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and that this Article shall not be altered or amend ed without the consent of every State in the Union. "ART. 15. The third paragraph of the second section of the fourth Article of the Constitution shall be taken and construed to authorize and empower Congress to pass laws necessary to secure the return of persons held to service or labor under the laws of any State, who may have escaped therefrom, to the party to whom such service or labor may be due.

Adams, and Jefferson, bursting the seal of death | tected by the laws or the Constitution of such State; from their still glowing lips and his chill cerements from their potent hands, proclaim, as they did when living, that all true glory and historic renown are based on an elevated love of country, on a pure devotion to its lasting interests, and the abandonment of discord and strife! They would, they do implore, as living men may not implore, by their sacred wounds and scars, by that precious bond of liberty and proud title of American bequeathed to us to enjoy, and other lands to dream of as a vision of peace and glory, to be yet faithful to our Constitution and Union, to that law of equal right and love which is to nations the same saving grace it is to souls; that law given us, as all-powerful, by God himself, the only King they taught us as a nation we might ever own."

"ART. 16. The emigration or importation of persons held to service or involuntary servitude into any State, or Territory, or place, within the United States, from any place or country beyond the limits of the United States, or Territory thereof, is forever prohibited."

When Mr. Latham, in the Senate, was, at the same moment, saying that the Democratic party of the North was the natural ally of the South and the protector of its institutions, Mr. Kellogg was proving the proposition, in the House, by his resolves.

Hamilton's Speech.

In the House, Friday, two conservative and conciliatory speeches were made by Southern men. They were in earnest of the spirit excited by the speeches of Messrs. Seward and Adams. Mr. Kellogg, (Dem.,) of Illinois, of fered resolutions as a substitute to the recom- The report of the Commendations of the Corwin Report. The sub-mittee of Thirty-three bestitute proposed amendments to the Consti- ing resumed, Mr. Hamilton, tution as follows: (Democrat,) of Texas, addressed the House in a speech characterized by good sense and a spirit of kindness quite in contrast with the declamation of his Furioso confederate, Reagan, and with the treasonable chattering of the "irrepressible Wigfall.”

Kellogg's Resolutions.

"ARTICLE 13. That in all the Territory now held by the United States situated north of latitude 36 deg., 30 min., involuntary servitude, except for the punishment of crime, is prohibited while such Territory shall remain under Territorial Government; that in all the Territory now held south of said line, neither Congress nor any Territorial Legislature shall hinder or prevent the emigration to said Territory of persons held to service from any State of the Union, when that relation exists by virtue of any law or usage of such State, while it shall remain in a Territorial condition; and when any Territory north or south of said line, within such boundaries as Congress may prescribe, shall contain the popu

lation requisite for a member of Congress, according to the then Federal ratio of representation of the people of the United States, it may, if its form of government be republican, be admitted into the Union on an equal footing with the original States, with or without the relation of persons held to service or labor, as the Constitution of such new State may provide.

Mr. Hamilton, giving his views on the nature of the Constitution, regarded it as a compact-that all constitutions, from their very nature, were but compacts. It had given to it guaranteed rights, and, in turn, guaranteed certain rights to the parties to the compact, both people and States. The Government was made, by its guaranteed rights, supreme, so far as the exercise of those rights was concerned; and absolute, within the sphere of the power conferred upon it as a Government. The reserved powers of the States were only such as preexisted before the formation of the compact. His argument on this point was so strong that we may quote his words:

"ART. 14. That nothing in the Constitution of the "But would any man say that they received a United States, or any amendment thereto, shall be power which did not preexist at all, and that could so construed as to authorize any Department of the not have existed before the formation of the comGovernment in any manner to interfere with the re-pact? To assume such would be the wildest theory lation of persons held to service in any State whereof these wild times. They said that they reserved that relation exists, nor in any manner to establish the right of secession, but he contended that no such er sustain that relation in any State where it is pro-right existed anterior to the Constitution, because,

Hamilton's Speech.


