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of all those who sympathized with them in this movement would be held at 8 o'clock this evening, in St. Andrew's Hall,

received amongst you, and which we have returned with the kindest feelings of our hearts. We part from you without any unkind feeling. We respect you as gentlemen, but differing, as we do, upon principles vital to our

The Mississippi delegation then withdrew from most sacred interests, in the same spirit of wisdom and the Convention.

SOUTH CAROLINA WITHDRAWS.

The Hon. James Simons, of South Carolina -Mr. President, I am directed by the delegation from South Carolina respectfully to present the following document. TO THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,

President of the Charleston Convention: We, the undersigned Delegates appointed by the Democratic State Convention of South Carolina, beg leave respectfully to state that, according to the principles enunciated in their Platform at Columbia, the power, either of the Federal Government or of its agent, the Territorial Government, to abolish or legislate against property in slaves, by either direct or indirect legislation, is especially denied; and as the Platform adopted by the Convention palpably and intentionally prevents any expression affirming the incapacity of the Territorial Government so to legislate, that they would not be acting in good faith to their principles, or in accordance with the wishes of their constituents, to longer remain in this Convention, and they hereby respectfully announce their withdrawal therefrom.

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Mr. Milton, of Florida.-Mr. President: Representing the State of Florida, it is with feelings of sadness that I present myself before you to bid adieu to the men of talent and men of high and noble feelings from the North and West, who have met us here upon this occasion. But differences have arisen between us which, as honor able men, we cannot adjust. It has been asked, time and again, why we should invite gentlemen from the Northwest, the North and the East, to come and occupy higher ground than we did when we stood together and triumphed on the Cincinnati Platform? Since that time, gentlemen, according to your own report, a mighty power has arisen in your midst, deriving much of its strength and support from the Democrats of the North. I allude to the Black Republican party-a party which promulgates to the country that they have a higher law, a law known only to themselves-I hope not known to you-but superior to the Constitution. And, gentlemen, let me tell you that we came here expecting to be met hand in hand, and heart in heart, and to have formed a line shoulder to shoulder with you to drive back this swelling tide of fanaticism. But, gentlemen, how have we been met by you? I am proud to say that we have been met with high-toned generosity by Oregon and California. (Cheers.) I am proud to say that supporters of our claim for equal rights have boldly presented themselves from the good old State of Pennsylvania. (Cheers.) While we have entertained great respect for your talent and integrity, yet we bid adieu to you of the Northwest without so much feeling of regret, as you have hardened your hearts and stiffened your necks against the rights of the South. (Cheers and laughter.) But, we say to you, gentlemen from Oregon and California, and Pennsylvania and other States, who have come forward with the hand of fellowship, that we part from you with feelings of heartfelt sorrow.

Mr. Randall, of Pennsylvania.-And New-Jersey. Mr. Milton. I did not forget New-Jersey, nor could I forget Massachusetts. My remark was general. Whereever and whenever a gentlemen from the North, the East or the West. has had the manliness to rise up and vindicate our rights, our hearts have been at his command. (Cheers.)

We thank you, gentlemen, for the courtesies we have

affection which caused Abraham and Lot to pass on, one in one direction and the other in a different one, we bid you a most respectful adieu. (Loud cheers.) One more remark, and I have done. The delegation from the State of Florida has unanimously passed a resolution that ne one is authorized, when we shall retire, to represent Florida in this Convention. I confess, in all frankness, that I deem the resolution wholly unnecessary, because I believe there is too high a sense of honor amongst gen. tlemen here from the North, and the East, and the West, to permit any man to skulk in here to represent Florida, Mr. Eppes, of Florida, then read the following protestation: TO THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,

President of the Democratic National Convention: The undersigned, Democratic delegates from the State of Florida, enter this their solemn protest against the action of the Convention in voting down the Platform of the majority.

Florida, with her Southern sisters, is entitled to a clear and unambiguous recognition of her rights in the Territories, and this being refused by the rejection of the majority report, we protest against receiving the Cincin nati Platform with the interpretation that it favors the doctrine of Squatter Sovereignty in the Territorieswhich doctrine, in the name of the people represented by us, we repudiate.

T. J. Eppes, B. F. Wardlaw, John Milton, J. B. Owens, C. F. Dyke, delegates from Florida.

The delegates from Florida, before retiring, have unanimously adopted the following Resolution:

Resolved, That no person, not a regularly appointed delegate, has a right to cast the vote of the State of Florida in this Convention.

JOHN MILTON, Chairman of Delegation.

