in the field cannot be successft 1, not only the Secretary of War, but myself, for the time being the master of them both, to be successful, and I know he does not wish it any more

cannot but be failures. I know General McClellan wishes

sible to provide safely, through official agents only, for the performance of the duties thus confided to citizens favorably known for their ability, loyalty, and patriotism. The several orders issued upon these occur-together no more than I wish it. Sometimes we have a rences were transmitted by private messengers, who pursued a circuitous way to the seaboard cities, inland, across the States of Pennsylvania and Ohio and the Northern Lakes. I believe that by these and other similar measures taken in that crisis, some of which were without any authority of law, the Government was saved from overthrow. I am not aware that a dollar of the public funds thus confided without authority of law to unofficial persons was either lost or wasted, although apprehensions of such misdirection occurred to me as objections to those extraordinary proceedings, and were necessarily overruled.

I recall these transactions now because my attention has been directed to a resolution which was passed by the House of Representatives on the 30th day of last month, which is in these words:

Resolved, That Simon Cameron, late Secretary of War, by investing Alexander Cummings with the control of large sums of the public money, and authority to purchase military supplies without restriction, without requiring from him any guarantee for the faithful performance of his duties, when the services of competent public officers were available, and by involving the Government in a vast number of contracts with persous not legitimately engaged in the business pertaining to the subject-matter of such contracts, especially in the purchase of arms for future delivery, has adopted a policy highly injurious to the public service, and

deserves the censure of the House.

Congress will see that I should be wanting equally in candor and in justice if I should leave the censure expressed in this resolution to rest exclusively or chiefly upon Mr. Cameron. The same sentiment is unanimously entertained by the heads of Departments, who participated in the proceedings which the House of Representatives has censured. It is due to Mr. Cameron to say that, although he fully approved the proceedings, they were not moved nor suggested by himself, and that not only the President but all the other heads of Departments were at least equally responsible with him for whatever error, wrong, or fault was committed in the premises.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN. WASHINGTON, May 26, 1862.

THE PRESIDENT'S REMARKS AT A UNION MEETING IN WASHINGTON, AUGUST 6, 1862. FELLOW-CITIZENS: I believe there is no precedent for my appearing before you on this occasion, but it is also true that there is no precedent for your being here yourselves, and I offer, in justification of myself and of you, that, upon examination, I have found nothing in the Constitution against it. I, however, have an impression that there are younger gentlemen who will entertain you better, and better address your understanding than I will or could, and therefore I propose but to detain you a moment longer.

I am very little inclined on any occasion to say anything unless I hope to produce some good by it. The only thing I think of just now not likely to be better said by some one else, is a matter in which we have heard some other persons blamed for what I did myself. There has been a very widespread attempt to have a quarrel between Gen. McClellan and the Secretary of War. Now, I occupy a position that enables me to observe, that these two gentlemen are not nearly so deep in the quarrel as some pretending to be their friends. General McClellan's attitude is such that, in the very selfishness of his nature, he cannot but wish to be successful, and I hope he will-and the Secretary of War is in precisely the same situation. If the military commanders

than the Secretary of War for him, and both of them
dispute about how many men General McClellan has had,
and those who would disparage him say that he has had a
very large number, and those who would disparage the
Secretary of War insist that General McClellan has had a
very small number. The basis for this is, there is always
a wide difference, and on this occasion, perhaps a wider one
than usual, between the grand total on McClellan's rolls
disparage him talk of the grand total on paper, and thos
and the men actually fit for duty; and those who would
who would disparage the Secretary of War talk of those at
present fit for duty. General McClellan has sometimes
General McClellan is not to blame for asking for what he
asked for things that the Secretary of War did not give him.
wanted and needed, and the Secretary of War is not to
blame for not giving when he had none to give. And I say
here, as far as I know, the Secretary of War has withheld
no one thing at any time in my power to give him. I have
no accusation against him. I believe he is a brave and
able man, and I stand here, as justice requires me to do, to
of War, as withholding from him.
take upon myself what has been charged on the Secretary

I have talked longer than I expected to do, and now I
avail myself of my privilege of saying no more.
The President's Letters on Politics.

