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Mr. Ashmun made a brief speech, and the Convention adjourned sine die, with nine hearty cheers for the ticket.
NATIONAL REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE.
The Convention previous to its adjournment
Dist. of Columbia, JOSEPH GERHARDT, Washington.
E. D. MORGAN, of New-York.
CARL SCHURZ, of Wisconsin.
JOHN Z. GOODRICH, of Massachusetts.
GEO. G. FOGG, of New-Hampshire.
Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and of duty to recognize no political principle other than THE CONSTITUTION OF THE COUNTRY, THE UNION OF THE STATES AND THE ENFORCEMENT OF THE LAWS, and that, as representatives of the Constitutional Union men of the country in National Convention assembled, wo hereby pledge ourselves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and national safety, against all enemies at home and abroad, bel.eving that thereby peace may once more be restored to the country, the rights of the People and of the States reëstablished, and the Govern ment again placed in that condition, of justice, fraternity and equality, which, under the example and Constitution of our fathers, has solemly bound every citizen of the United States to maintain a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.
A Democratic National Convention assembled at Charleston, S. C., on the 23d of April, 1860, with full delegations present from every State in the Union, and double delegations from Illinois and New-York. One of the New-York delegations was elected by the State Nominating Convention which met at Syracuse the preceding autumn; while its rival was elected by districts, and led by Fernando Wood, Mayor of the commercial emporium. From Illinois, one of the delegations was favorable to Senator Douglas, and the other opposed to that gentleman. Tickets of admission were given by the National Committee to the former or "Soft" Delegation from New York, thus deciding, so far as their power extended, against the Wood or "Hard" contestants, who were understood to be opposed to the nomination of Douglas.
Francis B. Flournoy, of Arkansas, was chosen temporary chairman, and the Convention opened with an angry and stormy debate on the question of the disputed seats. Mr. Fisher, of Va., presented a protest from Mayor Wood, on behalf of his delegation, against their
CONSTITUTIONAL UNION CONVENTION-exclusion from the Hall. The reading of the
protest was ruled out of order, and, after a on Permanent Organization and Credentials, wrangling debate, committees were appointed and the communication of Mayor Wood was referred without reading to the latter.
A Convention of Delegates, coming from twenty States, and claiming to represent the "Constitutional Union Party," met at Baltimore on the 9th of May, and nominated for President John Bell, of Tennessee, and for Vice-President Organization reported the name of Caleb CushOn the following day, the Committee on Edward Everett, of Massachusetts. The ballot-ing, of Mass., for President, with one Viceings for President resulted as follows:
President and one Secretary from each State, 1st. 2d. which report was adopted. They also reported Edward Everett,.. 25 91 Sam. Houston,.. Wm. L. Goggin,... 8 a rule "that in any State in which it has not John M. Botts, Wm. A. Graham,.. 22 18 "been provided or directed by its State ConJohn McLean,.... 21 1 Wm. L. Sharkey,.. 7 66 81 vention how its vote may be given, the J. J. Crittenden, 28 1 Wm. C. Rives, 13 "Convention will recognize the right of each Necessary to a choice, 1st ballot, 128; second "delegate to cast his individual vote.' "1 Which ballot, 127. was also adopted.
The nomination of Mr. Bell was thereupon made unanimous.
Mr. Everett was unanimously nominated for Vice-President.
The Convention adopted the following as their
Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that Platforms adopted by the partisan Conventions of the country have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people, and at the same time to widen the political divisions of the country, by the creation and encouragement of geographical and sectional parties; therefore,
A Committee on Resolutions and Platform was now appointed; and it was voted that no ballot for President and Vice-President should be taken till after the adoption of a Platform. Adjourned.
On the following day, the only progress made by the Convention was the settlement of the question of contested seats, by confirming the sitting delegates; that is, the "Softs" from New-York, and the Douglas men from Illinois. On the 26th, no progress was made, though there was much angry debate and many threats
of bolting on the part of delegates from the Cotton States, unless their views in regard to Platform should be adopted.
