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consider calmly with our sister Southern States, in rela- | tories, by inaction, unfriendly legislation or otherwise, should tion to the proper course to be pursued. We have calmly and with deliberation considered the matter, and we believe it to be an imperative duty which we owe to the South, and we are ready to take our course.

Now, sir, I desire to appeal to Virginia, the mother of States, and the mother of Democracy, and to ask them whether the principle contained in the majority report of this Convention, signed by seventeen States, is right or is wrong? Did you indorse it, or did you not?

Mr. Smith, of Wisconsin, raised the question of order, that the gentleman had no right to make sectional appeals

in this Convention.

Mr. Johnson.-I desire to do no such thing. I do not understand the principles of the majority report to be sectional. I understand them to be national. But, Mr. President, I only desire, in behalf of a portion of the delegates, to say that we came here with a view to stand by the principles of our people and of the Union, and when we have found the Convention acting in violation of those principles, we feel ourselves compelled to retire from the Hall. I will only remark in conclusion, that the Vice-President from my State has been charged with presenting

a protest on the part of a portion of our declaration.
Mr. Terry, of Arkansas, then read the following paper
to the Convention :

To the HON. CALEB CUSHING, President:

The undersigned, Delegates from Arkansas, ask permission to make the following statement: We have, thus far, abstained from taking any active part in the measures which were consummated on yesterday, in this Convention, by the withdrawal, in whole or in part, of several Southern States. We have counseled our Southern friends to patience and forbearance; and, while we were conscious of causes sufficient to induce them to this step, yet we still hoped some more auspicious event would transpire that would avert its necessity. Nothing has occurred to palliate these causes. Hence we cannot hesitate in our course, and therefore ask permission to withdraw and surrender to our State the high trust reposed in us. To you, sir, who have with so much ability presided over our deliberations, and meted out justice with an even hand, we part with sorrow. Hoping that the cloud which now hangs over our beloved country may be dispelled, and her counsels directed by some statesman like yourself-able, honest, just and true.

FRANCIS TERRY, Vice-President.
J. P. JOHNSON, Ch'n of Delegation.
F. W. HOADLEY, Secretary.
CHARLESTON, May 1st, 1860.
The Tennessee Delegation asked and obtained
leave to retire for consultation.

The Delegation from Virginia, and portions of the Delegations from Kentucky, North Carolina and Maryland, had leave to retire for consultation.

Mr. Flournoy, of Arkansas.-May I be indulged in one remark? My voice is "Never give up the ship "-(applause) though the fearful storm rages around us though she may have lost some spars and masts-though she may have some cracked ribs. Sir, for myself, I will be one of that gallant crew who, though the storm rages, though the spars and masts are gone, though ribs be broken -I will, until the noble vessel be swallowed up by the devouring waves, continue to unite with them in the reiterated cry of "Live, live the Republic!" (Great applause.) Mr. President, I am a Southern man. Yes, sir, I have been reared amidst the institution. All I have is the product of slave labor. I believe the institution a patriarchal one, and beneficial alike to master and slave. The bread which supports my own wife and tender babe is the product of slave labor. I trust, then, that, like Cæsar's wife, I am "above suspicion."

LOUISIANA WITHDRAWS.

TO THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,

President of the Democratic Convention:
SIR: The undersigned delegates from the State of
Louisiana, in withdrawing from the Convention, beg leave
to make the following statement of facts:

On the 5th day of March, 1860, the Democracy of Louisiana assembled in State Convention at Baton Rouge, and unanimously adopted the following declaration of their principles:

Resolved, That the Territories of the United States belong to the several States as their common property, and not to individual citizens thereof, that the Federal Constitution recognizes property in slaves; and as such, the owner thereof is entitled to carry his slaves into any Territory in the United States; to hold them there as property; and in case the people of the Terri

endanger the tenure of such property, or discriminate against
it by withholding that protection given to other species of pro-
perty in the Territories, it is the duty of the General Govern-
ment to interpose, by the active exertion of its constitutional
power, to secure the rights of the slaveholder.

