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Jersey, 8; Pennsylvania, 10; Maryland, 2; North Caro-
lina, 1; Arkansas,; Missouri, 4; Kentucky, 2; Ohio,
23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wisconsin, 5;
Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 2-113).
NAYS-Maine, 24; New-Hampshire, 2; Vermont,;
Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 24; New-York, 35; New
Jersey, 3; Pennsylvania, 17; Delaware, 2; Maryland,
6; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 9; Arkansas,; Missouri,
44; Tennessee, 12; Kentucky, 10; Minnesota, 14; Cali-
fornia, 4; Oregon, 3-1384.

When New-York was called, her delegates asked time to consult, but finally gave her thirty-five votes against the motion to lay upon the table, which, had it prevailed, would have precluded all further reconsideration of the subject.

The question recurred upon the motion to reconsider the vote rejecting the minority resolutions.

Mr. Cessna, of Pa., moved the previous question, which was sustained, and the question being taken by States, the motion to reconsider was rejected-103 to 149-as follows:


YEAS-Maine, 2; New-Hampshire, 2; Vermont, 1; Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 2; New-Jersey, 4; Pennsylvania, 17; Delaware, 2; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 9; Arkansas,; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 10; Kentucky, 10; Minnesota, 1; California, 4; Oregon, 3NAYS-Maine, 5; New-Hampshire, 3; Vermont, 4; Massachusetts, 5; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 34; NewYork, 35; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 10; Maryland, 2; North Carolina, 1; Arkansas,; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 2; Kentucky, 2; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wisconsin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 2


The several motions to lay on the table the question of reconsidering the votes by which each of the resolutions of the majority had been adopted, were then put and carried in the affirmative, and the several delegates who had been voted in were then admitted to seats.


Mr. Russell, of Virginia.-If it be the pleasure of your self, Mr. President and the Convention, I will now make the brief announcement of which I made mention this morning.

I will detain the Convention but a very brief time. I understand that the action of this Convention upon the various questions arising out of the reports from the Committee on Credentials has become final, complete and irrevocable. And it has become my duty now, by direction of a large majority of the delegation from Virginia, respectfully to inform this body that it is inconsistent with their convictions of duty to participate longer in its deliberations. (Loud applause in the Convention and in the galleries, with loud cries from the galleries.)

maintained and supported the Northern Democracy for the reason that they are willing to attribute to us in the South equality in the Union. The vote to-day has satisfied the majority of the North Carolina delegates that, that being refused by our brethren of the Northern Democracy, North Carolina-Rip Van Winkle, as you may call her can no longer remain in this Convention. The rights of sovereign States and of gentlemen of the South have been denied by a majority of this body. We cannot act, as we conceive, in view of this wrong. I use the word "wrong" with no intention to reflect upon those gentlemen of the North Carolina delegation who differ with me or with the majority of the delegation. For these reasons, without assigning any more, as I have no idea of inflicting a speech upon this Convention, who are in no state of preparation to receive it, I announce that eight out of ten of the votes of North Carolina ask to retire.


Mr. Ewing, of Tennessee.-Mr. President, in behalf of the delegation from Tennessee, I beg leave to address this Convention upon this occasion, so important, and, to us, so solemn in its consequences. The delegation from Tennessee have exhibited, so far as they knew how, every disposition to harmonize this Convention, and to bring its labors to a happy result. They were the first, when the majority platform was not adopted, to seek for some proposition for compromise-something that would enable us to armonize. They have a candidate who was dear to them. They cast away his prospect for the sake of harmony. They have yielded all that they can. They have endeavored, with all their power, to accomplish the result they came here for; but they fear that the result is not to be accomplished in a manner that can render a just and proper account to their constituents. We have consulted together, and, after anxious and long deliberation, without knowing exactly what phase this matter might finally present, we have not adopted any decisive rule for our action; but a large majority of our delegates-some twenty to four -have decided that, upon the result now obtained, we shall ask leave of this Convention to retire, that we may consult and announce our final action. We shall take no further part in the deliberations of this Convention, unless our minds should change; and of that I can offer you no reasonable hope.

