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lin 'a free negro;' he was a man of considerable importance in his own neighborhood, and, as I learned from the salutation of an acquaintance, a magistrate also. From his conversation in the cars I had discovered, however, that he was not a rabid Secessionist, if in favor of secession at all." This encouraged the correspondent to seek, if possible, some solution of his doubts. The result was thus detailed:

"As we waited, one of the noisy Disunionists to be seen everywhere, was haranguing a lot of people, roaring for war, and cursing the Administration heartily; when we had reach- | ed the other end of the platform and were alone, my companion said, quietly enough, but with a sort of weary irony: 'That is a fair specimen of the teachers of the Southern people -no other teachers are now allowed. We have a good deal changed lately; I would not have believed, ten years ago, that the time would ever come when I couldn't stand up in Georgia and say what I thought best to say, at least free from personal peril, and that such a man as that yonder would ever represent the class which entirely controls the shifting people. I have certain decided opinions upon the policy of immediate secession, or of secession at any time. I have the right to hold such opinions; it is my duty to hold some decided views, situated as I am in my county. But I cannot come out openly, loudly, boldly, in defence of my opinions, with the desire to spread them. I should be injured in my property-perhaps, probably, indeed, in my own person; yes, I am ashamed to say, I believe I should be mobbed, that my buidings would be burned, and that I should be forced to leave the State. For when a man once falls under the ban of the mob, though they only threaten him to-day they will doubtless return to-morrow and burn his property, and the next day they will bring a rope with them, looking out along the way for a convenient tree with a strong limb.' I said to him: Can it be that you do not exaggerate the danger of making your opinions known?' He replied: 'I do not exaggerate. I know what I am talking about. I am even now, at home, regarded with suspicion, because my views are well known, and some of my oldest acquaint

ances are shy of me. This is not so much be cause they fear the present consequences of acknowledging they know me, but they say it may prejudice them by-and-by.' 'How is that? Why, I can't tell you better than to repeat what one of the fastest Secessionists said the other day about Stephens. 'Never mind,' said he,' when the State goes out, and we are on our own hook, these fellows have got to walk straight and keep quiet, or they'll walk into trouble.'"

"I spoke then of the approaching election of delegates, asking if the freedom of the ballot was not allowed. He replied that he believed men were permitted to vote for whom they chose to vote, but the trouble was to have such candidates put up as they wanted to vote for. 'See here,' said he, 'let us suppose we have a meeting to nominate candidates. There are to be resolutions adopted, and the meeting must express its views on the question of secession. But if there happen to be twenty or thirty such fellows as that one out there present, they will control the meeting, hinder the anti-Secessionists from saying anything, and will rush through their resolutions and carry their nominations just because no one could oppose them with safety. It is all very well to talk about boldness---but a mob is a mob, and no honor comes from maltreatment at their hands. So, don't you see we might about as well be forbidden to vote for whom we please as to be forbidden to nominate, or advocate the nomination of whom we please? I have the right to vote for A, B, or C, on the 2d of January, if I choose; but neither of them is a candidate, and I am not allowed, a week before the 2d, to make a speech in favor of either of them.'"

The reader, in this case, has the story, not of an individual but of a whole people—of seven States. The elective franchise became the merest mockery; freedom of opinion dared not be exercised, except in a few favored localities, where the Union men were too determined to be put down. The iron rule of the new order of things weighed down press, pulpit, telegraph, people, like a visitation of darkness, while, out of the terror inspired by the self-constituted guardians of " Southern institutions" sprung the dragon

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of revolution, full fledged for its work of abas- | expression of opinion is needed. Neither is such ing constitutional liberty. expression needed as to the character of the Permanent Government. The character of the people have indicated and it is expressed in the report-it must be a Government as nearly similar as possible to the Federal Constitution. We need no discussion before the people, nor other expression of their views on that.

The People Outlawed.