On the 27th, the Platform Committee, failing to agree, presented an assortment of Platforms, from which the Convention was expected to make its selection. The majority report, presented by Mr. Avery, of N. C., was as follows:
Resolved, That the Platform adopted at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following resolution:
That the National Democracy of the United States hold these cardinal principles on the subject of Slavery in the Territories: First, that Congress has no power to abolish Slavery in the Territories; second, that the Territorial Legislature has no power to abolish Slavery in the Territories, nor to prohibit the introduction of slaves therein, nor any power to destroy or impair the right of property in slaves by any legislation whatever.
Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave
Law are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effects.
Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government to protect the rights of person and property on the high seas, in the Territories, or wherever else its jurisdiction extends.
Resolved, That it is the duty of the Government of the United States to afford protection to naturalized citizens from foreign countries.
Resolved, That it is the duty of the Government of the United States to acquire Cuba at the earliest prac
The principal minority report, which was presented by Mr. Henry B. Payne, of Ohio, and signed by the members of the committee from Maine, New-Hampshire, Vermont, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New-Jersey, Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Iowa, Minnesota, New-York, and Pennsylvania, (all the Free States except California, Oregon, and Massachusetts), reaffirmed the Cincinnati Platform; declared that all rights of property are judicial in their character, and that the Democracy pledge themselves to defer to the decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject; ample protection to citizens, native or naturalized, at home or abroad; aid to "a Pacific Railroad;" the acquisition of Cuba, and that all State resistance to the Fugitive Slave Law is revolutionary and
subversive of the Constitution.
Gen. Benj. F. Butler, of Massachusetts, presented another minority report, reaffirming the Cincinnati Platform, and declaring Democratic principles unchangeable in their nature when applied to the same subject matter, and only recommending, in addition to the Cincinnati Platform, a resolution for the protection of all
citizens, whether native or naturalized.
Mr. Payne stated that his report, although minority one, represented one hundred and seventy-two electoral votes, while the majority report represented only one hundred and twenty-seven electoral votes.
Mr. James A. Bayard (U. S. Senator), of Delaware, presented another series of resolutions, as
The first affirmed the Cincinnati Platform. The second declared that Territorial Governments are provisional and temporary, and that during their existence all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle in the Territories without their rights of either person or property being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation.
The third, that it is the duty of the Govern
ment to protect the rights of persons or property on the high seas, in the Territories, or wherever else its constitutional authority extends.
The fourth that, when the settlers in a Territory have adequate population to form a State Constitution, the right of Sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by their admission into the Union, they stand upon an equal footing with the citizens of other States, and that a State thus organized is to be admitted into the Union, Slavery or no Slavery.
The day was spent in fierce debate, without coming to a vote on any of these various propositions.
On the 28th, Senator Wm. Bigler, of Pennsylvania, moved that the majority and minority reports be recommitted to the Convention, with instructions to report in an hour, the following resolutions:
Resolved, That the Platform adopted by the Demccratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolution:
Resolved, That the Government of a Territory, or ganized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary, and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle in the Territory, without their rights, either of person or property, be.ug destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial Legislation.
to the doctrine that it is the duty of Government to Resolved, That the Democratic party stands pledged maintain all the constitutional rights of property, of whatever kind, in the Territories, and to enforce all the decisions of the Supreme Court in reference thereto Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.
Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic Party pledge such Constitut.onal Government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast at the earliest practical period.
the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terins as Resolved, That the Democratic Party are in favor of shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.
Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
Mr. Bigler moved the previous question.
moved to lay Mr. Bigler's motion on the table. Mr. W. Montgomery (M. C.), of Pennsylvania, He did not regard as a compromise a proposition for a Congressional Slave Code and the reopening of the African Slave Trade; but, learning that the adoption of his motion would have the effect of tabling the whole subject, he withdrew it. A division of the question was called for, and the vote was first taken on the motion to recommit, which was carried, 152 to 151; but the proposition to instruct the committee was laid on the table, 242 to 561, as follows:
Massachusetts, 12; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 5; New-York, 35; Pennsylvania, 8; Delaware, 8; Maryland, 5; Virginia, 15; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 8; Georgia, 10; Florida, 8; Alabama, 9; Louisi ana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 4; Kentucky, 5; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 13; Illinois, 11: Michigan, 6; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 4; California, 3;— 242.