A PORTION OF MARYLAND WITHDRAWS. Mr. Johnson, of Maryland.-Mr. President, I am authorized by my colleagues to report the state of facts in regard to a portion of the Maryland delegation. Representing, in part, a district in Maryland upon which the first blood of the irrepressible conflict was shed, a district which sent fifteen men in midwinter to the rescue of Philadelphia and New-Jersey, we are obliged now to take a step which dissolves our connection with you, and to bid you a final The disorder continued for some minutes, after which adieu. We have made all sacrifices for the grand old Mr. Russell resumed-The delegates from Virginia, Democratic party, whose mission it has been to preserve who participate in this movement, have come to the con- the Constitution and to care for the Republic for more clusion which I have announced, after long, mature and than sixty years, until it now seems as if you were going anxious deliberation, and after, in their judgment, hav- to substitute a man in the place of principle. (Calls to ing exhausted all honorable efforts to obviate this neces-order.) I desire to be respectful. I desire to say that the sity. In addition to the facts which appear upon your action of the majority of the late Convention-a majority record, I desire the attention of this body long enough created by the operation of a technical unit rule imposed only to state that it is ascertained that the delegations upon the Convention contrary to Democratic precedent to which you, sir, under the order of this Convention, and usage-States have been disfranchised, and districts have just directed tickets to be issued-some of them at deprived of their rights, until, in our opinion, it is no longer least and all of them whom we regard as the representa- consistent with our honor or our rights, or the rights of tives of the Democracy of their States-will decline to our constituents, to remain here. Cherishing deeply and join here in the deliberations of this body. For the rest, warmly the remembrance of the many gallant deeds you the reasons which impel us to take this important step have done for us in times past, hoping that hereafter no will be rendered to those to whom only we are responsi- occasion may ever occur to weaken this feeling, I now, on ble, the Democracy of the Old Dominion. To you, sir, behalf of the representatives of Maryland, tell you that and to the body over which you preside, I have only to in all future time, and in all future contests, our lot is cast say in addition that we bid you a respectful adieu. with the people of the South. Their God shall be our God, and their country our country. (Applause.)

The portion of the delegation from Virginia which retired then left their seats and proceeded out of the Hall, shaking hands with members of various delegations as they passed along.

Mr. Moffatt, of Virginia-made a speech in defense of his course, and that of his colleagues

who remained in the Convention.


Mr. Lander, of North Carolina.-Mr. President, painful as the duty is, it is, nevertheless, my duty to announce here, as a representative of the delegates from North Carolina, that a very large majority of them are compelled to retire permanently from this Convention on account of the unjust action, as we conceive, that has this day been perpetrated upon some of our sovereign States and fellow citizens of the South. We of the South have heretofore

Mr. Glass, of Virginia, declined any further participation in the proceedings of the Convention, but did not indorse the action of his colleagues in withdrawing

Mr. Watterson, of Tennessee, declined to withdraw.

CALIFORNIA WITHDRAWS-AN EXCITEMENT. Mr. Smith, of California, said: While I cannot say with the gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. Jones) that my Democracy dates back to that time of which I have no re collection, yet I can say that it is unspotted as the vault of heaven. California is here with melancholy faceCalifornia is here with a lacerated heart, bleeding and weeping over the downfall and the destruction of the De

mocratic party. (Applause and laughter.) Yes, sir, the destruction of the Democratic party, consummated by assassins now grinning upon this floor. (Loud cries of "order," "order," "put him out," and great confusion.) DELAWARE WITHDRAWS.

Mr. Saulsbury did not desire to occupy the attention of the Convention but for a moment. The delegates from his State had done all in their power to promote the harmony and unity of this Convention, and it was their purpose to continue to do so. I am, however, instructed by the delegation to announce that they desire to be excused from voting on any further ballots or votes, unless circumstances should alter this determination. It is our desire to be left free to act or not act, their desire being to leave the question open for the consideration of their constituents after their return home.

Mr. Steele, of North Carolina, briefly addressed the Convention, stating that he, for the present, at least, should not retire.

After explanations and debate, the motion "Shall the main question be now put," (to go into nomination of candidates for President and Vice-President) was carried, and the Convention adjourned.


