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mond, John Van Buren, Charles O'Connor. | North Carolina will never consent to reunion at any time Washington Hunt, Fernando Wood, and James or upon any terms. Brooks, representative men of the triumphant December 8-Governor Letcher, of Virginia, revolutionary party of New York," under date of December 24, said:

Not only do you owe it to yourselves to repudiate every dollar of this unconstitutional debt, but you owe it equally to your posterity to pay the half, if not all the debt the people of the South have had to incur to maintain the rights of citizens and of States, in the establishment of free trade. Let heart and brain into the revolution; accelerate and direct the movement; get rid of the Baboon, (or What is it!) Abraham Lincoln, pacifically if you can, but by the

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blood of his followers if necessary. Withdraw your support, material and moral, from the invading armies, and the South will make quick work with the Abolitionists that

remain on her soil. Suffer no degenerate son of the South, upon however plausible pretext, to idly embarrass your action by throwing into your way rotten planks of reconstruction. Unity is no longer possible. The very word Union, once so dear, has been made the cover for so many atrocious acts that the mere mention of it is odious in the ears of Southern people. The State Legislature will be called upon to obliterate the hated name from counties and towns. In the fall of 1862, after the Democratic successes in the election, the Richmond papers took occasion to assure the North that there could be no peace except by recognizing the independence of the Southern Confederacy.

The Examiner said of the North:

They do not yet understand that we are resolute to be rid of them forever, and determined rather to die than to live with them in the same political community again. The Dispatch anticipating Democratic ascendency in the Union Congress, said:

wrote:

It cannot be that the people of the Confederat: States can again entertain a feeling of affection and respect for the Government of the United States. We have, therefore, separated from them; and now let it be understood that the separation is and ought to be final and irrevocable; that Virginia "will under no circumstances entertain any proposition from any quarter which may have for its object a restoration or reconstruction of the late Union, on any terms or conditions whatever."

Jeff. Davis addressed the Mississippi Legislature, December 26, 1862, and is reported in the Jackson Mississipian to have said:

He alluded to it, however, as a matter of regret that the best affections of his heart should have been bestowed upon a Government which was rotten to its very core. He had an object so unworthy-that he should have loved so long predicted from the beginning a fierce war, though it had assumed more gigantic proportions than he had calculated upon. He had predicted war not because our right to secede was not an undoubted one, and defined in the spirit of that declaration which rests the right to govern upon the consent of the governed: but the wickedness of the North would entail war upon the country.

The present war, waged against the rights of a free North. In the progress of the war those evil passions have been brought out and developed; and so far from reuniting with such a people-a people whose descendants Cromwell had gathered from the bogs and fens of Ireland and Scotland-a people whose intolerance produced discord and trouble wherever they went-who persecuted Catholics, Episcopalians, and every other sect that did not subscribe to their bigoted and contracted notions-who hung witches, and did a thousand other things calculated to make thei forever infamous.

people, was unjust, and the fruit of the evil passions of the

The President was emphatic in his declaration that under no circumstances would he consent to reunion. He drew a glowing picture of the horrors of war, and the rav ages of the enemy, and while his tears flowed for those who suffered, yet all these would be endured cheerfully before our manhood and our liberties would be surrendered."

1863.

From the speech of Jeff. Davis, delivered in Richmond, as reported in the Richmond En

It is probable, therefore, that they might propose a reconstruction of the Union, with certain pledges, guaranties, &c. To this the South will never consent. They will never exist in the same political association, be its name what it may, be its terms what they will, and be the guaranties whatever the good will of the Democrats may make them. They want nothing more to do with the Yankees, and they are determined to have nothing more to do with them. Let them pay off their own debt with their own resources, we have as much as we can do to pay off ours. We cannot consent to return to the state of vassalage from which we have emerged. We cannot consent to sit in a Congress inquirer of January 7: which nothing is debated but the nigger from the beginning of the longest session to the end of it. We can never again affiliate with people who made a martyr of the coldblooded assassin, John Brown, and thought he was doing a glorious deed when he was dying his hands in the blood of our people. We of the Confederate States have made up our minds to endure the worst extremity to which war can reduce a people. We are prepared for it. The Government that should propose to reunite us with the Yankees could not exist a day. It would sink so deep beneath the deluge of popular indignation that even history would not be able to fish up the wreck.