If there be any inferences which I may believe to be falsely drawn, I do not now and here argue against them. If there be perceptible in it an impatient and dictatorial tone, I waive it in deference to an old friend whose heart I have always supposed to be right.

As to the policy I "seem to be pursuing," as you say, I have not meant to leave any one in doubt. I would save the Union. I would save it in the shortest way under the Constitution.

The sooner the national authority can be restored, the nearer the Union will be-the Union as it was.

If there be those who would not save the Union unless

they could at the same time save slavery, I do not agree

with them.

My paramount object is to save the Union and not either to save or destroy slavery.

If I could save the Union without freeing any slave, I would do it-and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves,

I

would do it-and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone, I would also do that.

What I do about slavery and the colored race, I do be cause I believe it helps to save the Union, and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.

I shall do less whenever I shall believe what I am doing hurts the cause, and shall do more whenever I believe doing more will help the cause.

I shall try to correct errors when shown to be errors, and I shall adopt new views so fast as they shall appear to be true views.

official duty, and I intend no modification of my oft-expressed
I have here stated my purpose according to my view of
personal wish that all men everywhere could be free.
Yours,
A. LINCOLN.

THE PRESIDENT'S RESPONSE TO A SERENADE.
JULY, 1863.

FELLOW-CITIZENS: I am very glad indeed to see you to night, and yet I will not say I thank you, for this call; but I do most sincerely thank Almighty God for the occasion on which you have called. How long ago is it,-eighty odd years since on the Fourth of July, for the first time, in the history of the world, a nation, by its representatives, assembled and declared as a self-evident truth, "that all men are created equal." That was the birthday of the Cuited States of America. Since then the Fourth of July has had several very peculiar recognitions. The two men most distinguished in the framing and support of the Declaration

REMAINING PAPERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams-the one having penned it, and the other sustained it the most forcibly in debate the only two of the fifty-lve who signed it, and were elected Presidents of the United States. Precisely fiity years after they put their hands to the paper, it pleased Almighty God to take both from this stage of action. This was indeed an extraordinary and remarkable event in our history. Another President, five years after, was called from this stage of existence on the same day and month of the year; and now on this last Fourth of July, just passed, when we have a gigantic rebellion, at the bottom of which is an effort to overthrow the principle that all men were created equal, we have the surrender of a most powerful position and army on that very day. And not only so, but in a succession of battles in Pennsylvania, near to us, through three days, so rapidly fought that they might be called one great battle, on the first, second, and third of the month of July; and on the fourth the cohorts of those who opposed the Declaration that all men are created equal, turned tail" and run. [Long continued cheers.] Gentle men, this is a glorious theme, and the occasion for a speech, but I am not prepared to make one worthy of the occasion. I would like to speak in terms of praise due to the many brave officers and soldiers who have fought in the cause of the Union and liberties of their country from the beginning of the war. These are trying occasions, not only in success, but for the want of success. I dislike to mention the name of one single officer, lest I might do wrong to those I might forget. Recent events bring up glorious names, and particularly prominent ones; but these I will not mention. Having said this much, I will now take the music.

people, according to the bond of service, the United States
But, to be plain. You are dissatisfied with me about the
Constitution; and that, as such, I am responsible to them.
negro. Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between
you and myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that
all men could be free, while you, I suppose, do not. Yet, I
have neither adopted nor proposed any measure which is
not consistent with even your view, provided that you are
for the Union. I suggested compensated emancipation; to
which you replied you wished not to be taxed to buy ne-
groes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes,
except in such a way as to save you from greater taxation
You dislike the Emancipation Proclamation, and perhaps
You say it is unconstitutional. I
to save the Union exclusively by other means.
would have it retracted.
think differently. I think the Constitution invests its Com-
mander-in-Chief with the law of war in time of war. The
most that can be said, if so much, is, that slaves are prop-
erty. Is there, has there ever been, any question that by
the law of war, property, both of enemies and friends, may
be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever it
helps us and hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over,
destroy enemies' property when they cannot use it; and
even destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civil.
or hurt the enemy, except a few things regarded as bar-
ized belligerents do all in their power to help themselves
barous or cruel. Among the exceptions are the massacre
of vanquished foes and non-combatants, male and fe-
male.