Another point in the secession programme here deserves consideration. The fact that the Secession Ordinances never were

point. Beside these views, in themselves conclusive to any mind, no statesman would willingly throw such grave issues before the people after once re




"There is another reason why I oppose the election of another Convention. Such a proposition has a tendency to reopen the question of Secession, by bringing up the issue of a re-construction of the

submitted to the people of their respective States, for adoption, modification or rejection, has been frequently referred to in evidence of the tyranny exercised, by the Con-ceiving their decision, until the irritations and preventions and leaders, over the people. Why judices and passion of the previous contest had were those instruments of disorganization, so potent of evil and of change, not subjected to the calm scrutiny and judgment of the people? We have, in the speech of Mr. Yancey, before the Alabama Convention, January 24th, the argument of justification for a refusal to let the legal voters of the State pass judgcumstances? From the signs of the times, it would ment on the proceedings of the Convention. We shall transfer to these pages a portion of the speaker's remarks as prima facie evidence of the predetermined usurpation of a ruler's prerogatives by the leaders of the secession movement of the purpose to carry the States out of the Union, whether or not the people consented. He said:

"The people have had this question of Secession before them for a long time, and have maturely considered it in two late elections-namely, those for electors of President, and for delegates to this body. The issue was as distinctly made in one as in the other, and in both they decided the issue in favor of Secession.

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"They have intrusted their delegates with unlimited power-power to consider, determine, and do whatever, in the opinion of this Convention, the rights, interests, and honor of the State of Alabama requires to be done for their protection.' The law that authorized the election contained that enumeration of ample authority, and the people indorsed it. We have been selected for our supposed wisdom, experience in public affairs, integrity, and courage, to take all proper responsibility in the premises. “But, it is said,why not call another Convention to ratify the Permanent Government to be adopted? I answer, because it is unnecessary. A permanent Government for a Southern Confederacy was looked for by the friends of secession-was spoken of and entered into all the discussions in the late canvass. It was a part of the plan of secession, and when the people decided for secession, they decided for a Southern Confederacy. Therefore in that point we already know the views of the people, and no new


Federal Government. It allows such an issue to be made it invites it, in fact. And under what cir

seem as if coercive measures were to be adopted. If so, about the time of such an election the people will be bearing the burdens of such a contest. Commercial and agricultural interests will be suffering. Debts will be hard to pay. Provisions will be scarce. Perhaps death at the hands of the enemy will have come to the doors of many families. Men's minds, thus surrounded and affected by strong personal and selfish considerations, will not be in that calm and well-balanced condition which is favorable

to a correct and patriotic judgment of the question. The very state of things will perhaps exist which our Black Republican enemies predict will exist, and which they sneeringly rely upon to force our people to ask for readmission into the Union. Shall we, the selected friends and deputies of the people, aid these wily and malignant enemies of our State by laying this whole question, as it culminates in its progress, on the very eve of final triumph, back to the consideration of a people thus surrounded and influenced by most unpropitious circumstances? To do so might well accord with the purposes of a friend of a reconstruction of the Federal Government,

but in my opinion it is a policy which every true friend of the people should condemn. I avow my. self as utterly, unalterably opposed to any and all plans of reconstructing a Union with the Black Republican States of the North. No new guaranteesno amendments of the Constitution-no peaceful resolutions no repeal of offensive laws can offer to me any, the least, inducement to reconstruct our relations with the non-Slaveholding States."

In this the reader will find all the excuse the revolutionists have to offer for their usurpations. The only fact bearing out the claim for justification, is that stated in the first par

tary establishment of the United States has been incurred in defending the Southwestern frontier. The troops, meanly surprised and betrayed in Texas, were sent there to protect her defenceless border settlements from the tomahawk and scalping knife. If, to all this expenditure, we add that of the forts,

the navy yards, the court-houses, the custom-houses, and the other public buildings in these regions, $500,000,000 of the public funds-of which, at least,

agraph, viz: That the delegates should "have power to consider, determine, and do whatever, in the opinion of this Convention," &c., &c. When we look at all the circumstances attendant upon the passage of the Convention bills by the State Legislatures, under pressure of the leaders of the pre-determined revolution-that the nomination of delegates was made under the same pressure-five-sixths have been levied by indirect taxation that, to vote for a Unionist, or a Re-constructionist, was to be subjected to violence—we may safely declare that no baser tyranny ever was practiced upon a people under the forms of law and constitutional procedure.

Federal Rights of Pur. chase and Property.

from the North and Northwest-have been expended in and for the Gulf States in this century."