are guaranteed to us by the Constitution of the United
The principles enunciated in the foregoing resolution
States, and their unequivocal recognition by the Penio-
cracy of the Union we regard as essential, not only to the
integrity of the party, but to the safety of the States whose
in both of the series of resolutions presented to the Cou-
interests are directly involved. They have been embodied
vention by a majority of the States of the Union, and have
been rejected by a numerical vote of the delegates..
The Convention has, by this vote, refused to recognize
the fundamental principles of the Democracy of the State
we have the honor to represent, and we feel constrained,
in obedience to a high sense of duty, to withdraw from
its deliberations, and unanimously to enter our solemn
protest against its action.

the minutes of the Convention, and beg leave to express
We ask that the communication may be spread upon
our appreciation of,the justice and dignity which have
characterized your action as its presiding officer.
[Signed,]

A. MOUTON,
JOHN TARLETON,
RICHARD TAYLOR,
EMILE LASTRE,

F. H. HATCH,

E. LAWRENCE,
A. TALBOT,

B. W. PEARCE,

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leave to annex the following statement, viz.:
The undersigned, in explanation of their position, beg

Whilst we took the same view with our colleagues, that
the platform of principles, as adopted by this Convention,
was not what was expected by Louisiana, and desired by
ourselves, as sufficient to guard the rights of that State,
and of the whole South, under the Constitution, are now
unwilling precipitately to retire from the Convention,
until all hope of accommodation shall have been ex-
hausted, and until the last moment had arrived, at
which, in justice to our own honor, and the interest and
dignity of our own State, we would be forced to retire. We,
therefore, were opposed to the retirement of the delega
tion at the time it was made; but believing that the
other members of the delegation were actuated by the
same high motives which governed our own opinions, and
desiring our State to present a firm, undivided front, we
being in the minority of the delegation, were willing to
yield, and did yield, our opinions to the judgment of the
majority.
J. A. MCHATTON,
CHARLES JONES,

CHARLESTON, S. C,, May 1, 1860.

A VOICE FROM GEORGIA. Mr. Gaulden, of Georgia, addressed the Convention, giving his reasons for not retiring with his colleagues, as follows:

MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW DEMOCRATS: As I stated to you a few moments ago, I have been confined to my room by severe indisposition, but, learning of the commotion and the intense excitement which were existing upon the questions before this body, I felt it to be my duty, feeble as I was, to drag myself out to the meeting of my delegation, and when there I was surprised to find a large majority of that delegation voting to secede at once from this body. I disagree with those gentlemen. I regret to disagree with my brethren from the South upon any of the great questions which interest our common country. I am a Southern_States' Rights those Southern men who believe that Slavery is right, man; I am an African Slave-trader. I am one of morally, religiously, socially, and politically. (Applause.) I believe that the institution of Slavery has done more for this country, more for civilization, than all other interests put together. I believe if it were in the power of this country to strike down the institution of Slavery, it would put civilization back 200 years. Holding, then, this position, that Slavery is right in the point of view I ment our whole rights in this regard. I believe that the have stated, I would demand of the General Governright to legislate upon this subject. I believe that our General Government by the Constitution never had any Government was a confederation of States for certain specified objects with limited powers; that the domestic relations of each State are to be and should be left to themselves; that this eternal Slavery question has been the bone of contention between the North and South, which if kept in the halls of Congress must break up this Government. I am one of those who believe in nonintervention, either in the States or the Territories.

