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The London Times.
from the Federal Union is by no means so lively and spiritstirring a composition as a little more literary skill might, perhaps, have made it. Of course it would not be in human nature-that is, American human nature-to commence any great public document without a proper fling at the old mother country, from whose tyranny the States emancipated themselves, in order to enjoy, from their mutual justice and forbearance, that perpetual concord and never-ending union and happiness which they sought for in vain from a society corrupted by the vices of monarchy, aristocracy and feudality, and a decrepit civilization. At this time were established, we are told, the right of a State to govern itself, and the right of the people to abolish a Government when it ceases to accomplish the ends for which it was instituted. We know not what histories are allowed to pass through the charmed circle which girdles the domestic institutions of South Carolina, or how much a man is allowed to know of the history of the world, in those fortunate regions, without being constituted thereby an Abolitionist, exposed to the halter and the tar barrel. But we should have thought that the right of a nation to govern itself was fully established by the English Revolution, and the right of a people to get rid of a Government which did not accomplish the ends of its institution, by the revolt of the United Netherlands and Spain."-January 19th.
"If every State is to claim to be the judge of its own grievances, if it is to act without concert and without appeal, and if, whenever it believes that Government does not do all that is required of it, or that its allies fall short of their obliga
tions, it is at liberty to break up the Union, how is it possible that the Union can be otherwise than transitory? It is quite true, as South Carolina says, that fourteen States of the Union have, in violation of one article of the Constitution, passed laws, the legality of which is something more than doubtful, to prevent the recovery, by their masters, of fugitive slaves. But this could scarcely be regarded of itself as a sufficient ground for the dissolution of the Government of the United States, and' that it is not sufficient, is shown by the conduct of South Carolina herself, which has not thought it a sufficient ground heretofore for secession from the Union. With this single exception, nothing can be conceived more frivolous than the grounds of this manifesto."January 19th.
"On his (Lincoln's) accession, says the manifesto, it has been announced that the South shall be excluded from the common Territory, that the judicial tribunal shall be made sectional, and that war shall be made against Slavery until it ceases from the United States. It is impossible to read the speeches
and writings which circulate in the North, where the freedom of discussion still exists, which the South has exchanged for its favorite 'domestic institution,' without being aware of the utter falsehood of these statements. The South is not to be excluded from the Territories, unless the Southrons consider themselves in the light, not of slaveholders, but of slaves. It is not sought to render the Supreme Court of the United States sectional, but to rescue it from the disgrace of being packed with judges placed there for the advocacy and promotion of Slavery, and we have not been able to discover a vestige even in the most excited speeches in an excited time of any intention, expressed or insinuated, to make war on the institution of Slavery.
"But what matters all this? Not a single observation that we have ventured to make could be made in the Republic of South Carolina, thus auspiciously taking her place among the nations of the world. Without law, without justice, without delay, she is treading in the path that leads to the downfall of nations and the misery of families. The hollowness of her cause is seen beneath all the pomp of her labored denunciation, and surely to her, if to any community of modern days, may be applied the words of the Hebrew Prophet, a wonderful and horrible thing is committed in the land. The Prophets prophesy falsely, and my people love to have it so.'"Jan. 19th.
We may say here, en passent, that the Times, if it afterwards treated the movement in the Free States captiously-if its scarcely concealed desire for a breaking up of this Government led it a course of seemingly studied fault-finding, it did not much “aid and comfort" the movement for a Slave Confedera tion, except its general depreciation of the North, and a denial of its belligerent rights can be so construed.
The Galway (Ireland)
"The State of South Carolina has ignored its connection with the American Union. It has deliberately divorced itself from those federative ties which bound together a great nation. Two conse quences must follow-either they will return to their proper position by some agreement or concession on both sides, or a civil war must follow in order to compel them. The Carolinians assert their right to this extreme step by laying before the country the fact that the States of Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massachusetts, Connecticut, Rhode Island, New York, Pennsylvania, Illinois, Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, and Iowa, have enacted laws for the non-delivery up of escaped slaves, and thus have violated their constitutional obligations.
OPINIONS OF THE
set down as a violation of the laws of property! to retain any of the States within the Union. The property in man, in woman, and in children!-pro- slightest consideration will show that the assertion perty in men-stealers and in bloodhounds, which are of independence on the part of any one State can the ferocious police to hunt escaping victims! They never be conceded; indeed, any such step must also deny the right of opinion, in morals or in prac- amount to revolution. But, admitting this, it may tice, of the Northern States to encourage slaves to very well be that the non-Seceding States consider escape from chains and bondage! Why, this is an it more judicious to forego their strict rights, and attempt to uproot the first principles of humanity, so, practically, to acquiesce in the fact of Secession." and to put the rights of flesh and blood, and Christi--January 10th. anity, under the feet of a Cottonocracy more vile than the refined vultures of the French Revolution, who stirred up at last the stagnant puddle in the veins of the victims of the Court and aristocracy of that period.