You have shown yourselves in no respect to be degenerate sons of your fathers. You have fought mighty battles, and your deeds of valor will live among the richest spoils of Time's ample page. It is true, you have a cause which binds you together more firmly than your fathers were They fought to be free from the usurpation of the British Crown, but they fought against a manly foo. You fight the of scourings of the earth. [Applause.]

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the plea that it is a military necessity. For what are they They have come to disturb your social organizations on waging war? They say to preserve the Union. Can they preserve the Union by destroying the social existence of a portion of the South? Do they hope to reconstruct the Union by striking at everything which is dear to men? By showing themselves so utterly disgraced that if the question was proposed to you whether you would combine with Hy enas or Yankees, I trust every Virginian would say, give me the Hyenas. [Cries of "Good! good!" and applause.]

Again, October 18, the Dispatch said: Nor, after the sacrifices which the South has suffered at Northern hands, could she ever consent, of her own free will, to live under the same Government with that people. The blood of our murdered children would cry from the ground against their fathers if they could ever be guilty of such unnatural and monstrous ingratitude. If the South [From the Richmond Dispatch of January 11.] has given her blood without a murmur to this contest, it is Reconstruction! Can they reconstruct the family circles not because she does not value that blood but because she which they have broken-can they reconstruct the fortunes values freedom more than life or any earthly possession. which they have scattered--can they reconstruct the bodies Precious, more than aught else save her honor, are the of our dead kindred, which by tens of thousands they have jewels she has laid upon the altar of liberty, and never can destroyed? When they can do this they can reconstruct she consent to shake hands again under one Government the old Union. When they can do this--when they can with men who have made so many vacant places in south-breathe the breath of life into the pallid faces of our sons ern households, and whose steel is dripping with the blood of our brethren and children.

Henceforth we are two people. December 2-The Legislature of North Carolina adopted these, among other, resolutions: Resolved, That the Confederate States have the means and the will to sustain and perpetuate the Government they have established, and to that end North Carolina is determined to contribute all of her power and resources. Resolved, That the separation between the Confederate 6tates and the United States is final, and that the people of

and brothers, and restore them once more, living and happy, to our desolate firesides, they may dream of bringing back that Union whose only principle of cohesion was the mutual love and confidence of its people.

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We warn the Democrats and conservatives of the North to dismiss from their minds at once the miserable delusion that the South can ever consent to enter again, upon ony terms, the old Union. If the North will allow us to write the Can stitution ourselves, and give us every guarantee we would ask, we would sooner be under the Government of England or France than under a Union with men who have shown that

RECONSTRUCTION OF STATES.

they cannot keep good faith, and are the most barbarous and | tember, published in the Richmond E-aminer,
inhuman, as well as treacherous of mankind.
in which he "denounced, in bitter terms, as an
utter impossibility, any thought of reconstruc-
tion on any conditions."

If the reconstructionists want peace, they can easily have it upon the terms on which they could have always had it-letting us alone. We ask neither more nor less. We are making no war on them. We are not invading their territory, nor giving their homes to the flames, their populations to prison and the sword, their women to a fate worse than death. Let us alone! That is all we ask. Let us alone, and peace will return once more to bless a distracted land! But do not expect us to degrade ourselves and cast dishonor upon the graves of our kindred by ever returning to the embrace of those whose hands are dripping with the tears and blood of our people.