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Mr. Clark, of Missouri, announced as the reOn Saturday (234), Mr. Caldwell, of Kentucky, in be-sult of a consultation of a portion of the Mishalf of the delegation from that State, said:

The circumstances in which we (the Kentucky Delegation) are placed are exceedingly embarrassing, and we have not therefore been enabled to come to an entirely harmonious conclusion. The result is, however, that nine of the delegates of Kentucky remain in the Convention. (applause.) There are ten delegates who withdraw from

the Convention.

The exact character of their withdrawal is set forth in a single paragraph, with their names appended, which I desire the Secretary to read before I sit down. There are five others-completing the delegation-who desire for the present to suspend their connection with the action of this Convention. I will add here, that there may be no misunderstanding, that I myself am one of those five, and we have also signed a short paper, which I shall also

ask the Secretary to read to the Convention.

I am requested by those who withdraw from the Convention, and by those who suspend their action for the present with the Convention, to say that it is their wish

that their seats in this Convention shall not be filled or occupied by any others; and that no one shall claim the right to cast their votes. The right of those remaining in the Convention to cast their individual vote, is not by us questioned in any degree. But we enter our protest against any one casting our vote. I will ask the Secretary to read the papers I have indipated, and also one which a gentleman of our delegation has handed me, which he desires to be read. I ask that the three papers be read.

The first paper read was signed James G. Leach, the writer of which animadverted in rather strong terms upon the action of the Convention, in the matter of the admission and rejection of delegates from certain States. The communication was regarded as disrespectful to the Convention, and, on motion of Mr. Payne, of Ohio, it was returned to the writer. The Secretary then read the other two communications from the Kentucky delegation as follows: To the Hon. Caleb Cushing, President of the National Democratic Convention, assembled in the city of Baltimore:

The Democratic Convention for the State of Kentucky, held in the city of Frankfort, on the 9th day of January, 186", among others, adopted the following resolution: Resolved, That we pledge the Democracy of Kentucky to an honest and industrious support of the nominee of the Charleston Convention.

Since the adoption of this resolution, and the assembling of this Convention, events have transpired not then contemplated, notwithstanding which we have labored diligently to preserve the harmony and unity of said Convention; but discord and disintegration have prevailed to such an extent that we feel that our efforts cannot accomplish this end.

souri delegation, that two of that delegation had decided to withdraw from the Convention.

Mr. Hill, of N. C., who had refused to retire with his colleagues on the previous day, now announced his intention of withdrawing.

Mr. Cessna, of Pennsylvania, called for the vote upon his resolution to proceed to nominate candidates for President and Vice-President.

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As the present presiding officer of this Convention by common consent of my brother Vice-Presidents, with When I announce great diffidence I assume the chair. to you that for thirty-four years I have stood up in that district so long misrepresented by Joshua R. Giddings, with the Democratic banner in my hand (applause), know that I shall receive the good wishes of this Convention, at least, for the discharge of the duties of the chair. If there are no privileged questions intervening, the Secretary will proceed with the call of the States.


Mr. Butler, of Mass., addressed the chair, and desired to present a protest Objection was made by Mr. Cavanaugh, of Minnesota, and the States were called on the question of proceeding to a vote for President. When Massachusetts was called, Mr. Butler said: Mr. President, I have the instruction of a majority of the delegation from Massachusetts to present a written protest. I will send it to the Chair to have it read. (Calls to order.) And further, with your leave, I desire to say what I think will be pleasant to this Convention. First, that, while a majority of the delegation from Massachusetts do not purpose further to participate in the doings of this Convention, we desire to part, if we may, to meet you as friends and Democrats again. We desire to pat in the same spirit of manly courtesy with which we came together. Therefore, if you will allow me, instead of reading to you a long document, I will state, within parliamentary usage, exactly the reasons why we take the step we do.

Thanking the Convention for their courtesy, allow me to say that though we have protested against the action of this body excluding the delegates, although we are not satisfied with that action

We have not discussed the question, Mr. President, whether the action of the Convention, in excluding certain delegates, could be any reason for withdrawal. We Therefore, without intending to vacate our seats, or to now put our withdrawal before you, upon the simple Join or participate in any other Convention or organiza- ground, among others, that there has been a withdrawal tion in this city, and with the intention of again co-in part of a majority of the States, and further (and that, operating with this Convention, should its unity and perhaps, more persona! to myself), upon the ground that harmony be restored by any future event, we now de- I will not sit in a Convention where the African slave

trade-which is piracy by the laws of my country-is approvingly advocated. (Great sensation.)

