MR. DOOLITTLE'S SPEECH. 141 show that, according to our ancient faith, the pow- | reader is at liberty to make his own concluers of Government are derived from the consent of the governed. Now, the relation of master and slave is, pro tanto, a total violation of the principle. The master not only governs the slave without his consent, but he governs him by a set of rules altogether different from those which he prescribes for himself. Allow all the governed an equal voice in the Gov ernment; and that, and that only, is self-govern ment." In September, 1858, he further added to his opinions of the equality of men of all races and conditions: "That central idea in our political system at the beginning was, and until recently continued to be, the equality of men. And although it was always submitted patiently to, whatever inequality there seemed to be, as a matter of actual necessity, its constant working has been a steady progress toward the practical equality of all men. "In what I have done I cannot claim to have acted from any peculiar consideration of the colored people as a separate and distinct class in the community, but from the simple conviction that all the individuals of that class are members of the community, and in virtue of their manhood entitled to every original right enjoyed by any other member. We feel, therefore, that all legal distinction between individuals of the same community, founded in any such circumstances as color, origin, and the like, are hostile to the genius of our institutions, and incom patible with the true history of American liberty. Slavery and oppression must cease, or American liberty must perish. "In Massachusetts, and in most, if not all, of the New England States, the colored man and the white are absolutely equal before the law. In New York the colored man is restricted as to the right of suffrage by a property qualification. In other respects the same equality prevails. "I embrace with pleasure this opportunity of declaring my disapprobation of that clause of the Constitution (of Illinois) which denies to a portion of the colored people the right of suffrage. "True Democracy makes no inquiry about the color of the skin, or place of nativity, or any other similar circumstance of condition. I regard, therefore, the exclusion of the colored people as a body from the elective franchise as incompatible with the true Democratic principle." This, we believe, was the record of the President-elect to which the South took most violent exceptions, and which its incendiary leaders used in their efforts to influence the popular mind to the point of revolution. The sions in the premises, and to say if these mere opinions of the President were sufficient cause. for the attempt to break up the Union. their asserted "hostility," by their mere genThese sentiments are, however, disarmed of erality, as well as by the fact that no President has power to change laws, to abrogate decisions, or to forestall Congressional legislation. The Supreme Court is superior to him; the Constitution is superior to him; the House of Representatives is superior to him; his tenure of office is brief; and, even if he were Mahommedan or Brahmin, Monarchist or Socialist, he has no power to affect the laws of the land for evil. But, the President did not go before the people without a most specific record on all the great questions agitating the public mind. In considering charges of "hostility" to any section of the Union and its institutions, it is necessary to examine into his declarations in regard to individual acts and provisions which he may be called upon to enforce, and to scrutinize those views of public policy which he might seek to embody through the legislation of his partisans. We have, in his Freeport (Ill.) speech, Aug. 27th 1858, his replies to the questions put to him by his opponent Mr. Douglas. These furnish us with his specific executive views at length. The questions and answers were as follows: "Question 1. I desire to know whether Lincoln, today, stands, as he did in 1854, in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law? Answer. I do not now, nor ever did, stand in favor of the unconditional repeal of the Fugitive Slave law. Q. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to-day, as he did in 1854, against the admission of any more Slave States into the Union, even if the people want them? A. I do not now, nor ever did, stand pledged against the admission of any more Slave States into the Union. Q. I want to know whether he stands pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make? A. I do not stand pledged against the admission of a new State into the Union, with such a Constitution as the people of that State may see fit to make. Q. I want to know whether he stands, to-day, pledged to the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia? A. I do not stand pledged to-day to the abolition become most cruel Slave-masters. of Slavery in the District of Columbia. of existence. We know that some Southern men do free their slaves, go North, and become tip-top Abolitionists; while some Northern ones go South, and Q. I desire him to answer whether he stands pledged to the prohibition of the slave trade between the different States? "When Southern people tell us they are no more responsible for the origin of Slavery than we, I ac. knowledge the fact. When it is said that the insti tution exists, and that it is very difficult to get rid A. I do not stand pledged to the prohibition of the of it in any satisfactory way, I can understand and slave trade between the different