The Richmond Sentinel refers to the address of the Democrats of New Hampshire declaring that if the South will "come back into the Union, the Democracy of the North will do all in their power to gain for them (the Southern States) such guarantees as will secure their safety," and remarks that the proposition is frank and courteous, but inadmissible. It adds:

"They (the Democrats) are powerless to secure for us those guarantees of which they admit the necessity. Less than three years ago the States which now form the Confederacy, sought, in the spirit of conservatism and forbearance, to avoid disruption, with an importunity that now appears to us amazing. When we look back at it now it makes us tremble to think that we offered to take the Crittenden compromise. But conciliation on our part was met only by contumely and defiance by the Republican majority. From that time the men who willfully destroyed the Union have been assailing us with all the engines of destruction. They have evinced towards us a malignity which has seldom been paralleled in human history.

"Do the New Hampshire Democrats suppose for one moment that we could so much as think of reunion with such a people? Rather tell one to be wedded to a corpse! Rather join hands with a fiend from the pit. Since that time the only greeting of kind words which has come to us from the North, the New Hampshire men have sent. All, or nearly all beside, has been conflagration, sword, demoniac denunciation, and brutal menace of destruction. When those in the United States who are disposed to deal fairly with us shall gain the rule, we may in time begin to bury the many bitter memories which now add energy to our resentment, and may make with them treaties that shall be mutually advantageous. Perhaps, hereafter, good will may be revived again. But Union-never let it be mentioned! It is impossible."

FROM ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.

THE QUESTION ABOUT NORTHERN "TONE AND
TEMPER."

[From the Richmond Sentinel, September 29.]
The House of Delegates yesterday, in the most summary
and temper of the people of the United States on the sub-
manner, disposed of a resolution for inquiring into the tone
ject of peace, with a view to responding, if favorable. The
House knew what everybody knows-that such resolutions
are both idle and mischievous, for they will only be taken
part for reconstruction. The House, by a unanimous vote,
by our enemies as evincing more or less readiness on our
put its foot on the resolution, without a word of discussion
or a moment of delay. In this they but fairly represented
the manliness and the unanimity of our people.

1864.

GOV. ZEBULON B. VANCE of North Carolina, in his elaborate speech at Wilkesboro', used this language:

RECONSTRUCTION.

It is a favorite idea with a great many, that possi, the old order of things could be restored; that our righ's under that Constitution could be guaranteed to us, and everything move on peacefully as before the war. My friends, there are a great many desirable things; but the question, not what may be wished, but what may be obtained, is the one reasonable men may consider. It is desirable to have a lovely wife and plenty of pretty children: but every man can't have them. I tell you now, candidly, there is no more possibility of reconstructing the old Union and reinstating things as they were four years ago, than exists for you to gather up the scattered bones of your sons who have fallen in this struggle, from one end of the country to the other, re-clothe them with flesh, fill their veins with the blood they have so generously shed, and their lungs with the same breath with which they breathed out their last prayer for their country's triumph and independence. [Immense applause.]

The new rebel Governor of Louisiana, HENRY W. ALLEN, in his inaugural, says:

Peace is not so sweet as to be purchased at the cost of reReconstruction means subjugation, ruin, death. Lose negroes, lose lands, lose everything, lose construction. life itself, but never think of reconstruction. He says: "I speak to-day by authority, I speak as the Governor of Louisiana, and I wish it known at Washington and else where that rather than reconstruct this Government and of Louisiana will, in convention assembled, without a disgo back to the Union, on any terms whatever, the people

The Richmond Dispatch of July 23, gives a sketch of ALEX. H. STEPHENS's speech at Charlotte, N. C., on his way to Richmond, in which after alluding to Lee's invasion of Maryland and Pennsylvania, and the loss of Vicksburg, and exhorting the people to give the govern-pelled to take the oath of allegiance to the Federal Govment a cordial support, he said:

As for reconstruction, such a thing was impossible-such an idea must not be tolerated for an instant. Reconstruction would not end the war, but would produce a more horrible war than that in which we are now engaged. The only terms on which we can obtain permanent peace is final Rather than and complete separation from the North. submit to anything short of that, let us all resolve to die like men worthy of freedom.

