The President's
Message.

power, under the Constitution, to interfere pointed, and are appointing, with Slavery under State laws; that whatever Commissioners to meet those of may be the powers of the Federal or a Terri- Virginia in council. When assembled, they will constitute a body entitled, in torial Government as to Slavery, affords no an eminent degree, to the confidence of the country. just grounds for a dissolution of the Union; that it is not expedient to amend the Constitution; and that a Government which cannot execute the laws is not fit to be maintained. Referred to the Special Committee of Five.

The General Assembly of Virginia have also resolved that ex-President John Tyler is hereby appointed by the concurrent vote of each branch of the General Assembly a Commissioner to the President of the United States, and Judge John Robinson is hereby appointed, by a like vote, a Commissioner to the State of South Carolina and the other States that have seceded, or shall secede, with instructions respectively to request the President of the United States and the authorities of such States to agree to abstain, pending the proceedings contemplated by the action of this General Assembly, from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between the States and the Government of the United States. However strong may be my desire to enter into such an agreement, I am convinced that I do not possess the power. Congress, and Congress alone, under the war-making power, can exercise the discretion of agreeing to abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms between this and any other Government. It would therefore be a usurpation for the Executive to at

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United tempt to restrain their hands by an agreement in re

States:

gard to matters over which he has no constitutional control. If he were thus to act, they might pass laws which he should be bound to obey, though in conflict with his agreement. Under existing circumstances, my present actual power is confined within narrow limits. It is my duty at all times to defend and protect the public property within the Seceding States, so far as may be practicable, and especially to employ the constitutional means to protect the property of the United States and to preserve the public peace at this, the seat of the Federal Government. If the Seceding States abstain from any and all acts calculated to produce a collision of arms, then the danger so much to be

"I deem it my duty to submit to Congress a series of resolutions adopted by the Legislature of Virginia on the 19th inst., having in view the peaceful settlement of the existing questions which now threaten the Union. They were delivered to me on Thursday, the 24th inst., by ex-President Tyler, who has left his dignified and honored retirement in the hope that he may render service to his country in this, its hour of peril. These resolutions, it will be perceived, extend an invitation to all such States, whether Slaveholding or non- Slaveholding, as are willing to unite with Virginia in an earnest effort to adjust the present unhappy controversies in the spirit in which the Constitution was originally form-deprecated will no longer exist. Defense, and not ed, and consistently with it principles, so as to afford to the people of the Slaveholding States adequate guarantees for the security of their rights, to appoint Commissioners to meet on the 4th day of February next in the City of Washington similar Commissioners appointed by Virginia, to consider, and, if practicable, agree upon some suitable adjust-pending the proceedings contemplated by the action ment. I confess I hail this movement on the part of Virginia with great satisfaction. From the past history of this ancient and renowned Commonwealth we have the fullest assurance that what she has undertaken she will accomplish, if it can be done by able, enlightened, and persevering efforts. It is highly gratifying to know that other patriotic States have ap

aggression, has been the policy of the Administration from the beginning. But while I can enter into no engagement such as that proposed, I cordially commend it to Congress, with much confidence that it will meet their approbation to abstain from passing any law calculated to produce a collision of arms,

of the General Assembly of Virginia. I am one of those who will never despair of the Republic. I yet cherish the belief that the American people will perpetuate the union of the States on some terms just and honorable for all sections of the country. I trust that the mediation of Virginia may be the des tined means, under the providence of God, of accom

The momentous events of the day closed in a little excitement over a motion by Stanton, (Rep.,) of Ohio, to suspend the rules in order to take up the bill for the more efficient organization of the District Militia, administered to all the officers thereof. The providing that the usual military oath be rules were suspended-116 to 41. This aroused Garnett, of Virginia, Sickles, of New York, and others. The Virginia member sue now was peaceful recognition of the said it was a pretty business to establish a

ting against the Union. He was interrupted by Hughes, of Maryland, who said Harris was not speaking for that portion of the State which he (Harris) represented. The reply was that, according to the best of his judg ment, there was not then a corporal's guard in any locality in the State, honestly for se cession; but confessed that there existed a smouldering fire ready to burst out if palliatives were not soon administered. He asked for less eloquence of speech and more eloquence of votes. In his peroration he said: "Let me not, instead of our national music, hear the Marseillaise, which was not music to my ears. Flaunt not before my eyes the flag of a divided nationality, that excites no devotion in my American heart, but let me and my people go to our graves with the consecrated melodies ringing in our ears, and over us the dome of the Union with all its constellated stars.

desire or intention to promote the objects | peace and thwart the purposes of those plotdeclared in the Virginia resolutions viz., to procure guarantees by amendments to the Constitution. As South Carolina is the head and front of the secession movement, this was the end of negotiation and compromise, particularly as it was followed closely by the belligerent speech of Mr. Pryor. He (Stevens) saw that every Southern Democrat, and, he was sorry to say, that every Slaveholder in the House, voted against the consideration of the bill to admit Kansas into the Union. The Southern States will not be turned from their deliberate purpose by soft words or lamentations. He argued that there were but two ways of breaking up the Union-one by amendment to the Constitution, the other by revolution, which nothing could justify but the most intolerable oppression; a thing that nowhere exists. He proceeded to speak of Southern cruelties toward Northern men, who are tarred, feathered, and hung by scores. At the late election in Virginia, a man who voted for Lincoln was taken by the chivalry, his face blackened, and exiled from home. It was not safe for Northern men to go into the Southern States.