TEXAS WITHDRAWS.

said: Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention Mr. Bryan, of Texas, who was received with loud cheers, Texas, through her delegates on this floor, on the land of Calhoun, where "truth, justice and the Constitution" was proclaimed to the South, says to the South-this day you stand erect. (Loud cheers.) Whilst we deprecate the necessity which calls for our parting with the delegates from the other States of this Confederacy, yet it is an event that we, personally, have long looked to. Educated in a Northern College, I there first learned that there was a North and a South; there were two literary Societies, one Northern and the other Southern. In the Churches, the Methodist Church, the Baptist Church, the Presbyterian Church, are North and South. Gentlemen of the North and Northwest, God grant that there may be but one Democratic party! It depends upon your. action, when you leave here, whether it shall be so. Give not aid and comfort to the Black Republican hosts; but say to the South, "You are our equals in this Confederacy, and your lives, your persons and property, equally with those of the Northern States, are protected by the Constitution of the Federal Union." What is it that we, the Southern Democrats, are asking you to acknowledge? Analyze it and see the meaning; and it is this-that we will not ask quite as much of you as the Black Republithem. We blame you not if you really hold these opinions, cans, and if you only grant what we ask, we can fight but declare them openly, and let us separate, as did Abraham and Lot. I have been requested to read this protest on the part of the delegates from Texas, and to ask the courtesy of the Convention that it be spread upon the minutes of its proceedings.

HON, CALEB CUSHING,

President of the Democratic National Convention : The undersigned, delegates from the State of Texas, would respectfully protest against the late action of this Convention, in refusing to adopt the report of the majority of the Committee on Resolutions, which operates as the virtual adoption of principles affirming doctrines in opposition to the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, and in conflict with the Federal Constitution, and especially opposed to the platform of the Democratic party of Texas, which declares:

1st. That the Democratic party of the State of Texas reaffirm and concur in the principles contained in the platform of the National Democratic Convention, held at Cincinnati in June, 1856, as a true expression of political faith and opinion, and herewith reassert and set forth the

principles therein contained, as embracing the only doc-sentatives of the Democracy of Arkansas be instructed to trine which can preserve the integrity of the Union and the equal rights of the States, "expressly rejecting any interpretation thereof favoring the doctrine known as Squatter Sovereignty," and that we will continue to adhere to and abide by the principles and doctrines of the Virginia and Kentucky resolutions of 1798 and 1799 and Mr. Madison's report relative thereto.

retire from said Convention, and refuse to aid in the selection
of any candidate whomsoever by said Convention.
4th. That the unity of the Democratic party and the safety
of the South demands the adoption of the two-thirds rule by
the Charleston Convention of the Democracy of the United
States, and that our delegates to said Convention be required
to insist upon and maintain the adoption thereof as an indis-
pensable necessity.

In accordance with the instructions contained in resolution 3d above, one of the undersigned had the honor, on the second day of the session of this Convention, to offer to the consideration of this Convention the following resolution, viz.:

"Resolved, That the Convention will not proceed to nominate a candidate for the Presidency until the Platform shall have been made "

2d. That it is the right of every citizen to take his property, of any kind, including slaves, into the common territory belonging equally to all the States of the Confederacy, and to have it protected there under the Federal Constitution. Neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislatare, nor any human power, has any authority, either directly or indirectly, to impair these sacred rights; and they having been affirmed by the decision of the Supreme Court in the Dred Scott case, we declare that it is the duty of the Federal Government, the common agent of all the States, to establish such government, and enact such laws for the Territories, and so change the same, from time to time, as may be necessary to insure the protection and preservation of these rights, and prevent every infringement of the same. The affirmation of this principle of the duty of Congress to simply protect the rights of property, is nowise in conflict with the heretofore established and well-organized principles of the Democratic party, that Congress does not possess the power to legislate Slavery into the Territories, or to exclude it therefrom. Recognizing these declarations of principles as instructions to us for our government in the National Convention,sembled in Convention on former occasions, and in strict and believing that a repudiation of them by all the Northern States, except the noble States of Oregon and California, the whole vote of which is more than doubtful in the ensuing Presidential election, demand from us our unqualified disapproval.

The undersigned do not deem this the place or time to discuss the practical illustration that has been given of the irrepressible conflict between the Northern and Southern States, that has prevailed in this Convention for the last week.

It is sufficient to say that, if the principles of the Northern Democracy are properly represented by the opinion and action of the majority of the delegates from that section on this floor, we do not hesitate to declare that their principles are not only not ours, but, if adhered to and enforced by them, will destroy this Union.

In consideration of the foregoing facts, we cannot remain in the Convention. We consequently respectfully withdraw, leaving no one authorized to cast the vote of the State of Texas.