FROM ROBERT TOOMBS.

WASHINGTON, GA., August 17, 1863.
MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 15th instant, asking my
authority to contradict the report that "I am in favor of
reconstruction," was received this evening. I can conceive
of no extremity to which my country could be reduced in
which I would for a single moment entertain any proposi-
tion for any union with the North on any terms whatever.
When all else is lost, I prefer to unite with the thousands
of our own countrymen who have found honorable deaths,
if not graves, on the battle-field. Use this letter as you
please.

Very truly, your friend, &c.
Dr. A. BEES, Americus, Ga.

R. TOOMBS.

WM. SMITH, then recently elected Governor of Virginia, made a speech in Richmond in Sep

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I speak to-day not only for the loyal citizens senting voice, cede the State to any European Power. behalf of the misguided individuals who have been comof Louisiana, who have stood by her in all trials, but in

ernment. In their hearts they are true to us, and are
daily praying for the triumph of our arms. They have
I speak by authority, for they write to
felt the iron in their souls, and know full well the curse of
me daily that they would rather, by ten thousand times,
reconstruction
be the subjects of the Emperor of France than the slaves
of Lincoln.'"

The Richmond Dispatch, in March, discussed
President Lincoln's amnesty proclamation,

and adds:

No one, however, knows better than Abraham Lincoln that any terms he might offer the southern people which contemplate their restoration to his bloody and brutal Government, would be rejected with scorn and execration. If instead of devoting to death our President and military and civil officers, he had proposed to make Jeff. Davis his successor, Lee Commander-in-Chief of the Yankee armies, and our domestic institutions not only recognized at home but readopted in the free States, provided the South would once more enter the Yankee Union, there is not a man, woman, or child in the Confederacy who would not spit upon the proposition. We desire no companionship upon any terms with a nation of rob bers and murderers. The miscreants, whose atrocities in

must keep henceforth their distance. They shall not be this war have caused the whole civilized world to shudder, our masters, and we would not have them for our slaves.

JOINT RESOLUTION OF THE REBEL LEGISLATURE | phy, J. A. Newell, Lucien P. Normand, P. K. O'Conner,

OF LOUISIANA.

Be it resolved, dc., That the barbarous manner in which our enemies have waged war against us deserves the execration of all men, and has confirmed and strengthened us in the determination to oppose to the last extremity a re-union with them, and that the spirit of our people is unabated in the resolution to resist every attempt at their subjugation.

1864, August 5-Messrs. BENJAMIN F. WADE and HENRY WINTER DAVIS published in the New York Tribune a paper arraigning President LINCOLN for his course on the Reconstruction bill. A few extracts are subjoined:

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The President, by preventing this bill from becoming a law, holds the electoral votes of the rebel States at the dictation of his personal ambition. If those votes turn the balance in his favor, is it to be supposed that his competitor, defeated by such means, will acquiesce? If the rebel majority assert their supremacy in those States, and send votes which elect an enemy of the Government, will we not repel his claims? And is not that civil war for the Presidency inaugurated by the votes of rebel States? Seriously impressed with these dangers, Congress, "the proper constitutimal authority," formally declared that there are no State governments in the rebel States, and provided for their erection at a proper time; and both the Senate and the House of Representatives rejected the Senators and Representatives chosen under the authority of what the President calls the free constitution and government of Arkansas. The President's proclamation "holds for naught" this judgment, and discards the authority of the Supreme Court, and strides headlong toward the anarchy his proclamation of the 8th of December inaugurated. If electors for President bo allowed to be chosen in either of those States, a sinister light will be cast on the motives which induced the President to "hold for naught" the will of Congross rather than his govern ment in Louisiana and Arkansas. That judgment of Congress which the President defies was the exercise of an authority exclusively vested in Congress by the Constitution to determine what is the established government in a State, and in its own nature and by the highest judicial authority binding on all other departments of the Government. * A more studied outrage on the legislative authority of the people has never been perpetrated. Congress passed a bill; the President refused to approve it, and then by proclamation puts as much of it in force as he sees fit, and proposes to execute those parts by officers unknown to the laws of the United States and not subject to the confirmation of the Senate! The bill directed the appointment of Provisional Governors by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. The President, after defeating the law, proposes to appoint without law, and without the advice and consent of the Senate, Military Governors for the rebel States! He has already exercised this dictatorial usurpation in Louisiana, and he defeated the bill to prevent its limitation. ** The President has greatly presumed on the forbearance which the supporters of his Administration have so long practiced, in view of the arduous conflict in which we are engaged, and the reckless ferocity of our political opponents. But he must understand that our support is of a cause and not of a man; that the authority of Congress is paramount and must be respected; that the whole body of the Union men of Congress will not submit to be impeached by him of rash and unconstitutional legislation; and if he wishes our support, he must confine himself to his executive duties to obey and execute, not make the laws-to suppress by arms armed rebellion, and leave political reorganization to Congress. If the supporters of the Government fail to insist on this, they become responsible for the usurpations which they fail to rebuke, and are justly liable to the indignation of the people whose rights and security, committed to their keeping, they sacrifice. Let them consider the remedy for these usurpations, and, having found it, fearlessly execute it.