YEAS.-Maine, 8; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5;
NAYS.-Massachusetts, ; Connecticut, 1; New-Jersey, 7; Pennsylvania, 15; Maryland, 2; Missouri, 9; Ten nessee, 11; Kentucky, 7; Indiana, 6; Wisconsin, 5; California,; Oregon, 3-56}.
Subsequently, on the same day, Mr. Avery,
from the majority of the Committee on Platform, ¡trict of Columbia. Now, we maintain that Congress has reported the following: no right to prohibit or abolish Slavery in the District of Columbia. Why? Because it is an existing institution. ex-protect and cherish the right of property in slaves in that District, because the Constitution does not give them the power to prohibit or establish Slavery. Every session of Congress, Northern men, Southern men, men of all parties, are legislating to protect, cherish and uphold the institution of Slavery in the District of Columbia.
Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic It becomes the duty of Congress under the Constitution to party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following planatory Resolutions:
First. That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and, during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory without their rights, either of person or property, being destroyed or impaired by congressional or territorial legislation. Second. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends.
Third. That when the settlers in a Territory having an adequate population form a State Constitution, the right of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of Slavery.
Fourth. That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.
Fifth. That the enactments of State legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
Sixth. That the Democracy of the United States recognize it as the imperative duty of this Government to protect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its nativeborn citizens.
Whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts: Therefore be it
Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of a Pacific Railroad, from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.
Mr. Avery took the floor, and spoke at length in favor of his report, and in the course of his remarks said:
I have stated that we demand at the hands of our Northern brethren upon this floor that the great principle which we cherish should be recognized, and in that view I speak the common sentiments of our constituents at home; and I intend no reflection upon those who entertain a different opinion, when I say that the results and ultimate consequences to the Southern States of this confederacy, if the Popular Sovereignty doctrine be adopted as the doctrine of the Democratic party, would be as dangerous and subversive of their rights as the adoption of the principle of Congressional intervention or prohibition. We say that, in a contest for the occupation of the Territories of the United States, the Southern men encumbered with slaves cannot compete with the Emigrant Aid Society at the North. We say that the Emigrant Aid Society can send a voter to one of the Territories of the United States, to determine a question relating to slavery, for the sum of $200, while it would cost the Southern man the sum of $1500. We say, then, that wherever there is competition between the South and North, that the North can and will, at less expense and difficulty, secure power, control and dominion over the Territories of the Federal Government; and if, then, you establish the doctrine that a Territorial Legislature which may be established by Congress in any Territory has the right, directly or indirectly, to affect the institution of Slavery, then you can see that the Legislature by its action, either directly or indirectly, may finally exclude every man from the slaveholding States as effectually as if you had adopted the Wilmot Proviso out and out.
But we are told that, in advocating the doctrine we now do, we are violating the principles of the Cincinnati platform. They say that the Cincinnati platform is a Popular Sovereignty platform; that it was intended to present and practically enforce that great principle. Now, we who made this report deny that this is the true construction of the Cincinnati platform. We of the South say that when we voted for the Cincinnati platform we understood, from the fact that the Territories stand in the same position as the District of Columbia, that non-interference and nonintervention in the Territories was that same sort of nonInterference and non-intervention forbidden in the Dis
It is said that the Cincinnati platform is ambiguous, and that we must explain it. At the South, we have main. tained that it had no ambiguity; that it did not mean Popular Sovereignty; but our Northern friends say that it does mean Popular Sovereignty. Now, if we are going to explain it and to declare its principles, I say let us either declare them openly, boldly, squarely, or let us leave it as it is in the Cincinnati Platform. I want, and we of the South want, no more doubtful platforms upon this or any other question. We desire that this Convention should take a bold, square stand. What do the minority of the committee propose? Their solution is to leave the question to the decision of the Supreme Court, and agree to abide by any decision that may be made by that tribunal between the citizens of a Territory upon the subject. Why, gentlemen of the minority, you cannot help yourselves. That is no concession to us. There is no necessity for putting that in the platform, because I take it for granted that you are all law-abiding citizens. Every gentleman here from a non-slaveholding State is a law-abiding citizen; and if he be so, why we know that when there is a decision of the Supreme Court, even adverse to his views, he will submit to it. that
You say that this is a judicial question. We say it is not. But if it be a judicial question, it is immaterial to you how the platform is made, because all you will have to say is, "this is a judicial question; the majority of the Convention were of one opinion; I may entertain my own opinion upon the question; let the Supreme Court settle it."