A portion of the Massachusetts delegation here retired. Mr. Stevens, of Massachusetts, sa.d-1 am not ready at this moment to cast the vote of Massachusetts, the delegation being in consultation as to their rights.

tion of the Cincinnati Platform. that, during the existence
of the Territorial Governments, the measure of restric-
tion, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Consti
tution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the
subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been, or
shall hereafter be, finally determined by the Supreme Court
of the United States, should be respected by all good citi-
branch of the General Government.
zens, and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every

The call proceeded, the chairman of each Convention making a speech on delivering the vote of his state; and Mr. Stevens finally stated that, although a portion of the Massachusetts delegation, tion had withdrawn, he was instructed by his remaining colleagues to cast the entire vote of the State.

Mr. Russell, of New York, withdrew the name of Horatio Seymour as a candidate. The following is the result of the ballongs for Presi


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Mr. Payne, of Ohio, moved the previous quesand this resolution was adopted, with only two dissenting votes.


The delegates who had withdrawn from the Convention at the Front-Street Theater, together with the delegations from Louisiana and Alabama, who were refused admission to that Convention, met at the Maryland Institute on Saturday the 28th of June. Twenty-one States were represented either by full or partial delegations. The States not represented at all were Connecticut, Illinois, Indiana, Iowa, Maine, Michigan, New-Hampshire, New Jersey, Ohio, Rhode Island, South Carolina, and Wisconsin.

The Hon. Caleb Cushing, of Massachusetts, was chosen to preside, assisted by vice-presidents and secretaries.

The Convention adopted a rule requiring a vote of two-thirds of all the delegates present to nominate candidates for President and VicePresident; also that each delegate cast the vote to which he is entitled, and that each State cast only the number of votes to which it is entitled by its actual representation in the Convention.

The delegates from South Carolina and Florida accredited to the Richmond Convention, were invited to take seats in this."

A committee of five, of which Mr. Caleb Cushing was chairman, was appointed to address the Democracy of the Union upon the principles which have governed the Convention in making the nominations, and in vindication of the principles of the party. The Convention also decided that Democratic the next National Convention be held at Philadelphia. Mr. Avery, of N. C., chairman of Committee on Resolutions, reported, with the unanimous sanction of the Committee, the Platform reported by the majority of the Platform Committee at Charleston, and rejected by the Conthe State of Illinois, having now received two-thirus of all the votes given in this Convention, is hereby declared, in ac-vention, (see page 30) which was unanimously cordance with the rules governing this body, and in accord

Total...... .178
On the first ballot, Henry A. Wise, of Virginia, received
a vote from Maryland; Bocock, of Va., received 1 vote
from Virginia; Daniel S. Dickinson, & vote from Virginia;

and Horatio Seymour 1 vote from Pennsylvania.
On the announcement of the first ballot, Mr. Church, of
New-York, offered the following:

Resolved unanimously, That Stephen A. Douglas, of

ance with the uniform customs and rules of former Democratic National Conventions, the regular nominee of the Democratic party of the United States, for the office of

President of the United States.

Mr. Jones, of Pennsylvania, raised the point of order, that the resolution proposed practically to rescind a rule of the Convention (requiring two-thirds of a full Convention, 202 votes, to nominate), and could not, under the rules, be adopted without one day's notice.

The Chair ruled that the resolution was in order, and after a lengthy and animated debate it was withdrawn till after another ballot should be taken. When the result of the second ballot had been announced, Mr. Church's resolution was called up again and passed.

Benj. Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was nominated for Vice-President, receiving 1984 votes, and Mr. William C. Alexander, of N. J., 1. [Mr. Fitzpatrick declined the nomination two days afterward, and the National Committee supplied the vacancy, by the nomination of Herschel V. Johnson, of Georgia].