Guy M. Bryan, Chairman; F. R. Lubbock, F. S. Stockdale, E. Greer, H. R. Runnells, Wm. B. Ochiltree, M. W. Covey, Wm. H. Parsons, R. Ward, J. F. Crosby.

ARKANSAS RETIRES.

Which said resolution was passed by the Convention with great unanimity. Subsequently, the Committee on Resolutions and Platform, appointed by the Convention, in accordance with the usages and customs of the Democratic party of the United States, agreed upon and reported to this Convention a platform of principles, recognizing the principle contained in the resolutions of the Democracy of Arkansas, above recited, and fully asserting the equal rights of the Southern States in the common Territories of the United States, and the duty of the Federal Government to protect those rights when necessary, according to the usages and customs of the Democracy of the United States, as developed by the practice of said Democracy asaccordance, as is believed by the undersigned, with the compact and agreement made by and between the Democrats of the several States, upon which the Conventions of the Democracy of the United States were agreed first to be founded, and assented to by the several Southern States. The report and determination of the Committee on Platform became and was henceforward the platform of the Democracy of the United States, and this Convention had no duty to perform in relation thereto but to receive, confirm and publish the same, and cause it to be carried into effect wherever in the respective States the Democracy were able to enforce their decrees at the ballot box.

The undersigned are confirmed in this opinion by reference not only to the history of the past, which shows that in all instances the sovereignty of the States, and not the electoral votes of the States, has uniformly been represented in the Committee on Platforms, and that the report of the Committee has invariably been registered as the supreme law of the Democratic party by unanimous consent of the entire Convention, without changing or in any manner altering any part or portion thereof. It is asserted, as a part of our traditional policy, and confidently believed, that the Democracy of tho United States, by a peculiar system of checks and

Mr. Burrow, of Arkansas, read the following balances, formed after the fashion of the Federal Governprotest.

HON. CALEB CUSHING,

President of Charleston Convention:

The undersigned, delegates accredited by the Democracy of Arkansas to represent said Democracy in the Convention of the Democracy of the United States, assembled on the 23d April, 1860, beg leave to submit the following protest, against certain actions of this Convention, and statement of the causes which, in their opinion, require them to retire from this Convention:

1st. The Convention of the Democracy of the State of Arkansas, convened at Little Rock on the 2d day of April, 1860, passed among other things, the following resolutions,

viz.:

1st. Resolved, We the Democracy of Arkansas, through our representatives in Convention assembled, proclaim our confidence in the virtue and intelligence of the people, and unabated faith in the principles of the Democracy.

2d. We re-affirm the political principles enunciated in the Cincinnati platform by the Democracy of the United States in June, 1836, and assert as illustrative thereof, that neither Congress nor a Territorial Legislature, whether by direct legislation or by legislation of an indirect and unfriendly character, possesses the power to annul or impair the constitutional rights of any citizen of the United States to take his slave property into the common Territories, and there hold and enjoy the same, and that if experience should at any time prove the Judiciary and executive power do not possess the means to insure protection to constitutional rights in a Territory-and if the Territorial Government should fail or refuse to provide the necessary reme lies for that purpose, it will be the duty of Congress to supply the deficiency.

3d. That the representatives of the Democracy of Arkansas in the Charleston Convention be instructed to insist upon the recognition by said Convention of the purpose hereinbefore declared, prior to balloting for any candidate for the Presidency; and if said Convention refuse to recognize the rights of the South in the Territories of the United States, the repro

ment, were contracted and bound themselves to fully recognize the sovereignty of the States in making the platform, and the population or masses of the States in naming the candidate to be placed on the platform. That many States have been uniformly allowed to vote the full strength of their electoral college in these Conventions when it was well known that said States never heretofore, and probably would never hereafter give a single electoral vote at the polls to the candidate which they had so large a share in nominating, cannot be accounted for on any other principle than that it was intended only as a recognition of the sovereignty and equality of said States.

Would it be right at this time for the numerical majority to deprive all the Black Republican States represented on this floor of their representation, which by custom they have so long enjoyed, simply because it is now evident that they are or will be unable to vote the Democratic ticket in the next Presidential election?

By common consent we say that a reckless numerical majority should not be thus allowed to tread under foot the vested rights of those States and well established usages and customs of the party.

If thus it be wrong for the numerical majority to deprive the Black Republican States of this long vested right, how much more unjust is it for the numerical majority to deprive all the States of their vested right to make and declare the platform in the usual and customary manner? and when we call to mind that the numerical majority resides chiefly in the Black Republioan States, to whom the South has uniformly accorded so large a privilege, in naming candidates who were alone to be elected by Southern votes, we have much reason to believe that he to whom you gave an inch seems emboldened thereby to demand an ell.