tution, or on the part of any State, or the citizens of any State, growing out of that compact, that was not permanently provided for by the Constitution, either in precise or general terms. Were this and the other proposition true, then it followed that no constitutional or legal right of secession existed at all. The right of revolution he admitted; but that right could not be exercised properly, unless it was exercised to oppose oppression and tyranny. The


Hamilton's Speech.

in fact, there was no State that | in concert? Hamilton recould secede. Then could it be plied that the right of revosaid that the right of secession lution was not defined by was one of the reserved rights of the States, when it any geographical lines. Not only any State did not exist prior to the formation of the Governmight rebel, but any number of persons in a ment? Certainly not. There was no right conferred, State had the same right, if any such right exby the adoption of the Constitution, on any State, or isted at all. All persons could resort to revothe citizens of any State, growing out of that Constilution, if they were prepared to take the consequences. The only justification for the violent act was to be found in oppression, which it needed violence to correct. Did any such oppression exist? He said not. No griev ance of which the South complained, which could not have been remedied in the Union! Nor did he believe the grievances of such a nature as to justify a withdrawal of the public confidence in the good faith of the Government. The South had a right to demand that the North should treat them with fairness, and that they should receive protection for their slave property in transit in the Territories. The Republicans themselves admitted that the Constitution recognized property in slaves.

question of moral right depended on that of oppression; and no person had a right to revolutionize

against a Government until the Government had become oppressive. Then, if secession involved all the consequences of revolution, why quarrel about

the terms?"

He therefore declared that those States which had seceded, or were preparing so to do, must take the consequences of revolution, That they were acting most despotically and recklessly, for the interests of other States, he asserted to be true. He contended, with much force, that the most despotic power in Europe would not dare to change its Constitution or form of government, whereby its relations would be changed with other powers, and the interests of others would be affected, without first consulting those peoples or nations so affected. Thus, Louisiana had seceded, and, by that act, had cut off the State of Texas from the still existing States of the Union. Now this was one of the most flagrant breaches upon the rights of others that had ever come under his knowledge. Had Texas foreseen the likelihood of a secession of this kind-had she, for a moment, imagined that this right of secession existed in the States, and that, by virtue of it, Louisiana could, at any moment, have seceded from the Union-Texas would never have joined the Confederacy.

This forcible argument appealed with such power to the common sense of his hearers, that Hindman, of Arkansas, sought to parry its force by reverting to the inherent right of revolution. He asked Hamilton if it were only to be allowed when several States acted

To this Lovejoy, of Illinois, dissented. Mr. Hamilton asked whether or not he (Lovejoy) believed that the Constitution recognized the right of Southern men to the service of those who owed them labor? The Illinois member replied that, in his view, Slavery, so far as the Constitution was concerned, existed outside of that instrument, under the protection of State rights, which the Constitution had nothing to do with, one way or the other.

Hamilton replied that he saw no use in the Constitution, if it guaranteed protection to nothing but what was first protected by State laws. It was contended, on the other side, that Congress had the right to exercise power on the subject of Slavery, as between the States, so far as trade, in that property, was concerned, and that it had the right to deal with it, without restriction on the question, in the Territories; all which the South denied. He had ever admitted, even since 1836, and at a time when no other man in his State dare dispute the dictation of politicians he had ever contended, since that time, that the people of a Territory had themselves the power of dealing with Slavery as a domestic institution, to be established

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Stanton, of Ohio, knew of none who claimed any right to interfere. Hamilton was not sure that this was so; but he knew it to be true that the South believed that a party was about to succeed to the Government which actually was going to interfere with Slavery where it then existed. Only satisfy the South that this is not so, and peace would be restored. When he left his home, two thousand miles distant, for Washington, his foot pressed no foreign territory, his eye rested throughout his journey on DO material object that was not part and parcel of his own country; and when Congress assembled, every State and Territory was represented on the floor. If he returned to his home, he must traverse four foreign Governments. The Temple of Liberty was lately completed in all its parts-every pillar in its place, and the apparently devout worshipers were gathered around its altar; but, the storm burst, and, proud and majestic as the temple was, its foundations were moved as if by an earthquake, and now its dome reels like a drunken man. He had been called on here and at home to come out," and he had been threatened and entreated to that course; but, no threats and danger should tear him away from the Union until he had saved the horn of the altar, and implored Heaven to allay the storm and again uprear the same pillars which sustain the weight and add their mounted beauty to the structure.

