held, but all hereafter to be obtained from the line of 36 deg. 30 min. to Cape Horn; while there is foreshadowed in the distance the claim of the right of transit and the placing of property in slaves in all respects on the footing of other property-to become topics of future agitation. How long the prohibition of the importation of slaves will be execut ed under the doctrine of equality,' it needs no prophet to tell.

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In the face of this recital let the imputation of autocratic and tyrannical aspirations cease to be cast on the people of the Free States; let the

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