(Applause.) I am not in favor of breaking up this Gov-
ernment upon an impracticable issue, upon a mere
theory. I believe that this doctrine of protection to
Slavery in the Territories is a mere theory, a mere ab-
straction. (Applause.) Practically, it can be of no con-
sequence to the South, for the reason that the infant has
been strangled before it was born. (Laughter.) You
have cut off the supply of Slaves; you have crippled the
institution of Slavery in the States by your unjust laws,
and it is mere folly and madness now to ask for protec-
tion for a nonentity, for a thing which is not there. We
have no slaves to carry to these Territories.
We can
never make another Slave State with our present supply
of slaves. But if we could, it would not be wise, for the
reason, that if you make another Slave State from our
new Territories with the present supply of slaves, you
will be obliged to give up another State, either Maryland,
Delaware, or Virginia, to Free Soil upon the North.
Now, I would deal with this question, fellow-Democrats,
as a practical one. When I can see no possible practical
good to result to the country from demanding legislation
upon this theory, I am not prepared to disintegrate and
aismember the great Democratic party of this Union. I
believe that the hopes of this country depend upon the
maintenance of the great Democratic party North. It
is no trouble for a man to be a saint in Heaven.

"When the devil was sick,

The devil a monk would be:
The devil got well,

But devil a monk was he."

(Great laughter.)

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buy better negroes for $50 apiece. (Great laughter.) Now, unquestionably, it is to the interest of Virginia to break down the African slave-trade when she can sell her negioes at $2,000. She knows that the African slavetrade would break up her monopoly, and hence her objection to it. If any of you Northern Democrats-for I have more faith in you than I have in the Carpet-Knight Democracy of the South-will go home with me to my plantation in Georgia, but a little way from here, I will show you some darkies that I bought in Maryland, some that I bought in Virginia, some in Delaware, some in Florida, some in North Carolina, and I will also show you the pure African, the noblest Roman of them all. (Great laughter.) Now, Fellow-Democrats, my feeble health and failing voice, admonish me to bring the few remarks I have to make to a close. (Cries of "Go on, go on.") I am only sorry that I am not in a better con dition than I am to vindicate before you to-day the words of truth, of honesty, and of light, and to show you the gross inconsistencies of the South in this regard. I came from the First Congressional District of the State of Georgia. I represent the African Slave-trade interests of that section. (Applause.) I am proud of the position I occupy in that respect. I believe that the African slave-trader is a true missionary, and a true Christian (applause), and I have pleaded with my delegation from Georgia to put this issue squarely to the Northern Democracy, and say to them, Are you prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your unconstitutional restrictions, and leave this question to be settled by each State? Now do this, fellow-citizens, and you will have peace in the country. But so long as your Federal Legislature takes jurisdiction of this question, so long will there be war, so long will there be illblood, so long will there be strife, until this glorious Union of ours shall be disrupted and go out in blood and night forever. 1 advocate the repeal of the laws prohibiting the African Slave-trade, because I believe it to be the true Union movement. I do not believe that sections whose interests are so different as the Southern and Northern States can ever stand the shocks of fanati cism, unless they be equally balanced. I believe by reopening this trade, and giving us negroes to populate the Territories, that the equilibrium of the two sections will be maintained. But if the South lies supinely by, and allows the people of the North to people all the Territories, until we come to be a hopeless fraction in the Government, then that gallant band of Democrats North may in vain attempt to stay the torrent that will roll down upon us. It will not be in your power to do it. It should be the object of the South now to say to the North: Let us have all our rights in this matter; let us take off these restrictions against the African Slave-trade, and leave it to each State to settle for itself. Then we would want no protection, and then I would be willing to let you have as much Squatter Sovereignty as you wish. Give us an equal chance, and I tell you the institution of Slavery will take care of itself. We will give you all the Squatter Sovereignty that the North can desire, Mr. Douglas, or anybody else, if you will take off the unconstitutional restrictions on the Slave-trade and let the negroes come. Then, gentlemen, we should proceed harmoniously, go on to prosper and prospering, until the last trump of God should sound; until time was merged in the ocean of eternity. (Applause.) I say, Fellow-Democrats, that I remained here because I have great faith in the Northern Democracy. If I am forced to part with you, it will be with a bleeding heart. I know not exactly what position I occupy here (laughter), for the majority of my delegation have voted to secede. We came here instructed to vote as a unit. Whether the minority are bound to go out with the majority is a question which I have not yet fully determined in my own mind, but at any rate, I told them this morning, and I tell them now, I will not go out yet; I intend to stay here; I intend to hold on to the great Democratic Party of the Union so long as I can consistre-ently with honor and propriety, for I believe that if we break up in a row here, and the Democratic Party of the country is destroyed, this Union falls as certainly as the sun rises and sets. I warn you, seceders, if your action here to-day should have the effect of dismembering and destroying the great Democratic Party of the North, that you destroy this Government beyond all question (applause); and the Union falls, and falls forever! Now, I am not a disunionist. I love this Union for the memories of the past and for the hopes of the future. (Applause.) The blood of my ancestors was poured out around this city and throughout the South to rear aloft the proud banner of our glorious Union. I, as an humble descendant of theirs, feel bound to maintain this Union and the Constitution so long, and no longer than I can do it honorably and justly to myself and my country. But I do not yet despair of the Republic. En