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This most excellent and patriotic speech was followed by one equally patriotic from Mr. Stokes, (Am.,) of Tennessee. He thought with Mr. Hamilton, that there existed no just cause for sundering the Union. The

Stokes' Speech

right of secession did not exist under the Constitution, nor was there any right of revolution, except for intolerable oppression, and when all Constitutional remedies had failed.

He had sworn to support the Constitution, and he should be true to his oath. States had equally pledged themselves to the United States, and could not sunder their relations at will. No power on earth should induce him to utter one word to encourage, in any way whatever, a State to secede. Tennessee and other States were asked to join the Southern Confederacy; but, as the Seceded States had proved faithless by withdrawing from Congress, when it was in their power to prevent mischief, and would not stand by the remaining Slave States, how could the latter rely upon them if they went into a Southern Confederacy? The plan of this disunion was concocted and agreed on two years ago by the leaders of the Democratic party in the Cotton States. If certain demands were not granted by the Charleston Convention, then it was to be broken up, and a separate Confederacy established, whose object was to open the slave-trade, conquer Mexico, and annex Cuba. Disunion was a scheme of a few excited madmen and politicians-ambitious men seeking for power. He admitted that he was a submissionist, and would rather be called this than rebel and traitor. He was for the Union, the Constitution, and the enforcement of the laws. He was not for coercing a State, but would not submit to South Carolina coercing other States. Firmness and moderation ought to be exercised. He believed that the difficulties can and would be adjusted to the satisfaction of the Border States, but not to that of South Carolina and the other Seceded States. The working-men, farmers, tradesmen, and others in the remaining Slave States were struggling, as if for life and death, to remain in the Union. He would not be true to himself and to the country if he did not take a stand against the secession movement. and high Heaven, pass something to hold these States together, and preserve all that is dear to us in rights, persons, and property! If we cannot settle the difficulty now, while

In the name of God



Quarles' and Wilson's

we are friendly, how could we do it after the | try looked down from his pedestal, he would Union is hopelessly dissolved? In conclu- plead trumpet-tongued for the maintenance sion, he earnestly appealed to the Republi- of the Union and Constitution. cans to give, by amendments to the Consti- Quarles, (Am.,) of Tentution, the rights and the safety to the South nessee, followed. He said which they say they are willing to secure, that no person sympathized and spoke in commendation of the Border less with disunion than himself. There was States and Crittenden propositions. How- no warrant for it in the Constitution. He ever, any plan of settlement would meet with believed, however, in the sacred right of rev his most hearty approbation. olution, maintaining that when a Government became oppressive it was a duty to overthrow it. He spoke of the generosity of the South, which had given to the North three-fourths of what had been acquired as Slave Territory. He advocated the restoration of the Missouri line, protecting Slavery south of it by constitutional amendment. This would restore peace as it did in a former time. He preferred Mr. Crittenden's plan, and believed if it were adopted, the Seceding States would return to the Union, and Tennessee remain firm. This would settle the Slavery question forever.