Let us make a platform about which there can be no doubt, so that every man, North and South, may stand side by side on all issues connected with Slavery, and advocate the same principles. That is all we ask. All we demand at your hands is, that there shall be no equivocation and no doubt in the popular mind as to what our principles are.
Mr. H. B. Payne, of Ohio, replied at length, and, in the course of his argument, said:
The question of Slavery had distracted the Courts and the party since 1820, and we hoped by the Compromise measures of 1850, the Kansas law of 1854, and the Platform of 1852 and 1856, that the policy of the Democratic party was a united and settled policy in respect to African slavery. The Democracy of the North have, throughout, stood by the South in vindication of their constitutional rights. For this they claim no credit. They have simply discharged their constitutional duty; and, though some Southern Senators may rise in their places and stigmatize us as unsound and rotten, we say we have done it in good faith, and we challege contradiction. We have supposed that this doctrine of Popular Sovereignty was a final settlement of the Slavery difficulty. You so understood it in the South. We are not claiming anything in our Platform but what the Cincinnati Platform was admitted to have established.
What was the doctrine of 1856? Non-intervention by Congress with the question of Slavery, and the submission. of the question of Slavery in the Territories, under the Constitution, to the People.
It is said that one construction has been given to the Platform at the South and another at the North. He could prove from the Congressional debates that from 1850 to 1856 there was not a dissenting opinion expressed in Congress on this subject.
To show that Squatter Sovereignty had been generally accepted as the true Democratic doctrine, Mr. Payne quoted from eminent Southern Democratic Statesmen as follows:
FROM A SPEECH OF HON. HOWELL COBB, OF GEORGIA. "I stand upon a principle. I hold that the will of the majority of the people of Kansas should decide this question, and I say here to-night, before this people and before this country, that I, for one, shall abide the decision of the people there. I hold to the right of the People to self-government. I am willing for them to decide this
FROM THE SAME.
"I would not plant Slavery upon the soil of any portion of God's earth against the will of the people. The
Government of the United States should not force the institution of Slavery upon the people either of the Territories,' or of the States against the will of the people, though my voice could bring about that result."
FROM A SPEECH OF VICE-PRESIDENT BRECKINRIDGE.
"But those who hold that the Territorial Legislature cannot pass a law prohibiting Slavery, admit that, unless the Territorial Legislature pass laws for its protection, Slavery will not go there. Therefore, practically, a majority of the people represented in the Territorial Legislature decides the question. Whether they decide it by prohibiting it, according to the one doctrine, or by refusing to pass laws to protect it, as contended for by the other party, is immaterial. The majority of the people, by the action of the Territorial Legislature, will decide the question, and all must abide the decision when made."
FROM THE SAME.
"But if non-intervention by Congress be the principle that underlies the Compromise of 1850, then the prohibition of 1820, being inconsistent with that principle, should be removed, and perfect non-intervention thus be established by law.
"Among many misrepresentations sent to the country by some of the enemies of this bill, perhaps none is more flagrant, than the charge that it proposes to legislate Slavery into Nebraska and Kansas. Sir, if the bill contained such a feature it would not receive my vote. The right to establish involves the correlative right to prohibit, and, denying both, I would vote for neither."
FROM THE SAME.