But the Proclamation, as law, either is valid or is not
valid. If it is not valid it needs no retraction. If it is
valid it cannot be retracted, any more than the dead can be
brought to life. Some of you profess to think its retraction

THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER TO THE ILLINOIS CON- would operate favorably for the Union. Why better after

VENTION.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, August 26, 1863.

Hon. JAMES C. CONKLING:
MY DEAR SIR: Your letter inviting me to attend a mass
meeting of unconditional Union men, to be held at the cap-
ital of Illinois, on the 3d day of September, has been re-
ceived. It would be very agreeable for me thus to meet
my old friends at my own home: but I cannot just now
be absent from here so long as a visit there would require.
The meeting is to be of all those who maintain uncondi-
tional devotion to the Union; and I am sure that my old
political friends will thank me for tendering, as I do, the
nation's gratitude to those other noble men whom no par-
isan malice or partisan hope can make false to the nation's
life.

To such
There are those who are dissatisfied with me.
I would say you desire peace, and you blame me that wo
do not have it. But how can we attain it? There are but
three conceivable ways: First-to suppress the Rebellion
by force of arms. This I am trying to do. Are you for it?
If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not for it, a
second way is to give up the Union. I am against this.
Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If
you are not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only
remains some imaginable compromise.

I do not believe that any compromise embracing the maintenance of the Union is now possible. All that I learn leads to a directly opposite beliel. The strength of the Rebellion is its military, its army. That army dominates all the country, and all the people within its range. Any offer of terms made by any man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply nothing for the pres ent; because such man or men have no power whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made with

them.

To illustrate: Suppose refugees from the South and peace men of the North get together in convention, and frame and proclaim a compromise embracing a restoration of the Union. In what way can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania, and, I think, can ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise to which the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed can at all affect that army. In an effort at such compromise we would waste time, which the enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that would be all.

A compromise, to be effective, must be made either with those who control the rebel army, or with the people, first liberated from the domination of that army by the success of our own army. Now, allow me to assure you that no word or intimation from that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or belief. All charges and insinuati ns to the contrary are deceptive and groundless. And I promise you that if any such proposition shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected and kept a secret from you. I freely acknowledge myself to be the servant of the

the retraction than before the issue? There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the rebellion before the Proclamation was issued, the last one hundred days of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless averted by those in revolt returning to their allegi ance. The war has certainly progressed as favorably for us since the issue of the Proclamation as before.

I know as fully as one can know the opinion of others who have given us our most important victories, believe the that some of the commanders of our armies in the field, emancipation policy and the use of colored troops constitute the heaviest blows yet dealt to the rebellion, and that at least one of those important successes could not have been Among the commanders who hold these views are some achieved when it was but for the aid of black soldiers. tionism," or with "Republican party politics," but who hold who have never had an affinity with what is called "abolithem purely as military opinions. I submit their opinions as entitled to some weight against the objections often as military measures, and were not adopted as such in good urged that emancipation and arming the blacks are unwise faith.

You say that you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem willing to fight for you; but no matter. Fight you, then, exclusively, to save the Union. I issued the procla ever you shall have conquered all resistance to the Union, mation on purpose to aid you in saving the Union. Whenif I shall urge you to continue fighting, it will be an apt time then for you to declare you will not fight to free negroes. I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think differently? I thought whatever negroes can be got to do as soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do in saving the Union. Does it act upon motives. Why should they do anything for us if appear otherwise to you? But negroes, like other people, we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives for us they must be prompted by the strongest motives, even the promise of freedom. And the promise, being made, must be kept.

The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to the sea. Thanks to the great Northwest for it; nor yet wholly to them. Three hundred miles up they met New England, Empire, Keystone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The sunny South, too, in more colors of the history was jotted down in black and white. The than one, also lent a helping hand. On the spot, their part job was a great national one, and let none be slighted who bore an honorable part in it. And while those who have cleared the great river may well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that anything has been more bravely and well done than at Antietam, Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of less note. Nor must Uncle Sam's have been present, not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, web feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins they and the rapid river, but also up the narrow, muddy bayou, and wherever the ground was a little damp they have been and made their tracks. Thanks to all. For the great Re

public-for the principle it lives by and keeps alive-for | man's vast future-thanks to all.

Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come soon and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in all future time. It will then have been proved that among freemen there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the bullet, and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their case and pay the cost. And there will be some black men who can remember that with silent tongue, and clinched teeth, and steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on to this great consummation, while I fear there will be some white ones unable to forget that with malignant heart and deceit ful speech they have striven to hinder it.

Still, let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy, final triumph. Let us be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the rightful result. Yours, very truly,

A. LINCOLN.

THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER TO THE NORTH AMERICAN
REVIEW.

Messrs. CROSBY & NICHOLS :

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, January 16, 1864. GENTLEMEN: The number for this month and year of the North American Review was duly received, and for which please accept my thanks. Of course, I am not the most Impartial judge, yet, with due allowance for this, I venture to hope that the article entitled "The President's Policy," will be of value to the country. I fear I am not quito worthy of all which is therein kindly said of me personally. The sentence of twelve lines, commencing at the top of page 252, I could wish to be not exactly as it is. In what is there expressed the writer has not correctly understood me. I have never had a theory that secession could absolve States or people from their obligations. Precisely the contrary is asserted in the inaugural address; and it was because of my belief in the continuation of these obligations that I was puzzled, for a time, as to denying the legal rights of those citizens who remained individually innocent of

treason or rebellion. But I mean no more now than to merely call attention to this point.

Yours respectfully,

A. LINCOLN.

I could not take the office without taking the oath. Nor
was it my view that I might take an oath to get power, and
break the oath in using the power. I understood, too, that
in ordinary and civil administration this oath even forbade
me to practically indulge my primary abstract judgment on
the moral question of slavery. I had publicly declared this
many times, and in many ways. And I aver that, to this
day, I have done no official act in mere deference to my ab-
struct judgment and feeling on slavery I did understand,
however, that my oath to preserve the Constitution to the
best of my ability, imposed upon me the duty of preserv.
ing, by every indispensable means, that Government-that
nation, of which that Constitution was the organic law.
Was it possible to lose the nation and yet preserve the Con-
tution? By general law, life and limb must be protected;
yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but
life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that meas-
ures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful, by
becoming indispensable to the preservation of the Constitu-
tion, through the preservation of the nation. Right or
wrong, I assumed this ground, and now avow it. I could
not feel that, to the best of my ability I had even tried to
preserve the Constitution, if, to save slavery, or any minor
matter, I should permit the wreck of Government, country,
and Constitution, altogether. When early in the war, Gen-
eral Fremont attempted military emancipation, I forbade
it, because I did not then think it an indispensable neces
sity. When a little later, General Cameron, then Secretary
of War, suggested the arming of the blacks, I objected, be
cause I did not yet think it an indispensable necessity.
When, still later, General Hunter attempted military eman-
cipation, I again forbade it, because I del not yet think the
indispensable necessity had come.
May, and July, 1862, I made earnest and successive appeals
to the border States to favor compensated emancipation, I
believed the indispensable necessity for military emancipa
tion and arming the blacks would come, unless averted by
that measure. They declined the proposition, and I was, in
my best judgment, driven to the alternative of either sur-
rendering the Union, and with it, the Constitution, or of
laying strong hand upon the colored element. I chose the
latter. In choosing it, I hoped for greater gain than loss,
but of this I was not entirely confident. More than a year of
trial now shows no loss by it in our foreign relations, none
in our home popular sentiment, none in our white military
force, no loss by it any how, or anywhere. On the contrary,

When in March and

The sentence in the January number, refered it shows a gain of quite a hundred and thirty thousand sol to by Mr. Lincoln, is as follows:

ure.