"The policy of the slaveowners is to compel the opponents of that fearful creed to a cooperation with them, in making all America an immense field for Slavery!-or else- This is a wild and preposterous fancy, and the attempt to enforce it by separation will only lead to results most disastrous to the States who shall proceed to that extremity. Under the present Anti-Slavery President, it could only end in compulsion, and perhaps the sweeping away of the whole infernal system from the country, which has brought on it the scorn and derision of mankind. The entire public opinion of Europe is against American Slavery. It was whispered that England, for her own cupidity, might be inclined to favor the Cotton States, and that she was sounded on that head. But England, with all her faults, would be incapable of such a diabolical connection. The people of England detest Slavery; and the Parliament of England showed the animus of the country in the case of the West Indies."-January 16th.
The London Daily
Up to the present time the Federal Government, though it has been called upon to declare its right to stop secession, has never acted upon the declaration. The question now is, whether it will act upon it at the present crisis, or whether the predictions of M. de Tocqueville, in his admirable work, will be realized. 'It appears to me,' he says, 'unquestionable that if any portion of the United States seriously desired to separate itself from the other States, they would not be able-nor, indeed. would they attempt to prevent it; and that the present Union will only last as long as the States which compose it choose to continue members of the Confederation. If this point be admitted, the question becomes less difficult, and our object is not to inquire whether the States of the existing Union are capable of separating, but whether they will choose to remain united.' It must not be imagined that this opinion of M. de Tocqueville implies any doubt as to the right of the Federal Government to interfere, by force of arms, in order
The London Economist.
Apart from this perplexing question, we see no reason for anticipating that a severance of the Union, once effected peaceably, and without catastrophe, will be, in any way, injurious to Great Britain. On the contrary, we are not sure that it may not indirectly be rather beneficial than otherwise. In the first place, we may expect that America will be somewhat less aggressive, less insolent, and less irritable than she has been. Instead of one vast State, acting on every foreign question cum toto corpore regni, we shall have two, with different objects and interests, and by no means always disposed to act in concert, or in cordiality. Instead of one, showing an encroaching and somewhat bullying front to the rest of the world, we shall have two, showing something of the same front to each other. Each will be more occupied with its immediate neighbor, and therefore less inclined to pick quarrels with more distant nations. Then, too, for some time at least, that inordinate, though most natural sense of unrivalled prosperity and power, which swelled so flatulently and disturbingly in the breast of every citizen of the great trans-Atlantic Republic, will receive a salutary check. Their demeanor is likely to become somewhat humbler and more rational, and it will, therefore, be easier to maintain amicable and tranquil relations with them than it has been. In place, too, of Europe being obliged to watch and thwart their annexing tendencies, the two Federations will probably exercise this sort of moral police over each other. Neither of them will look with much complacence on the annexation of States or Territories which will add power and dominion to the other, and so disturb their relative equilibrium. Unprincipled and reckless Southerners, like Mr. Buchanan, may talk of seizing on Mexico, Nicaragua, and Cuba; unprincipled and inflated Northerners, like Mr. Seward, may talk of seizing on Canada; but there will be some hope that we may leave them to each other's mutual control, and smile at the villainous cupidities of both. With the Northern Federation, too, we may look to maintaining more cordial relations than we have often here. tofore been able to do; not only will the embarrassing question of Slavery, which has caused so much righteous indignation on our side, and so much bitter
resentment and irritation on theirs, be forever re-
The Emperor Napoleon's Words.
Emperor. -"What is the latest news you have from the United States. Not so alarming, I trust, as the
papers represent it?"
Mr. Faulkener." Like most nations, Sire, we have our troubles, which have lost none of their coloring as described in the European press."
States have separated from the General Govern. ment."
Mr. Faulkener." The States will form one common Government, as heretofore. There is excitement in portions of the Confederacy, and there are indications of extreme measures being adopted by one or two of the States. But we are familiar with the excitement, as we are with the vigor which be long to the institutions of a free people. We have already more than once passed through commotions which would have shattered into fragments any other Government on earth, and this fact justifies the inference that the strength of the Union will now be found equal to the strain upon it."