We, the Democracy of the South, are mere carpetknights. It is no trouble for us to be Democrats. (Applause and laughter.) When I look to the Northern Democrats, I see them standing up there and breasting the tide of fanaticism, oppression, wrong, and slander, with which they have to contend. I view in these men types of the old ancient Romans; I view in them all that is patriotic and noble; and, for one, I am not willing to cut loose from them. (Great cheering.) I say, then, that I will hold on to my Democratic friends of the North to the last day of the week-late in the evening. (Great laughter.) I am not willing to present to them a half issue of this sort. I am not willing to disintegrate, dismember, and turn them over to the ruthless hands of the thieving Black Republicans of the North. I would ask my friends of the South to come up in a proper spirit, ask our Northern friends to give us all our rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply of slaves from foreign lands. As a matter of right and justice to the South, I would ask the Democracy of the North to grant us this thing, and I believe they have the patriotism and honesty to do it, because it is right in itself. I tell you, fellow-Democrats, that the African Slave-trader is the true Union man. (Cheers and laughter.) I tell you that the Slave-trading of Virginia is more immoral, more unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave-trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his posterity down the stream of time to join in the blessings of civilization. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, fellow-Democrats, so far as any public expression of the State of Virginia-the great Slave-trading State of Virginia has been given, they are all opposed to the

African Slavet-rade.

Dr. Reed of Indiana.-I am from Indiana, and I am in

favor of it.

Mr. Gaulden-Now, gentlemen, we are told, upon high authority, that there is a certain class of men who strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. Now, Virginia, which authorizes the buying of Christian men, separating them from their wives and children, from all the relations and associations amid whom they have lived for years, rolls up her eyes in holy horror when I would go to Africa, buy a savage, and introduce him to the blessings of civilization and Christianity. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Rynders of N. Y.-You can get one or two cruits from New-York to join with you. The President.-The time of the gentleman has expired. (Cries of "Go on! Go on !")

The President-stated that if it was the unanimous wish of the Convention, the gentleman could proceed. Mr. Gaulden.-Now, Fellow-Democrats, the slaverade in Virginia forms a mighty and powerful reason for its opposition to the African slave-trade, and in this remark I do not intend any disrespect to my friends from Virginia. Virginia, the Mother of States and of statesmen, the Mother of Presidents, I apprehend may err as well as other mortals. I am afraid that her error in this regard lies in the promptings of the almighty dollar. It has been my fortune to go into that noble old State to buy a few darkies, and I have had to pay from $1,000 to $2,000) a head, when I could go to Africa and

tertaining, as I do, such profound respect, nay, almost veneration for the justice of the Democracy of the North, I will yet stand by you for a time. I will do all that in me lies to heal these differences. I trust that the

result of our deliberations will be the nomination of such a man as will give peace to the country and success to the great Democratic National Party of the Union. (Great applause.)