"And now let any Union man who complains of this measure, test himself by writing down in one line, that he is for subduing the rebellion by force of arms; and in the next, that he is for taking three hundred and thirty thousand men from the Union side, and placing them where they would be best for the measure he condemns. If he cannot face his case so stated, it is only because he cannot face the truth."

diers, seamen, and laborers. These are palpable facts, about which, as facts, there can be no cavilling. We have the Even so long ago as when Mr. Lincoln, not yet convinced of the danger and magnitude of the crisis, was endeavoringen; and we could not have had them without the meas to persuade himself of Union majorities at the South, and to carry on a war that was half peace in hope of a peace that would have been all war, while he was still enforcing the fugitive slave law, under some theory that secession, how ever it might absolve States from their obligations, could not escheat them of their claims under the Constitution, and that slaveholders in rebellion had alone, among mortals, the privilege of having their cake and eating it at the same time-the enemies of free government were striving to persuade the people that the war was an abolition crusade. To rebel without reason was proclaimed as one of the rights of man, while it was carefully kept out of sight that to suppress rebellion is the first duty of the Govern

ment.

To this the editors of the Review append a note, as follows:

Nothing could have been further from the intention of the editors than to misrepresent the opinions of the President. They merely meant that, in their judgment, the policy of the administration was at first such as practically to concede to any rebel who might choose to profess loyalty, rights under the Constitution whose corresponding obligations he repudiated.

THE PRESIDENT'S LETTER TO COLONEL HODGES OF
KENTUCKY.

EXECUTIVE MANSION,
WASHINGTON, April 4, 1864.

A. G. HODGES, Esq., Frankfort, Ky:

I add a word which was not in the verbal conversation. In telling this tale, I attempt no compliment to my own sagacity. I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now at the end of three years' struggle, the nation's condition is not what either party, or any man devised, or expected. God alone can claim it. Whither it is tending seems plain. If God now wills the removal of a great wrong, and wills also that we of the North, as well as you of the South, shall pay fairly for our complicity in that wrong, impartial history will find therein new causes to attest and revere the justice and goodness of God. Yours, truly, A. LINCOLN.

TO A NEW YORK MEETING.

EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, June 3, 1864.

Hon. F. A. CONKLING, and others:

GENTLEMEN: Your letter, inviting me to be present at a mass meeting of loyal citizens to be held at New York, on the 4th inst., for the purpose of expressing gratitude to MY DEAR SIR: You ask me to put in writing the sub- Lieutenant General Grant for his signal services, was restance of what I verbally said the other day, in your pres-ceived yesterday. It is impossible for me to attend. I ap ence, to Governor Bramlette and Senator Dixon. It was prove, nevertheless, whatever may tend to strengthen and about as follows: sustain General Grant and the noble armies now under his direction.

"I am naturally anti-slavery. If slavery is not wrong, nothing is wrong. I cannot remember when I did not so think and feel, and yet I have never understood that the Presidency conferred upon me an unrestricted right to act officially upon this judgment and feeling. It was in the oath I took that I would to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.

My previous high estimate of General Grant has been maintained and heightened by what has occurred in the remarkable campaign he is now conducting. While the magnitude and difficulty of the task before him do noi prove less than I expected, he and his brave soldiers are now in the midst of their great trial, and I trust at your

REMAINING PAPERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

meeting you will so shape your good words that they may
turn to men and guns, moving to his and their support.
A. LINCOLN.
Yours, truly,

SPEECH OF MR. LINCOLN AT THE PHILADELPHIA
FAIR, JUNE 16, 1864.

I suppose that this toast was intended to open the way
for me to say something.
War, at the best, is terrible, and this war of ours, in its
magnitude and in its duration, is one of the most terrible.
It has deranged business, totally in many localities, and
partially in all localities. It has destroyed property and
ruined homes; it has produced a national debt and taxation
unprecedented, at least in this country; it has carried
mourning to almost every home, until it can almost be said
that the "heavens aro hung in black."