Well might the eminent essayist demand"Would England, would France, would any government on the face of the earth, surrender, without a death-struggle, such a dear-bought territory?" But, the case is strengthened, in special instances, where special obligations have been incurred. Louisiana, for example, has, for many years, been "protected” in her sugar culture to the extent of about seven millions of dollars annually, which the country has had to pay in duties levied expressly at her behest and for her benefit alone - the

It is not possible to view the question of the right of secession in its practical aspects without adverting to the claims which the Federal Government has upon a seceded State, by the unquestioned right of original purchase; by the right of immense advances made for improvements for internal and external protection; by the expenses incurred in sustaining, in the State, mails, courts, custom-duty exacted serving to enrich the State and houses, &c., against heavy annual deficits of receipts;-claims which, if against any government or individual, would be adjudged good in law and in equity before any tribunal in the world, excepting, of course, any in the

Southern States.

Mr. Everett thus states the facts of the original cost to the Federal treasury of the several Gulf States:

"Look at the case, for a moment, in reference to the cost of the acquisitions of territory, made on this side of the continent, within the present century —Florida, Louisiana, Texas, and the entire coast of Alabama and Mississippi-vast regions acquired from France, Spain, and Mexico, within sixty years. Louisiana cost $15,000,000, when our population was five millions, representing, of course, a burden of $90,000,000 at the present day. Florida cost $5,000000, in 1820, when our population was less than ten millions, equal to $15,000,000 at the present day, besides the expenses of General Jackson's war in 1818, and the Florida war of 1840, in which some $80,000000 were thrown away, for the purpose of driving a handful of starving Seminoles from the Everglades. Texas cost $200,000,000 expended in the Mexican war, in addition to the lives of thousands of brave men; besides $10,000,000 paid to her in 1850, for ceding a tract of land, which was not hers, to New Mexico. A great part of the expense of the mili

to enhance the value of its negroes and plantations. Over sixty millions of dollars have

thus been specially contributed by the common country to sustain Louisiana property and interests. It need not be urged that other sections of the Union have been protected, in a similar manner, by duties, to enhance the value of their products. Other States so protected were loyal to all their obligations to the Union, and requited them by adding immensely to the prosperity and resources of the common government. We have yet to ascertain that an enhancement of the price of negroes and of Louisiana sugar estates has enured to the benefit of the common country, in any respect. Louisiana alone has received the direct and exclusive benefit of the tax, and, in the account current which stands charged against her, the sixty millions will be entered by posterity as a portion of her debt to the Union. The Union! What does not Louisiana owe to it? What has she ever received from it but benefits? What harm or wrong did the Union ever do to her? None-none! not even to the stealing of a negro by "Northern Abolitionists." The unkindness, the baseness, the insolence of an ingrate must ever attach to her escutcheon


for the part her leaders forced her to play in. the Secession Revolution.

The cost of coast surveys, buoys, lighthouses, and harbor improvements on the coast, from Hatteras to Galveston, has been enormous, with excessively small returns to the General Government. Every dollar's customs collected in all the ports of the South, except of New Orleans, has cost the Federal Government six. Money has been appropriated, from year to year, since 1832, on Southern rivers and harbors, custom-houses, postoffices, &c., with a lavishness which, when viewed in a merely economical light, must be regarded as incredible, considering the meagre returns which were inevitable. New Orleans being the natural entrepot for all the vast country watered by the Missouri and Mississippi rivers, did a large trade, and her customs' revenues were correspondingly profitable to the Government; but, these revenues were paid largely by the Free States, which were heavy consumers of imported goods. The Mississippi river is the great highway for ten States, and New Orleans has been enriched by acting as the agent for their com


In the matter of mails alone the seceded States owe the General Government an enormous sum. The table heretofore given,* will show how great that single debt must be. The cost of carrying and delivering the mails, in the seven States of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, has been nearly two millions of dollars annually, greater than the entire postal receipts!

The deficit of these States to the Federal Government, in customs, in mails, in returns for monies appropriated and direct benefits bestowed, existed from the very first stages of the old Confederacy. From 1782 to '87, when Congress had no power of taxation, it could only indicate what sums were required to sustain the Government, and signify to each State what was the proportion due from it. How the obligation was discharged will be apparent from the following table, given by Judge Story, in his "Commentaries:"

See page 168.





State which paid more than its quota—New York. State which paid nearly the whole -PENNSYLVANIA. State which paid three-fifths-VIRGINIA.


States which paid about one-third CONNECTICUT, DELAWARE.


New Hampshire paid nothing, being very sparsely settled, very poor in soil, and very illy able to bear any public burden. North and South Carolina, on the other hand, were rich in population and possessions, and were vastly more able to contribute to the Government than any of the New England States— yet they paid nothing.