States. Q. I desire to know whether he stands pledged to prohibit Slavery in all the Territories of the United States, north, as well as south, of the Missouri Compromise line? A. I am impliedly, if not expressly, pledged to a belief in the right and duty of Congress to prohibit Slavery in all the United States' Territories. Q. I desire him to answer whether he is opposed to the acquisition of any new territory, unless Slavery is first prohibited therein? appreciate the saying. I surely will not blame them for not doing what I should not know how to do my. self. If all earthly power were given me, I should not know what to do as to the existing institution. ** * It does seem to me that systems of gradual emancipation might be adopted; but for their tardiness in this, I will not undertake to judge our brethren in the South. "When they remind us of their Constitutional rights, I acknowledge them, not greedily, but fully and fairly; and I would give them any legislation for the reclaiming of their fugitives, which should not, in its stringency, be more likely to carry a free man into Slavery, than our ordinary criminal laws are to A. I am not generally opposed to honest acquisition of Territory, and in any given case I would or would not oppose such acquisition, accordingly as I might think such acquisition would or would not ag-hang an innocent one." gravate the Slavery question among ourselves." Lincoln's Feelings towards the South. To this must be added his directly expressed views in regard to the South, his feelings toward it, his wishes regarding their prosperity, &c. These are stated clearly in his Peoria speech above quoted from: "I think I have no prejudice against the Southern people. They are just what we would be in their situation. If Slavery did not now exist among them, they would not introduce it. If it did now exist among us, we should not instantly give it up. This I believe of the masses North and South. Doubtless there are individuals on both sides who would not hold slaves under any circumstances, and others who would gladly introduce Slavery anew if it were out In the face of this solid array of testimony, directly on the point of interest, it is impossible for any candid judge to justify the Southern leaders' assumption of the hostility of the President elect as one prime cause of the rebellion. The bad use made of his abstract belief on points of general economy—the total suppression of his views, wishes, and purposes on the very points involved-if they effected the end designed, of plunging the country into the revolution, will but add another ineradicable witness to prove that the entire disunion movement was based upon a studied deception of the masses in the South. here the representatives of an authority which could at any time within the past sixty days have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but, upon pledges given in a manner that we cannot doubt, determined to trust to your honor rather of the United States, acting, as we are assured, not only without, but against your orders, has disman tled one fort, and occupied another, thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we came. than to its own power. Since our arrival, an officer "Until these circumstances are explained in a manner which relieves us of all doubt as to the "WASHINGTON, Dec. 28th, 1860. "SR:-We have the honor to transmit to you a copy of the full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina, under which we are 'authorized and empowered to treat with the Government of the United States for the delivery of the spirit in which these negotiations shall be conductforts, magazines, lighthouses, and other real estate, ed, we are forced to suspend all discussion as to any with their appurtenances, within the limits of South arrangements by which our mutual interests might Carolina, and also for an apportionment of the pub-be amicably adjusted. lic debt, and for a division of all the property held "And, in conclusion, we would urge upon you the by the Government of the United States, as agent of the Confederated States, of which South Carolina was recently a member, and generally to negotiate as to all other measures and arrangements proper to be made and adopted in the existing relation of the parties, and for the continuance of peace and amity between this Commonwealth and the Government at Washington.' "In the execution of this trust, it is our duty to furnish you, as we now do, with an official copy of the Ordinance of Secession, by which the State of South Carolina has resumed the powers she delegated to the Government of the United States, and has declared her perfect sovereignty and independence. "It would also have been our duty to have informed you that we were ready to negotiate with you upon all such questions as are necessarily raised by the adoption of this ordinance, and that we were prepared to enter upon this negotiation with the earnest desire to avoid all unnecessary and hostile collision, and so to inaugurate our new relations as to secure mutual respect, general advantage, and a future of good will and harmony, beneficial to all the parties concerned. immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston. Under present circumstances, they are a standing menace, which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows, threatens speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment. "We have the honor to be, very respectfully. Your obedient servants, The President's To this the President replied as follows:"WASHINGTON CITY, Dec. 30, 1860. "GENTLEMEN,-I have had the