The Convention having decided to proceed to ballot for President, at 4 PM, Wm. Howard, of Tennessee, moved that two-thirds (202) of a full Convention (303) be required to nominate. which, after much discussion and confusion, was adopted-141 to 112-as follows:

On the 3d of May, and the 10th day of the session, Mr. Russell, of Virginia, offered the following:

Resolved, That when this Convention adjourns to-day it adjourn to re-assemble at Baltimore, Md., on Monday the 13th day of June, and that it be respectfully recom. mended to the Democratic party of the several States te make provision for supplying all vacancies in their respective delegations to this Convention when it shall reassemble. (Applause.)

After the failure of attempts to change the place of meeting to New-York, Philadelphia, etc., and also to change the time to a later period, the resolve was adopted-195 to 55-as follows:

YEAS:- Mine, 3; Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 24; New-York, 35; New-Jersey 5; Pennsylvania, 17; Delaware, 2; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 1; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 11; Ken- YEAS:-Maine, 5; New Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; tucky, 11; Minnesota, 14; California, 4; Oregon, 3-141. Massachusetts, 10; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 6; New NAYS:-Maine, 5; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; York, 35; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 23; Maryland, Massachuse.ts, 4; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 8;5; Virginia, 14; Arkansas, 1; Missouri, 6; Tennessee, New-Jersey, 14; Pennsylvania, 9; Maryland, 2; Ar-7; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wiskansas, 1; M ssouri, 4; Tennessee, 1: Kentucky, 1; consin, 5; Iowa 4, Minnesota, 4; California 8-195. NAYS:-Maine, 8; Connecticut, 3; New-Jersey, 5; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wisconsin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 24-112. Pennsylvania, 3; Maryland, 8; Virginia, ; North-Caro

Candidates were put in nomination, and the Convention proceeded to ballot, as follows:

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lina, 14, Missouri, 8; Tennessee, 5; Kentucky, 2—55.

Gen. Cushing. the President, made a brief speech, and the Convention adjourned to meet again in Baltimore, on the 18th of June succeeding.

SECEDERS.

The retiring delegates met at St. Andrew's Hall, and were waited on with manifestations of sympathy by a portion of the Wood Delegation, from New-York, who, however, were not invited or admitted to seats. The seceders organized by the appointment of Senator James A. Bayard, of Delaware, as Chairman, and, after much animated discussion, adopted the following Platform:

Resolved, That the Platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory Resolutions:

First, That the Government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial Legislation.

Second, That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departinents, to protect when necessary the rights of persons and property in the Territories, aud wherever else its Constitutional authority extends.

Third, That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution in pursuance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admit ted into the Federal Union, whether its Constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of Slavery.

Fourth, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.

Fifth, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

Sixth, That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens.

Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a Political, Commercial, Postal and Military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts. Therefore, be it

Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill to the extent of the Constitutional authority of Congress for the construction of a Pacific Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable mat.

After talking for four days, the Seceders' Con- business, as they now come up for consideration before vention adjourned to meet in Richmond, Vir-you. ginia, on the second Monday in June. Delegates were present from the following States: Alabama, Texas, Arkansas, Missouri, Louisiana, Mississippi, Florida, Georgia, South Carolina, Virginia, Delaware.

Prior to the adjournment of the Convention, two principal subjects of action were before it. One, the adoption of the doctrinal resolutions constituting the platform of the Convention; the other, voting upon the question of the nomination of a candidate for the Presidency.

In the course of the discussion on the adoption of a platform, the Convention adopted a vote, the effect of which was to amend the report of the majority of the Committee on Platform by substituting the report of the minority of that Committee; and after the adoption of THE SECEDERS AT RICHMOND. that motion, and the substitution of the minority for the According to adjournment, the Seceding several resolutions constituting that platform, being five majority report, a division was called for upon the delegates met at Richmond, Va., on the 11th in number. The 1st, 3d, 4th and 5th of those resolutions June. Delegates were present from Alabama, were adopted by the Convention, and the 24 was rejected. Arkansas, Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, of those resolutions, a motion was made in each case to After the vote on the adoption of the 1st, 3d, 4th and 5th South Carolina, Florida, 2d Congressional Dis-reconsider the vote, and to lay that motion of reconsidtrict of Tennessee, and the 7th Electoral District eration upon the table. But neither of those motions to of Virginia. The Hon. John Erwin, of Alabama, was chosen President, with several Vice-Presidents and Secretaries. The Convention adopted the following resolutions, and on the 12th, at 12 o'clock, adjourned:

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those motions having been prevented by the intervention reconsider or to lay on the table was put, the putting of of questions of privilege, and the ultimate vote competent in such case, to wit, on the adoption of the report of the majority as amended by the report of the minority, had not been acted upon by the Convention. So that at the time when the Convention adjourned there remained the resolutions constituting the platform, and the ulterior pending before it these motions, to wit; To reconsiderquestion of adopting the majority as amended by the substitution of the minority report. Those questions, and those only, as the Chair understood the motions before the Convention, were not acted upon prior to the adjourn.

ment.

After the disposition of the intervening questions of privilege, a motion was made by Mr. McCook, of Ohio, to proceed to vote for candidates for President and VicePresident. Upon that motion, the Convention instructed the Chair (not, as has been erroneously supposed, in the recess of the Convention, the Chair determining for the Convention, but the Convention instructing the Chair) to make no declaration of a nomination except upon a vote equivalent to two-thirds in the Electoral College of the United States, and upon that balloting, no such vote be man from Virginia (Mr. Russell), laid on the table, for the purpose of enabling him to propose a motion, which he subsequently did, that the Convention adjourn from the city of Charleston to the city of Baltimore, and with a provision concerning the filling of vacancies embraced in the same resolution, which resolution the Secretary will please read.

The Convention reassembled on the 21st; but, without doing any business, adjourned to the following day, and so continued to meet and adjourn, awaiting the action of the Convention at Baltimore, till after the nomination of Breck-ing given, that order was, upon the motion of the gentleinridge and Lane; when such of the Delegates as had not joined the Seceders in Baltimore, adopted the candidates and platform of the Breckinridge party, and adjourned sine die.

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At eleven o'clock, President Cushing, who appeared on the platform, but did not take the chair, directed the Secretary to call the roll of States in order to ascertain if the delegates were present.

The Secretary read the resolution as follows:

Resolved, That when this Convention adjourns to-day, it adjourn to reassemble at Baltimore, Md., on Monday, the 18th day of June, and that it be respectfully recommended to the Democratic party of the several States, to make provision for Convention when it shall reassemble." supplying all vacancies in their respective delegates to this

The President.-The Convention will thus perceive that

the order adopted by it provided, among other things, that it is respectfully recommended to the Democratic party of the several States to make provisions for sup plying all vacancies in their respectives delegation to this Convention when it shall reassemble. What is the construction of that resolution ?-what is the scope of its ap

plication ?-is a question not for the Chair to determine or to suggest to the Convention, but for the Convention itself to determine.

On the calling of the roll, the following States were However that may be, in the preparatory arrangements found to be fully represented: Maine, New-Hampshire, for the present assembling of this Convention, there were Vermont, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, New-York, New-addressed to the Chair the credentials of members elected, Jersey, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Missouri, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, California, Oregon.

Connecticut was represented in part, there being some misunderstanding as to the hour of meeting, which had

been fixed at 10 o'clock.

Two delegates were present from Delaware. When the State of South Carolina was called, the Chair directed that only those States be called which were present at the adjournment of the Convention at Charles ton, consequently South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas and Texas, were not called.