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN LOUISIANA.

1864, May 11-The vote in Convention was-yeas 72, nays 13: YEAS-Messrs. M. R. Ariail, O. W. Austin, John T. Barrett, Raphael Beauvais, J. V. Bofill, Robert Bradshaw Bell, Robert W. Bennie, M. F. Bonzano, J. B. Bromley, Young Burke, Emile Collin, J. K. Cook, Terence Cook, F. M. Crozat, R. King Cutler, John L. Davies, James Duane, Joseph Dupaty, H. C. Edwards, W. R. Fish, G. II. Flagg, Edmond Flood, John Foley, G. A. Fosdick, James Fuller, George Geier, E. Goldman, Joseph Gorlinski, Jeremiah J. Healy, Patrick Harnan, Edward Hart, John Henderson, Jr., Alfred C. Hills, William H. Hire, George Howes, P. A. Kugler, H. Maas, William Davis Mann, II. Millspaugh, John P. Montamat, Robert Morris, Edward Murphy, M. W. Mur

Thomas Ong, Benjamin H. Orr, John Payne, J. T. Paine,
Eudaldo G. Pintado, O. H. Poynot, John Purcell, Sam-
uel Pursell, J. B. Schroeder, Martin Schnurr, John
Sullivan, Alfred Shaw, Charles Smith, John A. Spellicy,
WiXiam Tompkins Stocker, John Stumpf, J. II. Stiner,
C. W. Stauffer, Robert W. Taliaferro, J. Randall Terry, T.
B. Thorpe, John W. Thomas, Ernest J. Wenck, Thomas M.
Wells, Joseph Hamilton Wilson, and E. H. Durell, Presi
dent-72.

NAYS-Messrs. Edmund Abell, John Buckley, Jr., Renj.
Dufresne, of Iberville,
Campbell, Thomas J. Decker,
Robert J. Duke, Louis Gustinel, C. H. L. Gruneberg, H. J.
Heard, Xavier Maurer, John A. Mayer, A. Mendiverri, H.
A. Cazabat and James Ennis voted aye the next day,
having been absent when the vote was taken.

W. Waters-13.

May 9-Mr. JOSEPH H. WILSON moved to provide: “And that loyal owners shall be compensated."