honor to receive your communication of 28th inst., together with a copy of your full powers from the Convention of the people of South Carolina,' authorizing you to treat with the Government of the United States on various important subjects therein mentioned; and also a copy of the Ordinance, bearing date on the 20th inst., declaring that the Union now subsisting between South Carolina and other States, under the name of the United States of America, is hereby dissolved.' The President's The President's "This brings me to a consideration of the nature of those alleged pledges, and in what manner they have been observed. In my Message of the 3d of December last, I stated, in regard to the property of the United States in South Carolina, that it has been purchased for a fair equivalent, by consent of the Legislature of the State, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, &c., and over these the authority to exercise exclusive legislation' has been expressly granted by the Constitution to Congress. It is not believed that any attempt will be made to expel the United States from this property by force; but if in this I should prove to be mistaken, the offcer in command of the forts has received orders to act strictly on the defensive. In such a contingency, the responsibility for consequences would rightfully rest upon the heads of the assailants.' This being the condition of the parties, on Saturday, 8th De "In answer to this communication I have to say that my position, as President of the United States, was clearly defined, in the message to Congress on the 3d inst. In that I stated that, apart from the execution of the laws, so far as this may be practicable, the Executive has no authority to decide what shall be the relations between the Federal Government and South Carolina. He has been invested with no such discretion. He possesses no power to change the relations hitherto existing between them, much less to acknowledge the independence of that State. This would be to invest a mere executive officer with the power of recognizing the dissolution of the Confederacy among our thirty-three sovereign States. It bears no resemblabce to the recognition of a foreign de facto government, involving no such responsibility. Any attempt to do this would, on his part, be a naked act of usurpation. It is, therefore, my duty to submit to Congress the whole ques-cember, four of the Representatives from South tion, in all its bearings. Such is my opinion still. I could, therefore, meet you only as private gentlemen of the highest character, and was entirely willing to communicate to Congress any proposition you might have to make to that body upon the subject. Of this you were well aware. It was my earnest desire that such a disposition might be made of the whole subject by Congress, who alone possess the power, as to prevent the inauguration of a civil war between the parties in regard to the possession of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston; and I, therefore, deeply regret that, in your opinion, the events of the last twenty-four hours render this impossible.' In conclusion, you urge upon me the immediate withdrawal of the troops from the harbor of Charleston,' stating that, under present circumstances, they are a standing menace, which renders negotiation impossible, and, as our recent experience shows. threaten speedily to bring to a bloody issue questions which ought to be settled with temperance and judgment." "The reason for this change in your position is, that since your arrival in Washington, 'an officer of the United States, acting, as we (you) are assured, not only without, but against your (my) orders, has dismantled one fort and occupied another-thus altering to a most important extent the condition of affairs under which we (you) came.' You also allege that you came here, the representatives of an authority which could, at any time within the past sixty days, have taken possession of the forts in Charleston harbor, but which, upon pledges given in a manner that we (you) cannot doubt, determined to trust to your (my) honor, rather than to its power.' Carolina called upon me, and requested an interview. We had an earnest conversation on the subject of these forts, and the best means of preventing a collision between the parties, for the purpose of sparing the effusion of blood. I suggested, for prudential reasons, that it would be best to put in writing what they said to me verbally. They did so, accordingly, and, on Monday morning, the 10th inst., three of them presented to me a paper signed by all the Representatives from South Carolina, with a single exception, of which the following is a copy: 'To His Excellency JAMES BUCHANAN, President of the United States: In compliance with our statement to you yesterday, we now express to you our strong convictions that neither the constituted authorities, nor any body of the people of the State of South Carolina, will either attack or molest the United States forts in the harbor of Charleston, previously to the act of the Convention, and we hope and believe not intil an offer has been made through an accredited representative, to negotiate for an amicable arrangement of all matters between the State and the Federal Government, provided that no reinforcements shall be sent into those forts, and their rea tive military status shall remain as at present. JOHN MCQUEEN, M. L. BONHAM, W. W. BOYCE, LAWRENCE M. KEITT. 