At the evening session Killinger's Speech. of the House, Friday, Killinger, (Rep.,) of Pennsylvania, delivered an able and considerate speech. He would fellowship with the Border States, and was prepared to meet them half way. It is no time for partisanship. Mere platforms, hastily constructed in the excitement of crowded Conventions, would not discharge men from the responsibilities they owe before God and their country. When next the ballot-boxes open and send forth their thunders of vengeance, it would shake all the platforms and parties which reject obstinately all propositions of conciliation and peace. The hope of relief to the suffering industrial interests, and confidence in the honesty of Mr. Lincoln, carried Pennsylvania, as well as the popular opposition to Slavery extension. The mere Abolition element sympathized with the nullifiers, and rejoiced in the fulfillment of their joint purpose the dissolution of the Union. He deprecated changes in the organic law, and preferred Congressional legislation to constitutional amendments. Once open the door, fools would rush in where angels fear to tread. The controversy must have a peaceful solution. The gulf was not so wide that it cannot be spanned by conciliation; nor yet so deep that it cannot be fathomed by mutual forbearance. He eulogized Mr. Crittenden as the last of the statesmen which the Whig party gave to the country. He was worthy to wear the mantle of the immortal Clay. He complimented Maryland. Pennsylvania will stand shoulder to shoulder with her patriotic Governor. He gazed with pride on the memorials of patriotism which adorn her Monumental City like altars of devotion, and prayed God that so long as the mute but eloquent statue of the Father of his Coun

Wilson, (Rep.,) of Indiana, did not regard "conciliation" as potent enough to heal the wounds inflicted by Slavery. There was no cause whatever in this wicked rebellion—it was the offspring of the hateful spirit of Slavery. Until the wrong itself disappears, there can be no settlement. Its very breath is poison to peace, and to free institutions. It cannot live in the air purified by the strong blasts from the North; and was bent on disorganization to perpetuate its too long ascendency. His views were decidedly against compromise. The Constitution already gave but too much power to the South, and he was willing to make no further concessions to it. Be firm! Sustain the Constitution and uphold the laws to the end, and God will bless the right!

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Important Loan Bill.

In the House, Saturday, Mr. Sherman called up the bill authorizing the President, at any time before the 1st of July, to borrow, on the credit of the United States, not exceeding $25,000,000; certificates to be issued for not less than $1,000, with coupons payable, semi-annually, with interest, and the faith of the United States pledged for the payment of the interest and principal. Several substitutes were offered and much oppo

third, that measures be taken to protect the archives of the Government; fourth, that the forts, while in the possession of the Government, in the South, be promptly supplied with men; fifth, that a sufficient number of vessels be placed in Southern ports to protect commerce and collect the revenue. Of course this received no consideration, but it was felt, by the Northern Senators, to express the true feeling of the majority of people in the great North-west-so rapidly was the sentiment of resistance to revolution taking deter-sition manifested by the Democrats and mined shape. Southerners to the loan. It passed, 124 to 46.





Seward's Cufon

in its historical relations. We shall, therefore, quote quite at length from their efforts, and thus place within the reader's reach the means for forming a correct judgment upon the great issues, as they were shaped February 1st.

THURSDAY, January 31st, Mr. Seward pre- | same day, in the House of sented to the Senate the memorial of the Representatives, added to New York Chamber of Commerce, bearing the significance of the day, 38,000 signatures, petitioning for a settlement of national differences by compromise. The report, instructing the Committee of Twentyfive, who bore the memorial to Washington, commended the proposition of the Border States Committee as the basis of adjustment, [see page 172.] In presenting it, Mr. Seward Mr. Seward said, in reference to the memodelivered his views, at length, on the crisis. rial, that it was an embodiment of the feelHis speech drew out Mason, of Virginia, Mr. ings of that eminent class which controls the Douglas, John P. Hale, and Wigfall, of commerce of the nation's greatest emporium. Texas. Their several speeches canvassed the The memorial might, he said, also be reentire question of Union and disunion. Being garded as a fair exponent of the wishes and the recognized exponents of their parties and views of the whole commercial interest of the sections, their declarations are to be re- country. Such a memorial would command garded as landmarks in the legislative his- obedience in England, France, Russia, Prustory of the revolution, and will be referred to sia, or Germany-where the will of commerce by historians as authority for their conclu- decides questions of peace or war. Happily sions respecting the relations of the contest- for the United States, commerce was but one ants, and the accountability of each for the of several interests entitled to a controlling results which followed to the country. The influence. Agriculture, manufactures, mining, speech of Charles Francis Adams, on the each are entitled to, and receive, equal re

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