"Upon the distracting question of domestic Slavery, their position is clear. The whole power of the Democratic organization is pledged to the following propositions: That Congress shall not interpose upon this subject in the States, in the Territories, or in the District of Columbia; that the people of each Territory shall determine the question for themselves, and be admitted into the Union upon a footing of perfect equality with the original States, without discrimination on account of the allowance or prohibition of Slavery."
FROM A SPEECH BY HON. JAMES L. ORR, OF S. c. "Now, I admit that there is a difference of opinion amongst Democrats as to whether this feature of Squatter Sovereignty be in the bill or not. But the great point upon which the Democratic party at Cincinnati rested was, that the government of the Territories had been transferred from Congress, and, carrying out the spirit and genius of our institutions, had been given to the people of the Territories."
FROM A SPEECH BY HON. A. H. STEPHENS, OF GEORGIA. "The whole question of Slavery or No Slavery was to be left to the people of the Territories, whether North or South of 36° 30', or any other line. The question was to be taken out of Congress, where it had been improperly thrust from the beginning, and to be left to the people concerned in the matter to decide for themselves. This, I say, was the position originally held by the South when the Missouri Restriction was at first proposed. The principle upon which that position rests, lies at the very foundation of all our Republican institutions: it is that the citizens of every distinct and separate community or State should have the right to govern themselves in their domestic matters as they please, and that they should be free from intermeddling restriction and arbitrary dictation on such matters, from any other Power or Government, in which they have no voice."
Mr. Payne continued. But for consuming time, he could read for half an hour, to show that every eminent Southern man had held the same opinion on the doctrine of popular sovereignty.
Mr. Payne would read from the Cincinnati Platform
to show what it laid down. All should be familiar with it:
"The American Democracy recognize and adopt the principles contained in the organic laws, establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska as embodying the only sound and safe solution of the 'Slavery Question' upon which the great National idea of the People of this whole country can repose in its determined conservatism of the Union-non-interference by Congress with Slavery in State and Territory, or in the District of Columbia."
They nominated Mr. Buchanan on that Platform, agreed on by the representatives of every State in the Union, as the official record would show. There was not one dissenting voice in the whole list of States. In casting the vote of North Carolina, his friend, Mr. Avery,
then acting as Chairman of his Delegation, and now presenting the majority report announced:
"North Carolina gives ten votes for the Platform, and will give ten thousand majority in November."
In his letter of acceptance, Mr. Buchanan, in an emphatic and clear manner, thus expressed his views of this Platform:
"The recent legislation of Congress respecting domestic Slavery, derived, as it has been, from the original and pure fountain of legitimate political power, the will of the majority, promises, ere long, to allay the dangerous excitement. This legislation is founded on principles as ancient as Free government itself, and in accordance with them has simply declared that the people of a Territory, like those of a State, shall decide for themselues, whether Slavery shall or shall not exist within their limits."
Mr. Payne had extracts yet behind of speeches from Stephens, of Georgia, one of the most distinguished Statesmen of the South-from Mr. Benjamin, of Louisiana Mason, of Virginia-more qualified, he admitted, but still emphatic. The Senator from Delaware, too, Mr. Bayard, had fully indorsed the doctrine of Popular Sovereignty.
So had Mr. Badger, of North Carolina, and Judge Butler of South Carolina. Mr. Hunter of Virginia, certainly one of the wisest and purest statesmen which the Democracy now numbers amongst her leaders in the land-he, also, says that the people shall have the right to decide on all questions relating to their domestic institutions. In his speech, he used these words, almost identical with the Platform of the minority:
"The bill provides that the Legislatures of these Territories shall have power to legislate over all rightful subjects of legislation consistently with the Constitution. And, if they should assume powers which are thought to be inconsistent with the Constitution, the Courts will decide that question whenever it may be ra sed. There is a difference of opinion among the friends of this measure as to the extent of the limits which the Constitution imposes upon the Territorial Legislatures. This bill proposes to leave these differences to the decision of the Courts. To that tribunal I am willing to leave this decision, as it was once before proposed to be left by the celebrated Compromise of the Senator from Delaware."