The undersigned beg leave to state that many patriotic States' Right Democrats in the South, have long contended that these Conventions of the Democracy, repre

senting in fact the whole consolidated strength of the ] Union, acting through party sympathy upon the individual members of society, would ultimate in a despotic, colossal centralism, possessed of power to override and destroy at its will and pleasure the constitutions. and reserved rights of any and all the States. The South, however, has heretofore felt safe because of the checks and balances imposed upon the machinery of the Conventions. The South felt that where she retained an equal power to write the creed of faith, she could trust her Northern sisters, with their immense populations, to name the candidate; and all would alike support the creed and the candidate.

The undersigned, well knowing the hostility of the Northern masses toward the "peculiar institutions" of the South, and calling to mind the relative numbers of the Northern and Southern States, assert with confidence that no Southern State in the Union would ever have consented to surrender, so abjectly and hopelessly, all their fortunes to the numerical majority who have just now voted to set aside the Platform, unless upon the full assurance that the States were entitled by agreement to make and establish the creed of faith and prescribe the rule of action. This violation of plighted faith on the part of the numerical majority-this violation of the well established usage and custom of the party-drive us to the conclusion that we cannot longer safely trust the fortunes of Slaveholding States to the chances of the numerical majority in a Convention, where all the Black Republicans of the Union, the immense populations of Massachusetts, New-York, Pennsylvania and Ohio, and other Northern States, are fully represented, on the one side, against the small populations from the slave States on the other. Had these populations adhered strictly to the usages and customs of the party, longer association might have been practicable; but annihilation is staring us in the face, and we are admonished of our duty to stand upon our reserved rights.

We declare, therefore, that we believe our mission to this Convention at an end:

1st. Because the numerical majority have usurped the prerogatives of the States in setting aside the Platform made by the States, and have thus unsettled the basis of this Convention, and thereby permanently disorganized its constitution. Its decrees, therefore, become null and void.

by the Democratic party as a unit. (Cheers.) He wished
to be pursued-(cheers)-reserving to himself the right to
to consult with other Southern men as to the best course
decide the question, which he would do in a few hours.
His heart and all the feelings of his nature were with those
Southern men who had seen proper to leave the Conven-
tion; but, at the same time, he hesitated between his per-
sonal feelings and his duty to his own people. If he could
willing to take him on this platform. (Cheers.)
get a good sound Southern man for President, he would be

The Georgia delegation asked leave to retire for consultation, which was granted.

Messrs. Bayard and Whiteley, two of the six delegates from Delaware, retired from the Convention and joined the seceders.

Mr. Saulsbury, (U. S. Senator,) of Delaware, stated his reason for not retiring with his colleagues, and the Convention adjourned.

the regular order of business to be the motions On Tuesday, May 1st, the President stated to reconsider, and the motions to lay the motions to reconsider on the table, by which the various resolutions constituting the Platform were adopted. Pending the determination of these questions, yesterday evening, the chairman of several of the delegations rose to questions of privilege, under which their delegations

retired from the hall. When the Convention adjourned the gentleman from Illinois (Mr. Merrick) was upon the floor.

GEORGIA RETIRES.

afternoon the delegation from Georgia obtained the leave Mr. Benning of Georgia.-Mr. President: On yesterday of the Convention to retire for the purpose of consulting as to the course they would pursue in consequence of the action taken by the Convention in the previous part of the day. They retired, and they have since been engaged volved, with as much maturity and care as they could bein consultation. They have considered the questions instow upon them, and they have come to a conclusion as to the course they ought to pursue. That conclusion is contained in two resolutions which I hold in my hand, and which I will now read to the Convention.

2d. Because we were positively instructed by the Democracy of Arkansas to insist on the recognition of the equal rights of the South in the common Territories, and protection to those rights by the Federal Government, prior to any nomination of a candidate; and as this Convention has refused to recognize the principle required by the State of Arkansas, in her popular morning, our Chairman be requested to state to the President Convention first, and twice subsequently re-asserted by that the Georgia delegation, after mature deliberation, have Resolved, That, upon the opening of the Convention this Arkansas, together with all her Southern sisters, in the re-felt it be their duty, under existing circumstances, not to parport of a Platform to this Convention; and as we cannot ticipate further in the deliberations of the Convention, and serve two masters, we are determined first to serve the that, therefore, the delegation withdraw. Lord our God. We cannot ballot for any candidate whatsoever.