In consequence of a misapprehension as to the time, the President delayed calling the Convention to order till 12 o'clock, when he took the chair and said:

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: Permit me, in the first place, to congratulate you upon your being reassembled here for the discharge of your important duties in the interests of the Democratic party of the United States; and I beg leave, in the second place, to communicate to

the Convention the state of the various branches of its

or purporting to be elected, affirmed and confirmed by the original Conventious and accredited to this Convendentials were authentic and complete, presenting no tion. In three of those cases, or perhaps four, the crequestion of controverting delegates. In four others, to wit-the States of Georgia, Alabama, Louisiana and Deleware there were contesting applications. Upon those applications the Chair was called to determine whether it possessed any power to determine prima facie membership of this Convention. That question was presented in its most absolute and complete form in the case of Mississippi, where there was no contest either through irregularity of form or of competing delegations, and so also in the cases of Florida, Texas and Arkansas. In those four States, there being an apparent authenticity the naked, abstract question whether he had power, perof commission, the Chair was called upon to determine emptorily and preliminarily, to determine the prima facie membership of alleged members of this Convention. The Chair would gladly have satisfied himself that he had this power, but upon examining the source of his power, to

wit-the rules of the House of Representatives-he was unable to discern that he had any authority, even prima facie, to scrutinize and canvass credentials, although they were such as, upon their face, were free from contest or controversy either of form or of substance, and therefore he deemed it his duty to reserve the determination of that question to be submitted to the Convention. And in due time the Chair will present that question as one of privilege to this body.

Gentlemen, the Convention is now in order for the transaction of business.

The Address of the President was delivered in a clear, loud voice, with much emphasis, and was listened to with close attention. The statement of the position in which the business was left at the time of the adjournment at Charleston, created an evident sensation, inasmuch as it indicated that, according to the opinion of the Chair, the platform question, as well as the resolution declaring that a vote equal to two-thirds of the full electoral college to be necessary to the nomination of a candidate for the Presidency, were each in a position to be again brought up for the action of the Convention.

ADMISSION OF DELEGATES.

Mr. Howard, of Tennessee, offered the following resolution: Resolved, that the President of this Convention direct the Sergeant-at-Arms to issue tickets of admission to the delegates of the Convention as originally constituted and organized at Charleston.

Mr. Cavanaugh, of Minnesota, moved to lay the resolution on the table, and upon that motion called for a vote by States; but by request withdrew his motion to permit Mr. Sanford E. Church, of N. Y., to offer the following, which was read for the information of the Convention and created much excitement:

Resolved, That the credentials of all persons claiming seats in this Convention made vacant by the secession of delegates at Charleston be referred to the Committee on Credentials, and said Committee is hereby instructed, as soon as practicable, to examine the same and report the names of persons entitled to such seats, with the district-understanding, however, that every person accepting a seat in this Convention is bound in honor and good faith to abide by the action of this Convention and support its nominations.

After a running debate on questions of order, in which Messrs. Cochrane, of N. Y., Saulsbury, of Del., Clark, of Mo., Montgomery, of Pa., Cavanaugh, of Min., and the Chair participated. Mr. Church moved his resolution as an amendment to that offered by Mr. Howard, and upon that he called for the previous question.

Messrs. Gilmor and Randall rose to debate the question, but the Chair ruled debate not in order.

Mr. Avery, of North Carolina.-I call for a division of the question, so that the first question shall be upon referring those credentials to the Committee, and the second question upon the proposition to initiate testoaths in the Democratic Convention. [Applause.]

The Chair could not entertain such a proposition at that time, as the previous question had been demanded. The question was-Would the Convention second the demand for the previous question?

Mr. Russell, of Va.-I ask that this Convention will allow me to make a friendly, candid and sincere appeal to the gentleman who made the call for the previous question (Mr. Church, of New-York) to withdraw his call.

The President.-The Chair has no authority over that question.

Mr. Russell. I ask the Chair to appeal to the gentleman to allow fair play in this Convention.

Mr. Stuart, of Mich.-I insist that the Chair preserve order.

The President.-The gentleman from Virginia (Mr. Russell) is not in order.

Mr. Russell. If we are to be constrained to silence, I beg gentlemen to consider the silence of Virginia as somewhat ominous. (Applause and hisses.)

The question was stated to be upon seconding the demand for the previous question. Being taken viva voce,

The President stated that the noes appeared to have it.