At this point he was interrupted by Rust, of Arkansas, Kunkle, of Maryland, and Webster, of Maryland, who sought either to deny the truthfulness of the statements of injury, or to parry their force by counter instances of Northern oppression. Mr. Stevens resumed, and, with more than his wonted feeling, declared that, rather than make concession to rebels, he would see the Government shivered to atoms. The South wanted a despotism-it could only have it by proving its ability to instate it by force. He assumed that the Executive must enforce the laws even if the worst should come.

Winslow's Speech.

Winslow, (Dem.,) of North Carolina, addressed the House-taking extreme Southern grounds: if the propositions for constitutional guarantees and a division of Territory was not accepted by the Republicans, the South had nothing further to ask or to offer. He reviewed the proceedings of the Committee of Thirty-three, showing that a great deal of time was spent in debate, when it was obvious the mind of no man was to be changed in any important respect. He remarked that it was gratifying to Southern men to find, with a single exception, they were all agreed on the proposition presented by the gentleman from Arkansas, (Mr. Rust,) and were particularly pleased to find that, simultaneously, the same proposition substantially was presented in the Senate, by the venerable Senator from Kentucky. These propositions demand protection to Southern institutions, and with nothing less than what they contained could the South be satisfied.

Van Wyck, (Rep.,) of

New York, followed in a Van Wyck's Speech. very powerful speech a

gainst any compromise which shall concede a constitutional status to Slavery. He ad verted to the great debate of 1842, which

Van Wyck's Speech.

VAN WYCK'S SPEECH.

803

Van Wyck's Specch

followed upon the intro- | States; but you were willing to
send troops 2,000 miles over
prairie and desert, to coeree
our brethren in Utah; you sent the army into Kansas.
You have used Federal troops to enforce the Fugitive
Slave law, and to rescue the Arsenal at Harper's

duction, by John Quincy Adams, of the Haverhill petition for a peaceful dissolution of the Union. He quoted from the speeches then made by Messrs. Hopkins, Wise, and Gilmer, of Virginia; Mr. Merriwether, of Georgia ; Messrs. Campbell, Rhett, and others, of South Carolina; Messrs. Marshall and Underwood, of Kentucky--all denying the power of Congress, or the States, to effect a dissolution, and claiming that a dissolution of the Union was a dissolution of Slavery. Have great principles changed since then? The inordinate desire of the Southern mind for "expansion" -the dream of a vast area won from Mexico and Central America, all to be given up to Slavery, was the heart-note of the conspiracy. He reviewed the question of a claim for rights in the Territories. What monstrous demands! Here was a nation composed of thirty millions of souls, and three hundred thousand slave-owners claimed “equal rights" in the domain with the mighty majority! How can presumption go farther? He said:

"Do you propose any concession to the North? Any security to liberty and life of the Northern man in the Slave States; of property in books; of freedom of speech and the press, as already secured by the Constitution? You say that you concede to Freedom the Territory North of 36 deg. 30 min. We have a double title to that already: first by purchase, and then by conquest. We bought it when we took

Missouri into the Union as a Slave State, and then we conquered it in the strife of a civil war. All our future acquisitions must be in the direction of the tropics, and you demand its unconditional surrender to Slavery. You want us to surrender to men who themselves are compromise breakers! You have been telling us for years that all geographical lines were sectional and dangerous! In 1820 you established the Missouri line to save the Union; in 1854 you destroyed it to save the Union; and now you can see the salvation of the Republic only through its reestablishment and perpetuity, with the new and startling condition annexed, that Slavery must be forever protected, in all our future acquisitions! Believe not in reconstruction; the compromises of the present Constitution, once lost, you never can regain. Think you that another Senate can be formed wherein Florida and Delaware can equal New York and Pennsylvania? You are opposed to the army and navy, because you boldly assert that

an enforcement of the laws means coercion of

Ferry from John Brown. The camp had no terrors for you then; but now you oppose coercion; yet,

by force of armed men, you seize the forts and navyyards, and trample the Stars and Stripes in the dust."

He warned the South against attempts to coerce the North into a consent to a dissolution of the Union. It would not be driven or cajoled into any line of policy adverse to its solemn and just convictions. As one plan of settlement, he favored a purchase of all the slaves in the Border States and their colonization in Central America. He also favored a Convention of all the States. But no Cataline should walk the land to stab liberty and strike down the Stars and Stripes with impunity. Treason was treason, and there were few to compromise with it if the issue must

come.

This speech rang out with the spirit which was rapidly gaining ascendency in the Northern mind-not only of Republicans, but of all parties. It was patriotic rather than defiant. It was grounded in devotion to the Union and the Constitution, and thus echoed the loyal heart of the Free States.*

sumed in considering the Pacific Railway Tuesday's session of the Senate was conbill. Mr. King, (Rep.,) of New York, introduced a bill, which was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs, authorizing the employment of volunteers to aid in enforcing the laws and in protecting the public property.

The Wednesday's proceedings of the Senate

The Republican Central Committee of New York City (January 30th) passed resolutions thanking Mr. Van Wyck for his speech, and requesting the Republican members of Congress "in no manner, come what may, to further compromise with the Slave Power." A leading journal of the city, referring to these resolutions, said, "They speak unmistakably the sentiments of the Republicans of New York City. They all desire a real settlement through the maintenance of the Union and the enforcement of the laws, and no cowardly and temporary compromise." Undoubtedly this statement was correct.

were only memorable from the presentation | The trouble was, that the people rebelled

Mr. Bigler, (Dem.,) of Pennsylvania, introduced several-among them a memorial of the meeting said to represent fifty thousand working-men of Philadelphia, praying for the passage of the Crittenden compro-ceived a shock from which it will not recover mise. He remarked that, in view of these popular manifestations, there could be no doubt of the general desire for the adoption of some compromise. Disunion could not be countenanced, but he was ready to make any reasonable concessions to the South. The Crittenden resolutions he thought were eminently just and wise.