He also read an extract of a similar character from a
speech by Mr. Toombs, of Georgia, one of the boldest men on the floor of the American senate, taking ground in favor of non-intervention by Congress.
Need he accumulate these extracts to show that not a single statesman who has figured in Congress, of late years, but has taken this high ground?
Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, presented the following report on behalf of the minority of the Platform Committee:
1. Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union, in Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at Cincinnati, in the year 1856, believing that Democratic principles are unchangeable in their nature, when ap plied to the same subject matters; and we recommend as the only further resolutions the following:
Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist in the Democratic Party as to the nature and extent of the powers of a Territorial Legislature, and as to the powers and duties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United States, over the institution of Slavery within the Terri. tories:
2. Resolved, That the Democratic Party will abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court of the United States on the questions of Constitutional law.
8. Resolved, That it is the duty of the United States to afford ample and complete protection to all its citizens, whether at home or abroad, and whether native or foreign.
4. Resolved, That one of the necessities of the age, in a military, commercial, and postal point of view, is speedy communication between the Atlantic and Pacific States; and the Democratic Party pledge such Constitu tional Government aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to the Pacific coast, at the earliest practicable period.
5. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.
6. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law, are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.
Gen. Butler, of Massachusetts, again reported
(as a minority) the Cincinnati Platform without of the original resolution proposed by the gentlemaa alteration.
from North Carolina.
Yeas-Maine, 3; Massachusetts, 8; Connecticut, 21; New-Jersey, 5; Pennsylvania, 16; Delaware, 8; Maryland, 54; Virginia, 12; North Carolina, 10; Georgia, 10; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 9; Minnesota, 1}; Oregon, 3-105.
It was evident, even before the report Mr. Butler's Platform affirms the Cincinnati of the majority was presented, that it would Platform, and adds a resolution for the protecnot be sustained by the Convention, though the | tion of citizens abroad. Free-State majority evinced not only willing- The vote was then taken by States on Mr. Butler's ness but anxiety to conciliate their Southern amendment, with the following result; "yeas 105, nays 198: brethren at any sacrifice not absolutely ruinous. The majority of the Convention, confident of their power to reject the majority report, were anxious for a vote; but the minority seemed determined to stave off definite action for that Nays-Maine, 5; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5; day, and carried their point by a system cur- Massachusetts, 5; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 31; rently termed "filibustering," which would have New-York, 85; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 104; Maryland, 2; Virginia, 24; South Carolina, 8; Florida, 8; done no discredit to the House of Representa- Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; tives at Washington. The confusion and hub- Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 44; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, 8; bub which prevailed may be comprehended Ohio, 23; Indiana, 18; Illinois, 11; Michigan, 6; Wiscon perhaps, by the following extract from the offi-sin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 24'; California, 4-198. So the amendment was rejected. cial report of the proceedings:
Mr. Bigler obtained the floor, and desired to suggest to the Convention that, by common consent, and without any further struggle, they should adjourn. (Cries of "I object!" "I object!")
Mr. Hunter, of Louisiana.-I appeal to my Democratic friends of the South and my Democratie friends from all parts of the Union--(Cries of "order!" "order !" and the greatest disorder prevailing in the Hall.)
The President-The Chair begs leave, once for all, to state-and the Chair entreats the Convention to listen to this declaration-that it is physically impossible for the Chair to go on in a contest with six hundred men as to who shall cry out loudest; and unless the Convention will come to order, and gentlemen take their places and proceed in order, the Chair will feel bound in duty to the Convention as well as to himself, to leave the chair. (Applause.) The Chair will wait to see whether it is pos
sible to have order in the House.
Mr. Samuels, of Iowa, appealed to the Convention to listen to a proposition of Mr. Hunter of Louisiana.