Mr. GOLDMAN moved to lay the motion on the table; which was agreed to-yeas 45, nays 30, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Ariail, Austin, Bailey, Bonzano, Burke, Collin, Cazabat, J, K. Cook, Cutler, Davies, Duane, Dupaty, Edwards, James Ennis, Fish, Flagg, Flood, Foley, Fosdick, Goldman, Gorlinski, Healy, Harnan, Hills, Hire, Howes, Maas, Mann, Millspaugh, E. Murphy, Newell, Normand, J. Payne, Pintado, S. Pursell, Schroeder, Schnurr, Shaw, Smith, Spellicy, Stauffer, Taliaferro, Terry, Thorpe, Wells

-45

NAYS-Messrs. Abell, Barrett, Bell, Bofill, George F. Brott, Buckley, T. Cook, Crozat, Dufresne, Duke, Fuller, Gruneberg, Hart, Heard, Henderson, E. H. Knobloch, Maurer, Mayer, Mendiverri, Montamat, M. W. Murphy O'Conner, Ong, W. II. Seymour, Stocker, Stumpf, Stiner, Sullivan, Waters, Wilson-30.

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN ARKANSAS.

The Free State Convention met January 11, 1864, and adopted a Constitution, which was submitted to a vote of the people, March 14th, 15th, and 16th, and received 12,177 votes, 226 being polled against it.

The Emancipation clause was adopted unanimously. The following named persons constituted the Convention: John McCoy, President of Convention, Luther C. White, C. A. Harper, John Austin, Josiah Harrell, Harmon L Holleman, John R. Smoot, Randolph D. Swindell, G. W. Seamans, James T. Swafford, W. Holleman, John M. Demint, Enoch H. Vance, Miles L. Langly, J. M. Stapp, C. D. Jordan, John Burton, John C. Pridy, Reuben Lamb, E. D. Ayres, T. D. W. Yonley, E. L. Maynard, William Stout, Burk Johnson, Elias Cook, L. D. Cantrell, Willis Jones, James A. Butler, T. M. Jacks, Horace B. Allis, John Box, Calvin C. Bliss, A. B. Fryrear, Lemuel Helms, R. L. Turner, Thomas J. Young, James Huey, Andrew G. Evans, R. H. Stanfield, William Cox, L. Dunscomb.

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN MISSOURI.

1865, January 11-The vote in Convention was-yeas 59, nays 4, as follows:

YEAS-W. B. Adams, A. M. Bedford, David Bonham, Geo. K. Budd, Harvey Bunce, Isador Bush, R. L. Childress, Henry A. Clover, R. C. Cowden, Samuel T. Davis, John H. Davis, Isham B. Dodson, Wm. D. D'Oench, Charles D. Drake, John H. Ellis, John Esther, Ellis J. Evans, Chauncey I. Filley, J. W. Fletcher, Wm. H. Folmsbee, F. M. Fulker son, John W. Gamble, Archibald Gilbert, Abner L. Gilstrap, Moses P. Green, J. M. Grammer, David Henderson, E. A. Holcomb, John H. Holdsworth, Wm. S. Holland, B. F. Hughes, Jos. F. Hume, Geo. Husmann, Wyllis King, R. Leonard, M. L. Linton, J. F. McKernan, A. M. McPherson, John A. Mack, A. H. Martin, Ferdinand Meyer, James P. Mitchell, A. G. Newgent, A. P. Nixdorf, James W. Owens, Dorastus Peck, J. T. Rankin, Phillip Rohrer, Gustavus St. Gemme, K. G. Smith, Eli Smith, Geo. P. Strong, James T. Sutton, John R. Swearinger, G. C. Thilenius, S. W. Wea therby, Jeremiah Williams, Eugene Williams, Arnold Krekel, President-59.

NAYS-Samuel A. Gilbert, Thomas B. Harris, William A. Martin, William F. Switzler-4.

ABSENT-A. J. Barr, Emory S. Foster, J. Roger. The last named had not attended the Convention up to the day of voting.

ABOLITION OF SLAVERY IN TENNESSEE.

1865, January 10-A convention of Unionists met in Nashville, and adopted a series of propositions to be submitted to the people February 22d, the first of which de crees the abolition of slavery. Over five hundred delegates attended, representing nearly every county. March 4, a Governor and Legislature are to be chosen. William G. Brownlow is the Convention's nominee for Governor.