8d. In retiring, we deny to any person, or persons, any right whatever to cast hereafter, in this Convention, either our vote or the vote of Arkansas on any proposition which may, or can, possibly come up for consideration. The Delegates of Arkansas cannot take any part in placing a sound candidate on an unsound platform, because it would disgrace any sound Southern man who would consent to stand on such a platform; and, as a Squatter Sovereignty Platform has been adopted, we believe good faith and honor requires that the Chief of Squatter Sovereignty should be placed on it. We wish

no part or lot in such misfortune, nor do we believe that we can safely linger under the shade of the upas tree, this day planted certainly.

P. JORDAN,

B. BURROW,
VAN H. MANNING.

Mr. Burrow stated, after reading the paper, that the gentlemen who had signed represented both wings of the State-all its public men, its hopes, it character, and its fortunes.

Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas, as Chairman of the Arkansas delegation, desired to say a single word to go along with the paper which had been read. It was his desire that that portion of the Arkansas delegation who had concluded to leave the Convention should have paused until the delegation could have had a consultation. Why did he hesitate? It was because he conceived that the stability of the Union itself was involved in the action taken here by the Southern representatives.

He had been taught from childhood to believe that if the Union was to be preserved at all, it was to be preserved

Resolved, That all who acquiesce in the foregoing resolution sign the same, and request the Convention to enter it on their records.

(Signed,)

JUNIUS WINGFIELD,
HENRY R. JACKSON,
J. M. CLARK,

WM. M. SLAUGHTER,
JOHN A. JONES,
DAVID C. BARROW,
JAS. J. DIAMAN,
A. FRANKLIN HILL,
ED. L. STROHECKER,
O. C. GIBSON,

HENRY O. THOMAS,

HENRY L. BENNING,
P. TRACY,
JEFFERSON N. LAMAR,
EDMOND J. MCGEBER,
GEO. HILLYER,
MARK JOHNSTON,
EDWARD R. HARDEN,
JOHN H. LUMPKIN,
G. G. FAIR,
JAMES HOGE,
W. J. JOHNSON.

Convention, yet, believe, under the instructions contained in The undersigned, delegates from Georgia, having voted in the meeting of the delegation against withdrawing from the the resolution of the Georgia Convention, that the vote of the majority should control our motion, and we therefore with draw with the majority.

J. T. IRVIN,
W. H. HULL,

JULIAN HARTRIDGE,
L. H. DRISCOE.

This paper is signed by twenty-six out of the thirty-three of Georgia. or thirty-four de'egates in that Convention from the State

I have now, Mr. President, discharged the duty which has been intrusted to me by my delegation.

from the hall.
The majority of the Georgia delegation then retired

this Convention for a moment.
Mr. Johnson, of Arkansas.-I do not desire to detain
stated to the Convention that I should come here this
On yesterday evening I
morning and tell them what was my conclusion, and what
the State of Arkansas which then thought proper to re-
was the conclusion of the portion of the delegation from
step which our judgment dictates to be right. In accord.
main in the Convention. We are now ready to take that
ance with our duty here, we wanted time to pause and

consider calmly with our sister Southern States, in rela- | tories, by inaction, unfriendly legislation or otherwise, should tion to the proper course to be pursued. We have calmly and with deliberation considered the matter, and we believe it to be an imperative duty which we owe to the South, and we are ready to take our course.

Now, sir, I desire to appeal to Virginia, the mother of States, and the mother of Democracy, and to ask them whether the principle contained in the majority report of this Convention, signed by seventeen States, is right or is wrong? Did you indorse it, or did you not?

Mr. Smith, of Wisconsin, raised the question of order, that the gentleman had no right to make sectional appeals

in this Convention.

Mr. Johnson.-I desire to do no such thing. I do not understand the principles of the majority report to be sectional. I understand them to be national. But, Mr. President, I only desire, in behalf of a portion of the delegates, to say that we came here with a view to stand by the principles of our people and of the Union, and when we have found the Convention acting in violation of those principles, we feel ourselves compelled to retire from the Hall. I will only remark in conclusion, that the Vice-President from my State has been charged with presenting

a protest on the part of a portion of our declaration.
Mr. Terry, of Arkansas, then read the following paper
to the Convention :

To the HON. CALEB CUSHING, President:

The undersigned, Delegates from Arkansas, ask permission to make the following statement: We have, thus far, abstained from taking any active part in the measures which were consummated on yesterday, in this Convention, by the withdrawal, in whole or in part, of several Southern States. We have counseled our Southern friends to patience and forbearance; and, while we were conscious of causes sufficient to induce them to this step, yet we still hoped some more auspicious event would transpire that would avert its necessity. Nothing has occurred to palliate these causes. Hence we cannot hesitate in our course, and therefore ask permission to withdraw and surrender to our State the high trust reposed in us. To you, sir, who have with so much ability presided over our deliberations, and meted out justice with an even hand, we part with sorrow. Hoping that the cloud which now hangs over our beloved country may be dispelled, and her counsels directed by some statesman like yourself-able, honest, just and true.