Emperor." I sincerely hope it may be so; and that you may long continue a united and prosperous people."
This important declaration was here construed to mean sympathy for the Government, to which French interests are so closely allied. The United States are the counterpoise, in the balance of nations, to England, and the French are not solicitous that that counterpoise should be broken. Napoleon's words
Emperor." I hope it is not true that any of the were wise while they were kind.
TIVE" SPEECHES OF MESSRS. POLK, M'CLERNAND, REAGAN, STANTON, COX, GURLEY, SHERMAN, AND OTHERS. THE OHIO STATE RESOLUTIONS. THE ARMY BILL. MISSOURI'S RESOLUTION. COMPROMISE IMPOSSIBLE.
IN the Senate, Monday, Slavery, in places under its exclusive jurisdic Bigler's Propositions. January 14th, Mr. Bigler tion, and to make the United States pay for (Dem.) of Pennsylvania, in- fugitive slaves. These clauses he proposed troduced resolutions calling upon the people to make perpetual, never to be amended or of the United States to hold an election stricken out. They embodied the substance throughout the country, on February 12th, of the Crittenden resolutions, but added the and vote for the acceptance and rejection of amendments proposed to be engrafted per amendments to the Constitution, said amend-petually on the Constitution. After sore ments proposing to divide all present and remarks upon its reference to a committee, future Territory between Freedom and Slavery against which Mr. Bigler protested, the matby a line on the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min.; ter was laid over. to permit Slavery to extend South of that line, and to protect it there by constitutional sanctions. The resolutions also proposed to deprive Congress of the power to abolish
Mr. Grimes, of Iowa, introduced a resolu tion requesting the President to communicate any information he may have regarding at tempts made, or contemplated, by any large
body of men to interfere with the free navi-people-these States being parties to the gation of the Mississippi, and what efforts Union-was, that they added to the insult of have been made to suppress the same. This the passage of Personal Liberty bills, Underresolution referred to the erection of a battery ground Railroad operations, not only in the on the banks of the Mississippi River, at Border States, but the entire South. He Vicksburg, by order of the authorities of knew gentlemen having lost thousands of Mississippi, which proposed to call every boat dollars worth of negroes who fear to attempt passing down the river to “land and give an to recover them. Kentucky loses $200,000 account of herself”—amounting to a virtual annually in slaves stolen and enticed away. blockading of the river. The resolution was Mr. Lincoln is the first man elected to the laid over. office of President who announced the doc
Mr. Brown, of Mississippi, speaking for himself and his colleague, Mr. Davis, announced their withdrawal from the Senate,
in view of the late action of their State.
Mr. Mason, of Va. tried to bring forward his resolutions of inquiry, calling upon the Secretary of War to communicate informa
tion of reenforcements sent to Charleston
harbor and other defences. The Crittenden resolutions were then called, and were finally set for consideration on Tuesday.
Mr. Polk's Views.
Mr. Polk, (Dem.) of Mo., addressed the Senate, basing his remarks on Mr. Hunter's resolution to withdraw all Federal forces from Seceded States. His sentiments were of the usual extreme Southern tone. The unutterable crime of an AntiSlavery triumph had been achieved. The canvass is now over, and Abolitionism has brought, as its first offering, astonishment and regret. From a state of peace the sudden change to a state of sectional antagonism had almost immediately followed. An unnatural animosity exists between sections only separated by a geographical line, and a universal panic prevails throughout the country. The public and private credit are prostrate. Of the Government loan of five millions, only half was taken, and that at usurious rates of interest. Commerce is curtailed, trade is checked, industry is paralyzed, artisans and mechanics are idle, manufactures are stopped, and the operatives discharged. The consequence is want and starvation. The Union is tottering and ready to fall. Four pillars have already gone, one being of the original thirteen. The admission of California disturbed the equilibrium between the Slaveholding and NonSlaveholding States. One cause of complaint against the action of certain States and their
trine of the irrepressible conflict. This house, built by our forefathers, now becomes a house divided against itself. These remarks scarcely attracted notice. The palpable misstatements
in regard to Kentucky's loss, and the usual exaggeration regarding Northern sentiment, elicited no catechising from the Republicans.