'WASHINGTON, December 9, 1860.' "And here I must, in justice to myself, remark, that at the time the paper was presented to me, I objected to the word 'provided,' as it might be The President's Answer. THE PRESIDENT'S ANSWER. construed into an agreement on my part, which I never would make. They said that nothing was further from their intention-they did not so understand it, and I should not so consider it. It is evident they could enter into no reciprocal agreement with me on the subject. They did not profess to have authority to do this, and were acting in their individual character. I considered it as nothing more, in effect, than the promise of highly honorable gentlemen to exert their influence for the purpose expressed. The event has proven that they have faithfully kept this promise, although I have never since received a line from any one of them, or from any member of the Convention on the subject. It is well known that it was my determination, and this I freely expressed, not to reinforce the forts in the harbor, and thus produce a collision, until they had been actually attacked, or until I had certain evidence that they were about to be attacked. This paper I received most cordially, and considered it as a happy omen that peace might be still preserved, and that time might be thus given for reflection. This is the whole foundation for the alleged pledge. 145 The President's Answer. derson had left Fort Moultrie and proceeded to Fort Sumter, my first promptings were to command him to return to his former position, and there to await the contingencies presented in his instruc tions. This would only have been done with any degree of safety to the command by the concurrence of the South Carolina authorities. But before any step could possibly have been taken in this direction, we received information that the Palmetto flag floated out to the breeze at Castle Pinckney, and a large military force went over last night (the 27th) to Fort Moultrie.' Thus the authorities of South Carolina, without waiting or asking for any explanations, and doubtless believing, as you have expressed it, that the officer had acted not only without but against my orders, on the very next day after the night when the removal was made, seized by a military force two of the Federal forts in the harbor of Charleston, and have covered them under their own flag instead of that of the United States. "At this gloomy period of our history, startling events succeed each other rapidly. On the very day, the 27th instant, that possession of these two forts was taken, the Palmetto flag was raised over the Federal Custom-House and Post-office in Charleston; and on the same day every officer of the Customs-Collector, Naval Officer, Surveyor, and Appraiser-resigned their offices. And this, although it was well known from the language of my message that, as an executive officer, I felt myself bound to collect the revenue at the port of Charleston, under the existing laws. In the harbor of Charleston we now find three forts confronting each other, over all of which the Federal flag floated only four days ago; but now, over two of them, this flag has been sup planted, and the Palmetto flag has been substituted in its stead. It is under all these circumstances that am urged immediately to withdraw the troops "But I acted in the same manner as I would have done had I entered into a positive and formal agreement with parties capable of contracting, although such an agreement would have been on my part, from the nature of my official duties, impossible. The world knows that I have never sent any reinforcements to the forts in Charleston harbor, and I have certainly never authorized any change to be made in their relative military status.' Bearing upon this subject, I refer you to an order issued by the Secretary of War, on the 11th inst., to Major Anderson, but not brought to my notice until the 21st inst. It is as follows:-[See page 125 for these orders. The President did not quote the endorse-I ment: This is in conformity to my instructions to Major Buell," Signed, John B. Floyd, It would have strengthened the point urged. Did the President purposely omit Mr. Floyd's name?] The President's Answer. "These were thelast instructions transmitted to Major Anderson before his removal to Fort Sumter, with a single exception, in regard to a particular which does not in any degree affect the present question. Under these circmstances it is clear that Major Anderson acted upon his own responsibility, and without authority, unless, indeed, he had tangible evidence of a design to proceed to a hostile act on the part of South Carolina, which has not yet been alleged. Still, he is a brave and honorable officer, and justice requires that he should not be condemned without a fair hearing. "Be this as it may, when I learned that Major An from the harbor of Charleston, and am informed that without this negotiation is impossible. This I cannot do this I will not do. Such an idea was never thought of by me in any possible contingency. No such allusion had been made in any communication between myself and any human being. But the inference is that I am bound to withdraw the troops from the only fort remaining in the possession of the United States in the harbor of Charleston, because the officer there in command of all of the forts thought proper, without instructions, to change his position from one of them to another. "At this point of writing, I have received information by telegraph from Capt. Humphreys, in command of the arsenal at Charleston, that it has today (Sunday, the 30th) been taken by force of arms.' It is estimated that the munitions of war belonging to this arsenal are worth half a million of dollars. |