FRANCIS TERRY, Vice-President.
J. P. JOHNSON, Ch'n of Delegation.
F. W. HOADLEY, Secretary.
CHARLESTON, May 1st, 1860.
The Tennessee Delegation asked and obtained
leave to retire for consultation.

The Delegation from Virginia, and portions of the Delegations from Kentucky, North Carolina and Maryland, had leave to retire for consultation.

Mr. Flournoy, of Arkansas.-May I be indulged in one remark? My voice is "Never give up the ship "-(applause) though the fearful storm rages around us though she may have lost some spars and masts-though she may have some cracked ribs. Sir, for myself, I will be one of that gallant crew who, though the storm rages, though the spars and masts are gone, though ribs be broken -I will, until the noble vessel be swallowed up by the devouring waves, continue to unite with them in the reiterated cry of "Live, live the Republic!" (Great applause.) Mr. President, I am a Southern man. Yes, sir, I have been reared amidst the institution. All I have is the product of slave labor. I believe the institution a patriarchal one, and beneficial alike to master and slave. The bread which supports my own wife and tender babe is the product of slave labor. I trust, then, that, like Cæsar's wife, I am "above suspicion."

LOUISIANA WITHDRAWS.

TO THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,

President of the Democratic Convention:
SIR: The undersigned delegates from the State of
Louisiana, in withdrawing from the Convention, beg leave
to make the following statement of facts:

On the 5th day of March, 1860, the Democracy of Louisiana assembled in State Convention at Baton Rouge, and unanimously adopted the following declaration of their principles:

Resolved, That the Territories of the United States belong to the several States as their common property, and not to individual citizens thereof, that the Federal Constitution recognizes property in slaves; and as such, the owner thereof is entitled to carry his slaves into any Territory in the United States; to hold them there as property; and in case the people of the Terri

endanger the tenure of such property, or discriminate against
it by withholding that protection given to other species of pro-
perty in the Territories, it is the duty of the General Govern-
ment to interpose, by the active exertion of its constitutional
power, to secure the rights of the slaveholder.

are guaranteed to us by the Constitution of the United
The principles enunciated in the foregoing resolution
States, and their unequivocal recognition by the Penio-
cracy of the Union we regard as essential, not only to the
integrity of the party, but to the safety of the States whose
in both of the series of resolutions presented to the Cou-
interests are directly involved. They have been embodied
vention by a majority of the States of the Union, and have
been rejected by a numerical vote of the delegates..
The Convention has, by this vote, refused to recognize
the fundamental principles of the Democracy of the State
we have the honor to represent, and we feel constrained,
in obedience to a high sense of duty, to withdraw from
its deliberations, and unanimously to enter our solemn
protest against its action.

the minutes of the Convention, and beg leave to express
We ask that the communication may be spread upon
our appreciation of,the justice and dignity which have
characterized your action as its presiding officer.
[Signed,]

A. MOUTON,
JOHN TARLETON,
RICHARD TAYLOR,
EMILE LASTRE,

F. H. HATCH,

E. LAWRENCE,
A. TALBOT,

B. W. PEARCE,

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leave to annex the following statement, viz.:
The undersigned, in explanation of their position, beg

Whilst we took the same view with our colleagues, that
the platform of principles, as adopted by this Convention,
was not what was expected by Louisiana, and desired by
ourselves, as sufficient to guard the rights of that State,
and of the whole South, under the Constitution, are now
unwilling precipitately to retire from the Convention,
until all hope of accommodation shall have been ex-
hausted, and until the last moment had arrived, at
which, in justice to our own honor, and the interest and
dignity of our own State, we would be forced to retire. We,
therefore, were opposed to the retirement of the delega
tion at the time it was made; but believing that the
other members of the delegation were actuated by the
same high motives which governed our own opinions, and
desiring our State to present a firm, undivided front, we
being in the minority of the delegation, were willing to
yield, and did yield, our opinions to the judgment of the
majority.
J. A. MCHATTON,
CHARLES JONES,

CHARLESTON, S. C,, May 1, 1860.