In the House, Monday, Mr. English, (Dem.) of Indiana, introduced, or rather "read for information," the following resolution : "Resolved, That the present alarming condition of the coun
The 'English' Resolve.
try imperatively demands that Congress should take immediate steps to preserve the peace and maintain the Union, by removing, as far as possible, all causes of sectional irritation and division, and, to that end, patriotism should prompt a cheerful surrender of all partisan prejudices and minor differences of opinion; and this House, believing the plan of adjustment proposed by the Honorable John J. Crittenden, in the Senate, December 18th, 1860, would be an equitable and favor
able compromise, involving no sacrifice to any party or section which should not promptly be made for the sake of the inestimable blessings of peace and a united country, hereby instruct the Committee of Thirty-three, heretofore appointed by this House, to report without delay the necessary measures to carry that plan into practical effect."
It being objected to by the Republicans, Mr. English said, at the proper time he should move to suspend the rules. He tried to get it before the House a few hours later, by a motion for the previous question, but the House decided against it. It was killed.
Mr. Maynard, of Tennessee, introduced and had adopted, a resolution instructing a Select Committee on the President's Special Message, to consider that portion which recommended to a vote of the people the questions at issue between the two sections, and that the Committee, at an early day, report thereon a bill or joint resolution.
Mr. Holman, (Democrat), | tain recognized. He referred to the decisions of Indiana, offered resolves of the Supreme Court in support of this view, declaring that the right of saying, the unity of the American people pera State to withdraw from its Federal re- vaded the Convention which framed the Conlations is not countenanced by the House, stitution. Any mode of withdrawing from nor sanctioned by the Constitution; but, on the Union, excepting by a Convention, would the contrary, is wholly inconsistent with that be revolutionary. The Government being instrument; that neither Congress nor the sovereign, its first duty is to preserve itself; President is invested with authority to recog- and, being sovereign, where is the power to nize any State once admitted, in any relation dissolve it? He argued, it would be unjust, except as a State of the Union; that power unsafe and inexpedient for some States to seto protect the public property should be ex- cede from the others, for with the possession ercised, and that the Committee on Judiciary of the Southern forts and the aid of foreign inquire and report whether laws are now powers, they would be capable of inflicting sufficient for the purpose, and, if not, that it great wrongs upon the commerce of the adherreport a bill, giving additional powers, by ing State. He spoke of the Mississippi valley the employment of the Navy, or otherwise. as a geographical unity, which the people of These stirring resolves provoked debate, and the great North-west could not consent to had, therefore, to lie over. They were in- share with a foreign power. He had heard dicative of a purpose, on the part of the much about coercion. But was it coercion for Northern Democrats, to sustain the Union us to do what we have sworn to do; namely, and the laws to the end, by the employment uphold the Constitution and the laws, and of the entire powers of the Executive and of stay the lawless, violent hand that would Congress. tear down the Government? Were we to be required to submit to State spoliations? No! Such submission would be disgraceful, utter imbecility. But if we must submit, let it be proclaimed that our system of Government is a splendid failure. In the course of his remarks he earnestly appealed to the Northern States to remove the grievances which are complained of. He believed the Northern States would all do so when the sober second thought of When the the citizens had time to act. anti-Slavery agitation commenced in the North, he could not say that the South were blameless. The Garrisons and Phillipses find their counterpart in the Rhetts and Yanceys Such men, in fact, formed the two great sectional parties. In conclusion he appealed to all Conservative men to rally in favor of the integrity of the Constitution, merge the partisan in the patriot, and make a generous sacrifice on the altar of their country, for the general welfare and happiness of all.
Another significant step was a motion, by Mr. Stanton, (Rep.,) of Ohio, to make the special order for Tuesday the bill for organizing and disciplining the militia of the District of Columbia. Objected to by the Southern side, and lost by one majority on a motion to suspend the rules. The Army Appropriation bill then came up for consideration in Committee of the Whole on the State of the Union, Speeches were made by McClernand, (Dem.,) of Illinois, and Cox, (Dem.,) of Ohio, both looking to a vigorous policy to sustain the Union. Mr. McClernand assumed that when danger could not be averted it was then the point of wisdom to meet it-to endeavor to overthrow it. In this spirit he proposed to deal with the question of Secession now upon us. He denied the right of any State to secede from the Union, and deprecated the consequences of any such assumed right, as a measure of revolution which must A dispatch from Washington to the Assonecessarily, in the present case, embroil the ciated Press said, in regard to this speech: country in a sanguinary and wasteful war. In "The speech of Mr. McClernand, of Illinois, his legal argument he said the idea of nation-in its geographical, commercial and national ality is as old as the Rovolution itself, that significance, is producing quite a sensation that war was a national measure. The treaty here. It is rallying the Union feeling." Mr. of 1783 was made as a nation which Great Bri- | Corwin, from the Committee of Thirty-three