Gov. Wickliffe, of Louisiana, offered the following resolu tion as an addition to the Platform adopted at Charleston Resolved, That in its accordance with the interpreta

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LUST of gold and power was the main impulse of Spanish migration to the regions beyond the Atlantic. And the soft and timid Aborigines of tropical America, especially of its islands, were first compelled to surrender whatever they possessed of the precious metals to the imperious and grasping strangers; next forced to disclose to those strangers the sources whence they were most readily obtained; and finally driven to toil and delve for more, wherever power and greed supposed they might most readily be obtained. From this point, the transition to general enslavement was ready and rapid. The gentle and indolent natives, unaccustomed to rugged, persistent toil, and revolting at the harsh and brutal severity of their Christian masters, had but one unfailing resource-death. Through privation, hardship, exposure, fatigue and despair, they drooped and died, until millions were reduced to a few miserable thousands within the first century of Spanish rule in America.

A humane and observant priest (Las Casas,) witnessing these cruelties and sufferings, was moved by pity to devise a plan for their termination. He suggested and urged the policy of substituting for these feeble and perishing "Indians "the hardier natives of Western Af rica, whom their eternal wars and marauding invasions were constantly exposing to captivity and sale as prisoners of war, and who, as a race, might be said to be inured to the hardships and degradations of Slavery by an immemorial experience. The suggestion was unhappily approved, and the woes and miseries of the few remaining Aborigines of the islands known to us as "West Indies," were inconsiderably prolonged by exposing the whole continent for unnumbered generations to the evils and horrors of African Slavery. The author lived to perceive and deplore the consequences of his expedient.

The sanction of the Pope having been obtained for the African Slave-trade by representations which invested it with a look of philanthropy, Spanish and Portuguese mercantile avarice was readily enlisted in its prosecution

and the whole continent, North and South of the tropics, became a Slave-mart before the close of the sixteenth century.

Holland, a comparatively new and Protestant State, unable to shelter itself from the reproaches of conscience and humanity behind a Papal bull, entered upon the new traffic more tardily; but its profits soon overbore all scruples, and British merchants were not proof against the glittering evidences of their success. But the first slave ship that ever entered a North American port for the sale of its human merchandise, was a Dutch trading-vessel which landed twenty negro bondmen at Jamestown, the nucleus of Virginia, almost simultaneously with the landing of the Pilgrims of the Mayflower on Plymouth Rock, December 22d, 1620.

The Dutch slaver had chosen his market with sagacity. Virginia was settled by CAVALIERSgentlemen-adventurers aspiring to live by their own wits and other men's labor-with the necessary complement of followers and servitors. Few of her pioneers cherished any earnest liking for downright, persistent, muscular exertion; yet some exertion was urgently required to clear away the heavy forest which all but covered the soil of the infant colony, and grow the tobacco. which early became its staple export, by means of which nearly everything required by its people but food was to be paid for in England. The slaves, therefore, found ready purchasers at satisfactory prices, and the success of the first venture induced others; until not only Virginia but every part of British America was supplied with African slaves.

This traffic, with the bondage it involved, had no justification in British nor in the early colonial laws; but it proceeded, nevertheless, much as an importation of dromedaries to replace with presumed economy our horses and oxen might now do. Georgia was the first among the colonies to resist and condemn it in her original charter under the lead of her noble founder-governor, General Oglethorpe; but the evil was too formidable and inveterate for local extirpation, and a few years saw it estab lished, even in Georgia; first evading or defying, and at length molding and transforming the law.



It is very common at this day to speak of our tions on emancipation: Maryland adopted both revolutionary struggle as commenced and hur- of these in 1783. North-Carolina, in 1786, deried forward by a union of Free and Slaveclared the introduction of slaves into that State colonies; but such is not the fact. However of evil consequence, and highly impolitic," slender and dubious its legal basis, Slavery ex- and imposed a duty of £5 per head thereon. isted in each and all of the colonies that united New-York and New-Jersey followed the example to declare and maintain their independence. of Virginia and Maryland, including the domesSlaves were proportionately more numerous in tic in the same interdict with the foreign slavecertain portions of the South; but they were trade. Neither of these States, however, deheld with impunity throughout the North, ad-clared a general emancipation until many years vertised like dogs or horses, and sold at auction, thereafter, and Slavery did not wholly cease in or otherwise, as chattels. Vermont, then a ter-New-York until about 1830, nor in New-Jersey ritory in dispute between New-Hampshire and till a much later date. The distinction of Free New-York, and with very few civilized inhabi- and Slave States, with the kindred assumption tants, mainly on its Southern and Eastern bor- of a natural antagonism between the North and ders, is probably the only portion of the revolu- South, was utterly unknown to the men of the tionary confederation never polluted by the Revolution. tread of a slave.