Yet the war continues, and several relieving coincidents have accompanied it from the very beginning which have not been known, as I understand, or have any knowledge of, in any former wars in the history of the world. The Sanitary Commission, with all its benevolent labors; the Christian Commission, with all its Christian and benevolent labors; and the various places, arrangements, so to speak, and institutions, have contributed to the comfort and relief of the soldiers. You have two of these places in this city the Cooper Shop and Union Volunteer Refreshment Saloons. And, lastly, these Fairs, which, I believe, began only in last August, if I mistake not, in Chicago, then at Boston, at Cincinnati, Brooklyn, New York, at Baltimore, and those at present held at St. Louis, Pittsburgh, and Philadelphia. The motive and object that lie at the bottom of all these are most worthy; for, say what you will, after all, the most Is due to the soldier, who takes his life in his hands and goes to fight the battles of his country. In what is contributed to his comfort when he passes to and fro, and in what is contributed to him when he is sick and wounded, in whatever shape it comes, whether from the fair and tender hand of woman, or from any other source, it is But I think that there is still that much, very much. which is of as much value to him in the continual re

minders he sees in the newspapers that while he is absent he is yet remembered by the loved ones at home. Another view of these various institutions, if I may so call them, is worthy of consideration, I think. They are voluntary contributions, given zealously and earnestly, on top of all the disturbances of business, of all the disorders, of all the

taxation, and of all the burdens that the war has imposed upon us, giving proof that the national resources are not at all exhausted, and that the national spirit of patriotism is even firmer and stronger than at the commencement of the

war.

It is a pertinent question, often asked in the mind privately, and from one to the other, when is the war to end? other can, but I do not wish to name a day, a month, or a Surely I feel as deep an interest in this question as any year when it is to end. I do not wish to run any risk of seeing the time come, without our being ready for the end, not the end. We accepted this war for an object, a worthy for fear of disappointment, because the time had come and object, and the war will end when that object is attained. Under God, I hope it never will end until that time. Speakhave said, I am going through on this line if it takes all ing of the present campaign, General Grant is reported to summer. This war has taken three years; it was begun or accepted upon the line of restoring the national authority over the whole national domain, and for the American peoare going through on this line if it takes three years more. ple, as far as my knowledge enables me to speak, I say we My friends, I did not know but that I might be called upon to say a few words before I got away from here, but I did not know it was coming just here. I have never been in the habit of making predictions in regard to the war, but I am almost tempted to make one. If I were to hazard it, it is this: That Grant is this evening, with General Meade with him, in a position from whence he will never be disand General Hancock, and the brave officers and soldiers lodged until Richmond is taken, and I have but one single proposition to put now, and, perhaps, I can best put it in the form of an interrogative. If I shall discover that General Grant and the noble officers and men under him can be greatly facilitated in their work by a sudden pouring forward of men and assistance, will you give them to me? Are you ready to march? [Cries of "yes."] Then, I say, stand ready, for I am watching for the chance. I thank you, gentlemen. [Laughter and cheers.]

This speech was repeatedly interrupted by applause, and at its close three cheers were given for the army of the Potomac, and sucIn the mean cessive cheers for Grant and Meade and Hancock, and their brave soldiers. time the President retired from the room.

22

2

OUR FOREIGN RELATIONS.

The Trent Affair.

SECRETARY SEWARD TO MR. ADAMS.

*

NOVEMBER 30, 1861.

mand was made that the commander of the Trent should proceed on board the San Jacinto, but he said he would not go unless forcibly compelled likewise, and this demand was not insisted upon.

It thus appears that certain individuals have been forcibly taken from on board a British vessel, the ship of a neutral Power, while such vessel was pursuing a lawful and innocent voyage-an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag and a violation of international law.

Since that conversation was held Captain Wilkes, in the steamer San Jacinto, has boarded a British colonial steamer and taken from her deck two insurgents who were proceeding to Europe on an errand of treason against their own country. This is a new incident, unknown to and unforeseen, at least in its circumstances, by Lord Palmerston. It is to be met and disposed of by the two Governments, if possible, in the spirit to which I have adverted. Lord Lyons has prudently refrained from opening the subject to me, as, I presume, waiting instructions from home. We have done nothing on the subject to anti-greatly misunderstood the instructions which he had recipate the discussion, and we have not furnished you with any explanations. We adhere to that course now, because we think it more prudent that the ground taken by the British Government should be first made known to us here, and that the discussion, if there must be one, shall be had here. It is proper, however, that you should know one fact in the case, without indicating that we attach much importance to it, namely, that, in the capture of Messrs. Mason and Slidell on board a British vessel, Captain Wilkes having acted without any instructions from the Government, the subject is therefore free from the embarrassment which might have resulted if the act had been specially directed by us.