A VOICE FROM GEORGIA. Mr. Gaulden, of Georgia, addressed the Convention, giving his reasons for not retiring with his colleagues, as follows:

MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW DEMOCRATS: As I stated to you a few moments ago, I have been confined to my room by severe indisposition, but, learning of the commotion and the intense excitement which were existing upon the questions before this body, I felt it to be my duty, feeble as I was, to drag myself out to the meeting of my delegation, and when there I was surprised to find a large majority of that delegation voting to secede at once from this body. I disagree with those gentlemen. I regret to disagree with my brethren from the South upon any of the great questions which interest our common country. I am a Southern_States' Rights those Southern men who believe that Slavery is right, man; I am an African Slave-trader. I am one of morally, religiously, socially, and politically. (Applause.) I believe that the institution of Slavery has done more for this country, more for civilization, than all other interests put together. I believe if it were in the power of this country to strike down the institution of Slavery, it would put civilization back 200 years. Holding, then, this position, that Slavery is right in the point of view I ment our whole rights in this regard. I believe that the have stated, I would demand of the General Governright to legislate upon this subject. I believe that our General Government by the Constitution never had any Government was a confederation of States for certain specified objects with limited powers; that the domestic relations of each State are to be and should be left to themselves; that this eternal Slavery question has been the bone of contention between the North and South, which if kept in the halls of Congress must break up this Government. I am one of those who believe in nonintervention, either in the States or the Territories.

(Applause.) I am not in favor of breaking up this Gov-
ernment upon an impracticable issue, upon a mere
theory. I believe that this doctrine of protection to
Slavery in the Territories is a mere theory, a mere ab-
straction. (Applause.) Practically, it can be of no con-
sequence to the South, for the reason that the infant has
been strangled before it was born. (Laughter.) You
have cut off the supply of Slaves; you have crippled the
institution of Slavery in the States by your unjust laws,
and it is mere folly and madness now to ask for protec-
tion for a nonentity, for a thing which is not there. We
have no slaves to carry to these Territories.
We can
never make another Slave State with our present supply
of slaves. But if we could, it would not be wise, for the
reason, that if you make another Slave State from our
new Territories with the present supply of slaves, you
will be obliged to give up another State, either Maryland,
Delaware, or Virginia, to Free Soil upon the North.
Now, I would deal with this question, fellow-Democrats,
as a practical one. When I can see no possible practical
good to result to the country from demanding legislation
upon this theory, I am not prepared to disintegrate and
aismember the great Democratic party of this Union. I
believe that the hopes of this country depend upon the
maintenance of the great Democratic party North. It
is no trouble for a man to be a saint in Heaven.

"When the devil was sick,

The devil a monk would be:
The devil got well,

But devil a monk was he."

(Great laughter.)

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buy better negroes for $50 apiece. (Great laughter.) Now, unquestionably, it is to the interest of Virginia to break down the African slave-trade when she can sell her negioes at $2,000. She knows that the African slavetrade would break up her monopoly, and hence her objection to it. If any of you Northern Democrats-for I have more faith in you than I have in the Carpet-Knight Democracy of the South-will go home with me to my plantation in Georgia, but a little way from here, I will show you some darkies that I bought in Maryland, some that I bought in Virginia, some in Delaware, some in Florida, some in North Carolina, and I will also show you the pure African, the noblest Roman of them all. (Great laughter.) Now, Fellow-Democrats, my feeble health and failing voice, admonish me to bring the few remarks I have to make to a close. (Cries of "Go on, go on.") I am only sorry that I am not in a better con dition than I am to vindicate before you to-day the words of truth, of honesty, and of light, and to show you the gross inconsistencies of the South in this regard. I came from the First Congressional District of the State of Georgia. I represent the African Slave-trade interests of that section. (Applause.) I am proud of the position I occupy in that respect. I believe that the African slave-trader is a true missionary, and a true Christian (applause), and I have pleaded with my delegation from Georgia to put this issue squarely to the Northern Democracy, and say to them, Are you prepared to go back to first principles, and take off your unconstitutional restrictions, and leave this question to be settled by each State? Now do this, fellow-citizens, and you will have peace in the country. But so long as your Federal Legislature takes jurisdiction of this question, so long will there be war, so long will there be illblood, so long will there be strife, until this glorious Union of ours shall be disrupted and go out in blood and night forever. 1 advocate the repeal of the laws prohibiting the African Slave-trade, because I believe it to be the true Union movement. I do not believe that sections whose interests are so different as the Southern and Northern States can ever stand the shocks of fanati cism, unless they be equally balanced. I believe by reopening this trade, and giving us negroes to populate the Territories, that the equilibrium of the two sections will be maintained. But if the South lies supinely by, and allows the people of the North to people all the Territories, until we come to be a hopeless fraction in the Government, then that gallant band of Democrats North may in vain attempt to stay the torrent that will roll down upon us. It will not be in your power to do it. It should be the object of the South now to say to the North: Let us have all our rights in this matter; let us take off these restrictions against the African Slave-trade, and leave it to each State to settle for itself. Then we would want no protection, and then I would be willing to let you have as much Squatter Sovereignty as you wish. Give us an equal chance, and I tell you the institution of Slavery will take care of itself. We will give you all the Squatter Sovereignty that the North can desire, Mr. Douglas, or anybody else, if you will take off the unconstitutional restrictions on the Slave-trade and let the negroes come. Then, gentlemen, we should proceed harmoniously, go on to prosper and prospering, until the last trump of God should sound; until time was merged in the ocean of eternity. (Applause.) I say, Fellow-Democrats, that I remained here because I have great faith in the Northern Democracy. If I am forced to part with you, it will be with a bleeding heart. I know not exactly what position I occupy here (laughter), for the majority of my delegation have voted to secede. We came here instructed to vote as a unit. Whether the minority are bound to go out with the majority is a question which I have not yet fully determined in my own mind, but at any rate, I told them this morning, and I tell them now, I will not go out yet; I intend to stay here; I intend to hold on to the great Democratic Party of the Union so long as I can consistre-ently with honor and propriety, for I believe that if we break up in a row here, and the Democratic Party of the country is destroyed, this Union falls as certainly as the sun rises and sets. I warn you, seceders, if your action here to-day should have the effect of dismembering and destroying the great Democratic Party of the North, that you destroy this Government beyond all question (applause); and the Union falls, and falls forever! Now, I am not a disunionist. I love this Union for the memories of the past and for the hopes of the future. (Applause.) The blood of my ancestors was poured out around this city and throughout the South to rear aloft the proud banner of our glorious Union. I, as an humble descendant of theirs, feel bound to maintain this Union and the Constitution so long, and no longer than I can do it honorably and justly to myself and my country. But I do not yet despair of the Republic. En