The cost of the Revolutionary War was borne, in a preponderating proportion, by the New England and Middle States. At that time Virginia was the most populous, and, by far, the richest of the States; yet, even she, with all her ascendency in the Army, in Congress, and in general influence, did far less, in proportion to her ability, than any of the Northern States. She was the "Mother of Presidents;" her views prevailed in the Old Confederacy; they obtained precedence in the formation of the Federal Constitution-in the making of treaties—in the organization of the Territories, and in the general legislation of the first sessions of Congress. She paid but three-fifths of her quota to support the Confederacy, and never has paid more in support of the Federal Government, when her political supremacy is taken into consideration.

It is an unpalatable task for the historian to adjust balances of favors rendered and benefits bestowed, in a family where all should be brotherhood and eager reciprocity of kindness. But, when a portion of that family rises up in arms against its parent-when they charge upon that mother wrong and oppression, it is the imperative duty of the historian to exhibit all the facts in the case that the responsibility of revolution may be fixed upon the proper party.

Viewed in all respects, the Southern rebellion can but be pronounced a monstrous example of tyranny, ingratitude, and wrong.




Monday, January 7th, Committee of Thirty- Winter Davis' amendment to the Fugitive Slave law was under consideration by the Committee of Thirty-three. The amendment gave to the alleged fugitive the right of trial by jury in the State from which he might have escaped. Mr. Washburn, of Wisconsin, moved an amendment requiring the trial to take place in the State where the fugitive was arrested, but it failed by two votes. The resolution of Mr. Davis was then adopted. Tuesday, the Committee substantially concluded its labors. Most of the sitting was devoted to the discussion of two propositions, submitted by Mr. Dunn-one to prevent armed invasions of the States, and the other to protect citizens of one State, while traveling or sojourning in another. They were referred to a sub-committee, consisting of Messrs. Dunn, Millson and Davis. Bills were to be prepared by the members covering their various propositions as adopted, to be introduced to the House with the Majority Report.

The Majority Report was not ready to submit until January 14th, when Mr. Corwin laid the document before the House, as the result of the Committee's deliberations. Its importance as a legislative document requires its quotation here entire :


"The Select Committee, to Mr. Corwin's Majorwhom was referred so much of ity Report. the President's Message as relates to the present perilous condition of the country, have instructed their Chairman to report the bills and resolutions adopted by them, with such comments as he may deem proper.

"The terms of the resolution of reference were such as to advise the Committee of the magnitude of the subjects referred to them, and were regarded as an earnest appeal for their prompt action. By

Mr. Corwin's Majority

adverting to that portion of the
President's Message referred to
the Committee, it will be seen
that, in his opinion, the causes of the present discon
tents are to be found in the history of our public af
fairs, dating back to the year 1835, comprehending the
tions of the public mind on the subject of Slavery—
the improper circulation of papers tending to pro-
duce apprehension of domestic insurrection in the
Slaveholding States, and the forcible opposition to
the peaceful execution of the laws of Congress for
the recovery of fugitive slaves.

legislative enactments of several States-the agita

"The matters here alleged as having given rise to the present disturbed condition of the public mind of the South, are of a character which could only be ascertained by a knowledge of the current history of our politics as exhibited in the newspaper press; in the grounds assumed by the various political par ties, and manifested by the votes of the people in electing State and Federal officers.

"Publications emanating from the newspaper or periodical press having a tendency to promote domestic insurrection in any of the States, and circulated with that intent, are, in the judgment of the Committee, highly criminal, and should be so treated by the laws of the several States. The right of free discussion, while it is regarded as absolutely neces sary to the maintenance of free government, may be expected, in times of great excitement, to run into

occasional licentiousness. The corrective for this

evil remains with the State Governments, and the

Committee do not doubt that the desired corrective will be promptly applied in all cases when the evil shall have assumed a formidable aspect, while the just and rational freedom of speech and of the press will be carefully preserved.

"The enactment of laws, by some of the States, tending to oppose or embarrass the execution of the acts of Congress for the recovery of fugitives from labor, has been alleged as a prominent com plaint on the part of those States of the Union in which Slavery exists. The Committee had been impressed with the belief that this was one of those grievances referred to in the President's Message, to which the Southern States attached great import


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