The President.-The Chair will entertain no motion
until the Convention is restored to order, and when that is done, the Chair desires to make another suggestion to the Convention. The Chair has already stated that it is physically impossible for him to go on with the business of the Convention, so long as one-half of the members are upon their feet and engaged in clamor of one sort or another. The Chair begs leave to repeat that he knows but one remedy for such disorder, and that is for your residing officer to leave the chair. He, of course, would deeply regret that painful necessity; but it would e a less evil than that this incessant confusion and disorder, presenting such a spectacle to the people of South Carolina, should continue to prevail in this most honorable body of so many respectable gentlemen of the highest standing in the community, engaged in debate and deliberation upon the dearest interests of the country. (Applause.)
It was finally agreed that the vote should be aken the next day-or rather the following Monday, and the Convention adjourned.
On Monday the 30th, the President stated the question as follows:
The minority report (that of Mr. Samuels) was then read, and, after ineffectual attempts to table the subject and proceed to a nomination, the vote was taken and the minority report was adopted as an amendment or substitute, as follows:
Yeas-Maine, 8; New-Hampshire, 5; Vermont, 5· Massachusetts, 7; Rhode Island, 4; Connecticut, 6; NewYork, 35; New-Jersey, 5; Pennsylvania, 12; Maryland, 8; Virginia, 1; Missouri, 4; Tennessee, 1; Kentucky, 2; Ohio, 23; Indiana, 18; Illinois, 11; Michigan, &; Wisconsin, 5; Iowa, 4; Minnesota, 4-165.
Nays-Massachusetts, 6; New-Jersey, 2; Pennsylvania, 15; Delaware, 3; Maryland, 44; Virginia, 14; North Carolina, 10; South Carolina, 8; Georgia, 10; Florida, 8; Alabama, 9; Louisiana, 6; Mississippi, 7; Texas, 4; Arkansas, 4; Missouri, 5; Tennessee, 11; Kentucky, 9; California, 4; Oregon, 8-138.
The question was then taken on the adoption of the report as amended, the vote being taken on each resolution separately, and with the exception of the one pledging the Democratie party to abide by the decisions of the Supreme Court on the subject of Slavery in the Territories-which was rejected-they were adopted by a vote which was nearly unanimous.
The delegation from Alabama, by its Chairman, then presented a written protest, signed by all its members, announcing their purpose to withdraw from the Convention. They were followed by the delegations from Mississippi, Florida, Texas, all the Louisiana delegation except two, all the South Carolina delegation except three, three of the Arkansas delegation, two of the Delaware delegation (including Senator Bayard) and one from North Carolina. The order of their withdrawal was as follows:
ALABAMA PROTESTS AND WITHDRAWS. Mr. Walker, of Alabama.-Mr. President, I am instructed by the Alabama delegation to submit to this Convention a communication, and, with your permission, I will read it.
To THE HON. CALEB CUSHING,
President of the Democratic National Conven tion, now in session in the City of Charleston, South Carolina:
Alabama in this Convention, respectfully beg leave to lay The undersigned delegates, representing the State of before your honorable body the following statements of
The Convention will remember that, in the first place, the gentleman from North Carolina (Mr. Avery) reported the resolutions of the majority of the committee. Thereupon the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Samuels) moved an amendment to these resolutions, by striking out all after the word "resolved," and to insert the resolutions proposed by him, in behalf of a portion of minority of the committee. After which, the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler) moved, in behalf of another portion of the minority committee, to amend the amendment, by striking out all after the word "resolved," and inserting the proposition proposed by him on behalf of that minority. The first question will be, therefore, upon the amendment moved by the gentleman from Massachusetts (Mr. Butler). If that amendment falls, the Convention will then come to a vote upon the amendment moved by the gentleman from Iowa (Mr. Samuels). If, however, the amendment of Mr.vention assembled, That holding all issues and principles upon Butler prevails, then that amendment will have taken the place of the amendment moved by Mr. Samuels, and the next question will be upon substituting it in the place
party of the State of Alabama met in Convention, in the On the eleventh day of January, 1860, the Democratic city of Montgomery, and adopted, with singular unani mity, a series of resolutions herewith submitted:
1. Resolved by the Democracy of the State of Alabama in Con which they have heretofore affiliated and acted with the National Democratic Party to be inferior in dignity and impor. tance to the great question of Slavery, they content themselves