We, the Democracy of the South, are mere carpetknights. It is no trouble for us to be Democrats. (Applause and laughter.) When I look to the Northern Democrats, I see them standing up there and breasting the tide of fanaticism, oppression, wrong, and slander, with which they have to contend. I view in these men types of the old ancient Romans; I view in them all that is patriotic and noble; and, for one, I am not willing to cut loose from them. (Great cheering.) I say, then, that I will hold on to my Democratic friends of the North to the last day of the week-late in the evening. (Great laughter.) I am not willing to present to them a half issue of this sort. I am not willing to disintegrate, dismember, and turn them over to the ruthless hands of the thieving Black Republicans of the North. I would ask my friends of the South to come up in a proper spirit, ask our Northern friends to give us all our rights, and take off the ruthless restrictions which cut off the supply of slaves from foreign lands. As a matter of right and justice to the South, I would ask the Democracy of the North to grant us this thing, and I believe they have the patriotism and honesty to do it, because it is right in itself. I tell you, fellow-Democrats, that the African Slave-trader is the true Union man. (Cheers and laughter.) I tell you that the Slave-trading of Virginia is more immoral, more unchristian in every possible point of view, than that African Slave-trade which goes to Africa and brings a heathen and worthless man here, makes him a useful man, Christianizes him, and sends him and his posterity down the stream of time to join in the blessings of civilization. (Cheers and laughter.) Now, fellow-Democrats, so far as any public expression of the State of Virginia-the great Slave-trading State of Virginia has been given, they are all opposed to the

African Slavet-rade.

Dr. Reed of Indiana.-I am from Indiana, and I am in

favor of it.

Mr. Gaulden-Now, gentlemen, we are told, upon high authority, that there is a certain class of men who strain at a gnat and swallow a camel. Now, Virginia, which authorizes the buying of Christian men, separating them from their wives and children, from all the relations and associations amid whom they have lived for years, rolls up her eyes in holy horror when I would go to Africa, buy a savage, and introduce him to the blessings of civilization and Christianity. (Cheers and laughter.) Mr. Rynders of N. Y.-You can get one or two cruits from New-York to join with you. The President.-The time of the gentleman has expired. (Cries of "Go on! Go on !")

The President-stated that if it was the unanimous wish of the Convention, the gentleman could proceed. Mr. Gaulden.-Now, Fellow-Democrats, the slaverade in Virginia forms a mighty and powerful reason for its opposition to the African slave-trade, and in this remark I do not intend any disrespect to my friends from Virginia. Virginia, the Mother of States and of statesmen, the Mother of Presidents, I apprehend may err as well as other mortals. I am afraid that her error in this regard lies in the promptings of the almighty dollar. It has been my fortune to go into that noble old State to buy a few darkies, and I have had to pay from $1,000 to $2,000) a head, when I could go to Africa and

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