The latest returns published comprise 8 counties in East Tennessee, 21 in Middle, 1 in West, and 10 hospitals, regis ments, &c., giving an aggregate of 21,104 for, and 49 against the Constitution. March 4, the Union State ticket was chosen.

REMAINING PAPERS OF PRESIDENT LINCOLN.

EXPLANATORY OF GOVERNMENT PURCHASES IN | I also directed the commandant of the navy

MAY, 1861.

1862, May 29-The PRESIDENT sent this message to Congress : To the Senate and

House of Representatives: The insurrection which is yet existing in the United States, and aims at the overthrow of the Federal Constitution and the Union, was clandestinely prepared during the winter of 1860 and 1861, and assumed an open organization in the form of a treasonable provisional government at Montgomery, in Alabama, on the 18th day of February, 1861. On the 12th day of April, 1861, the insurgents committed the flagrant act of civil war by the bombardment and capture of Fort Sumter, which cut off the hope of immediate conciliation. Immediately afterwards all the roads and avenues to this city were obstructed, and the capital was put into the condition of a siege. The mails in every direction were stopped, and the lines of telegraph cut off by the insurgents, and military and naval forces, which had been called out by the Government for the defence of Washington, were prevented from reaching the city by organized and combined treasonable resistance in the State of Maryland. There was no adequate and effective organization for the public defence. Congress had indefinitely adjourned. There was no time to convene them. It became necessary for me to choose whether, using only the existing means, agencies, and processes which Congress had provided, I should let the Government fall at once into ruin, or whether, availing myself of the broader powers conferred by the Constitution in cases of insurrection, I would make an effort to save it with all its blessings for the present age and for posterity. I thereupon summoned my constitutional advisers, the heads of all the Departments, to meet on Sunday, the 20th day of April, 1861, at the office of the Navy Department, and then and there, with their unanimous concurrence, I directed that an armed revenue cutter should proceed to sea, to afford protection to the commercial marine, and especially the California treasure ships then on their way to this coast.

Called forth by the passage of a resolution, April 30, In the House-yeas 79, nays 45-censuring Secretary Cameron for a supposed responsibility for, and connection with,

the circumstances detailed.

Similar directions

yard at Boston to purchase or charter, and arm
as quickly as possible, five steamships, for pur-
poses of public defence. I directed the com-
mandant of the navy-yard at Philadelphia to
purchase, or charter and arm, an equal number
for the same purpose. I directed the comman-
dant at New York to purchase, or charter and
arm, an equal number. I directed Commander
Gillis to purchase, or charter and arm, and put
to sea two other vessels.
were given to Commodore Du Pont, with a view
to the opening of passages by water to and from
the capital. I directed the several officers to
take the advice and obtain the aid and efficient
services in the matter of his Excellency Edwin
D. Morgan, the Governor of New York, or, in
his absence, George D. Morgan, William M.
Evarts, R. M. Blatchford, and Moses H. Grin-
nell, who were, by my directions, especially em-
powered by the Secretary of the Navy to act for
his Department in that crisis, in matters per-
taining to the forwarding of troops and supplies
for the public defence.

On the same occasion I directed that Governor Morgan and Alexander Cummings, of the city of New York, should be authorized by the Secretary of War, Simon Cameron, to make all necessary arrangements for the transportation of troops and munitions of war, in aid and assistance of the officers of the Army of the United States, until communication by mails and telegraph should be completely re-established between the cities of Washington and New York. No security was required to be given by them, and either of them was authorized to act in case of inability to consult with the other.

On the same occasion I authorized and di

rected the Secretary of the Treasury to advance, without requiring security, two millions of dollars of public money to John A. Dix, George Opdyke, and Richard M. Blatchford, of New York, to be used by them in meeting such requisitions as should be directly consequent upon the military and naval measures necessary for the defence and support of the Government, requiring them only to act without compensation, and to report their transactions when duly called upon.

The several departments of the Government at that time contained so large a number of disloyal persons that it would have been impos