I trust that the British Government will consider the subject in a friendly temper, and it may expect the best disposition on the part of this Government

EARL RUSSELL TO LORD LYONS.
NOVEMBER 30, 1861.

MY LORD: Intelligence of a very grave nature has reached her Majesty's Government.

This intelligence was conveyed officially to the knowledge of the Admiralty by Commander Williams, agent for mails on board the contract steamer Trent.

It appears from the letter of Commander Williams, dated "Royal Mail Contract Packet Trent, at sea, November 9," that the Trent left Havana on the 7th instant, with her Majesty's mails for England, having on board numerous passengers. Commander Williams states that shortly after noon, on the 8th, a steamer having the appearance of a man-of-war, but not showing colors, was observed ahead. On nearing her, at 1.15 p. m., she fired a round shot from her pivot-gun across the bows of the Trent and showed American colors. While the Trent was approaching her slowly, the American vessel discharged a shell across the bows of the Trent, exploding half a cable's length ahead of her. The Trent then stopped, and an officer with a large armed guard of marines boarded her. The officer demanded a list of the passengers; and, compliance with this demand being refused, the officer said he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and that he had sure information of their being passengers in the Trent. While some parley was going on upon this matter, Mr. Slidell stepped forward and told the American officer that the four persons he had named were then standing before him. The commander of the Trent and Commander Williams protested against the act of taking by force out of the Trent these four passengers, then under the protection of the British flag. But the San Jacinto was at that time only two hundred yards from the Trent, her ship's company at quarters, her ports open, and tompions out. Resistance was there fore out of the question, and the four gentlemen before named were forcibly taken out of the ship. A further de

Her Majesty's Government, bearing in mind the friendly relations which have long subsisted between Great Britain and the United States, are willing to believe that the United States naval officer who committed the aggression was not acting in compliance with any authority from his Govern ment, or that if he conceived himself to be so authorized he ceived. For the Government of the United States must be fully aware that the British Government could not allow such an affront to the national honor to pass without full reparation, and her Majesty's Government are unwilling to believe that it could be the deliberate intention of the Government of the United States unnecessarily to force inta discussion between the two Governments à question of so grave a character, and with regard to which the whole British nation would be sure to entertain such unanimity of feeling.

Her Majesty's Government, therefore, trust that when this matter shall have been brought under the consideration of the Government of the United States that Government will, of its own accord, offer to the British Government such redress as alone could satisfy the British nation, namely, the liberation of the four gentlemen and thei: delivery to your lordship, in order that they may again be placed under British protection, and a suitable apology for the aggression which has been committed.

Should these terms not be offered by Mr. Seward, you will propose them to him.

You are at liberty to read this dispatch to the Secretary of State, and, if he shall desire it, you will give him a copy of it.

SECRETARY SEWARD TO LORD LYONS.
DECEMBER 26, 1861.

MY LORD: Earl Russell's despatch of November the 30th, a copy of which you have left with me at my request, is of the following effect, namely:

That a letter of Commander Williams, dated Royal Mail Contract Packet boat Trent, at sea, November 9th, states that that vessel left Havana on the 7th of November, with her Majesty's mails for England, having on board numerous passengers. Shortly after noon, on the 8th of Noveniber, the United States war steamer San Jacinto, Capt. Wilkes, not showing colors, was observed ahead. That steamer, on being neared by the Trent, at one o'clock fifteen minutes in the afternoon, fired a round shot from a pivot-gun across her bows, and showed American colors. While the Trent was approaching slowly towards the San Jacinto, she die charged a shell across the Trent's bows, which exploded at half a cable's length before her. The Trent then stopped, and an officer with a large armed guard of marines boarded her. The officer said he had orders to arrest Messrs. Mason, Slidell, McFarland, and Eustis, and had sure information that they were passengers in the Trent. While some parley was going on upon this matter, Mr. Slidell stepped forward and said to the American officer that the four persons he had named were standing before him. The commander of the Trent and Commander Williams protested against the act of taking those four passengers out of the Trent, they then being under the protection of the British flag. But