Mr. Richardson, of Ill., doubted the announcement, and asked that the vote be taken by States, which was ordered.

Mr. Brodhead, of Pa., stated that Mr. Church was willing to withdraw his call for the previous question. The Chair decided that it was too late.

Mr. Saulsbury, of Delaware, moved a recess to 4 P.M. Lost: 73 to 178.

Mr. Howard, of Tennessee.-I hold in my hand a respect. ful communication from one of the States of this Union, Mississippi, not now represented upon this floor, addressed. to the President of this Convention. I desire that it be read for the information of the Convention.

The President.-It can only be done by common consent, as the seconding the demand for the previous question is now pending. Cries of object," "object," from various quarters. The President Objection being made to reading this communication, the Secretary will proceed to call the roll of States upon the seconding the demand for the previous question.

The question being then taken by States upon second. ing the demand for the previous question, it was not agreed to.

YEAS.-Maine, 6; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 4; Massachusetts, 4; Connecticut, 34; New-Jersey, 24; Penn sylvania, 93; Maryland, 2; Missouri, 2; Tennessee, 3; Kentucky, 1; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11; Michi gan, 6; Wisconsin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 24-108.

NAYS.--Maine, 2; Vermont, ; Massachusetts, 8; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 2-one absent; New-York, 35; New-Jersey, 44; Pennsylvania, 16; Delaware, 2; Maryland, 6; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 10; Arkansas, 1; Missouri, 6; Tennessee, 8; Kentucky, 10; Minnesota, 14; California, 4; Oregon, 3-140.

On calling the roll, the New-York delegation asked permission to retire for consultation, and during the interim there was an entire cessation of business. The vote of the State as a unit was finally rendered against the call for the previous question.

The question was then stated to be upon the amendment to the amendment.

Mr. Gilmor, of Pennsylvania, offered the following amendment to Mr. Church's resolution:

Resolved, That the President of the Convention be directed to issue tickets of admission to seats in the Convention, to the delegates from the States of Texas, Florida, Mississippi, and Arkansas, in which States there are no contesting delegations.

Without taking a vote on Mr. Gilmor's resolution, the Convention, on motion of Mr. Randall, of Pa., took a recess till 5 P.M.

When the Convention reassembled, the President said: amendment moved by Mr. Gilmor, of Pennsylvania. Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania, has the floor upon an

Before proceeding in the debate, the Chair begs leave to state to the Convention that he has had placed in his hands tion, from the States of Delaware, Georgia, Alabama, Flothe credentials of gentlemen claiming seats in the Convenrida, Mississippi, Louisiana, Texas, and Arkansas, including in that enumeration the letter presented to the Convention, in his place, by Mr. Howard, of Tennessee, in behalf of the gentlemen claiming seats from the State of Mississippi, and in addition to that, there has been addressed to the Chair, a communication from Mr. Chaffee, claiming a seat from the State of Massachusetts. The Chair deems it his duty to communicate the fact to the Convention that those several documents have been placed in his hands, to be presented at the proper time to the consideration of the Convention.

Mr. Gilmor, of Pennsylvania.-I have made a small addition to the amendment I offered this morning to the amendment of the gentleman from New-York (Mr. Church), for the purpose of covering the cases mentioned by the Chair just now.

The amendment, as modified, was read as follows:

Resolved, That the President of the Convention be authorized to issue tickets of admission to seats in this Convention, to the delegates from the States of Arkansas, Texas, Florida, and Mississippi, in which States there are no contesting delegations, and that in those States, to wit: Delaware, Georgia, Alabama, and Louisiana, where there are contesting delegations, a Committee on Credentials shall be appointed, by the several delegations, to report upon said States.

After discussing points of order, Mr. Clark, of Missouri, offered a substitute for Mr. Gilmor's amendment, which was read for the information of the Convention, as fol lows:

Strike out the proviso in the amendment of Mr. Church, of New-York, and add the following:

Resolved, That the citizens of the several States of the Union have an equal right to settle and remain in the Ter.

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