Before the Declaration of Independence, but The spirit of liberty, aroused or intensified during the intense ferment which preceded it, by the protracted struggle of the colonists and distracted public attention from everything against usurped and abused power in the else, Lord Mansfield had rendered his judgment mother country, soon found itself engaged in from the King's Bench, which expelled Slavery natural antagonism against the current form of from England, and ought to have destroyed it domestic despotism. "How shall we complain in the colonies as well. The plaintiff in this of arbitrary or unlimited power exerted over us, famous case was James Somerset, a native of while we exert a still more despotic and inex- Africa, carried to Virginia as a slave, taken cusable power over a dependent and benighted thence by his master to England, and there inrace?" was very fairly asked. Several suits cited to resist the claim of his master to his were brought in Massachusetts-where the fires services, and assert his right to liberty. In the of liberty burnt earliest and brightest-to test first recorded case, involving the legality of the legal right of slave-holding; and the lead-modern Slavery in England, it was held (1677) ing Whigs gave their money and their legal that negroes, "being usually bought and sold services to support these actions, which were generally, on one ground or another, successful. Efforts for an express law of emancipation, however, failed even in Massachusetts; the Legislature, doubtless, apprehending that such a measure, by alienating the slave-holders, would increase the number and power of the Tories; but in 1777, a privateer having brought a lot of captured slaves into Jamaica, and advertised them for sale, the General Court, as the Legislative Assembly was called, interfered and had them set at liberty. The first Continental Congress which resolved to resist the usurpations and oppressions of Great Britain by force, had already declared that our struggle would be "for the rights of human nature," which the Congress of 1776, under the lead of Thomas Jefferson, expanded into the noble affirmation of the right of "all men to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," contained in the immortai preamble to the Declaration of Independence. A like averment that "all men are born free and equal," was in 1780 inserted in the Massachusetts, Bill of Rights; and the Supreme Court of that State, in 1783, on an indictment of a master for assault and battery, held this declaration a bar to slave-holding henceforth in the State.

among merchants as merchandise, and also
being infidels, there might be a property in them
sufficient to maintain trover.' But this was
overruled by Chief Justice Holt from the King's
Bench (1697,) ruling that "so soon as a negro
lands in England, he is free;" and again, (1702)
that "there is no such thing as a slave by the
law of England." This judgment proving ex-
ceedingly troublesome to planters and mer-
chants from slave-holding colonies visiting the
mother country with their servants, the merchants
concerned in the American trade, in 1729, pro-
cured from Yorke and Talbot, the Attorney
General and Solicitor General of the Crown, a
written opinion that negroes, legally enslaved
elsewhere, might be held as slaves in England,
and that even baptism was no bar to the mas
ter's claim. This opinion was, in 1749, held to
be sound law by Yorke (now Lord Hardwicke,)
sitting as judge, on the ground that, if the con-
trary ruling of Lord Holt were upheld, it would
abolish Slavery in Jamaica or Virginia as well
as in England; British law being paramount in
each. Thus the law stood until Lord Mansfield,
in Somerset's case, reversed it with evident re-
luctance, and after having vainly endeavored to
bring about an accommodation between the
parties. When delay would serve no longer,
and a judgment must be rendered, Mansfield
declared it in these memorable words:

A similar clause in the second Constitution of
New-Hampshire was held by the courts of that
State to secure Freedom to every child, born
therein after its adoption. Pennsylvania, in
1780, passed an act prohibiting the further in-
troduction of slaves, and securing Freedom to
all persons born in that State thereafter. Con-
necticut and Rhode-Island passed similar acts
in 1784. Virginia, in 1778, on motion of Mr.
Jefferson, prohibited the further importation of
slaves; and in 1782, removed all legal restric-fore the black must be discharged."

"We cannot direct the law: the law must direct us. The state of Slavery is of such a nature that it is incapable of being introduced on any reasons, moral or political, but only by positive law, which preserves its force long after the reasons, occasion, and time itself whence it was created, is erased from the memory. It is so odious that nothing can be sufficient to support it but positive law. Whatever inconveniences, therefore, may follow from the decision, I cannot say that this case is allowed or approved by the law of England, and there

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