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ours do not exist. In all slaveholding States true policy | necessary to a continuance of our moropais in plantation dictates that the superior race should direct, and the products. I believe that they are secessary to the fu inferior perform all menial service. Competition between development of our whole round of agricultural and me the white and black man for this service may not disturb chanical resources; that they are necessary to the restoNorthern sensibility, but does not exactly suit our latitude. ration of the South to an equality of power in the Fede
Irrespective, however, of interest, the act of Congress ral Government, perhaps to the very integrity of slave declaring the slave-trade piracy is a brand upon us which society, disturbed as it has been bg causes which have I think it important to remove. If the trade be piracy, the introduced an undue proportion of the ruling race. To us slaves must be plunder, and no ingenuity can avoid the have been committed the fortunes of this peculiar form of logical necessity of such a conclusion. My hopes and society resulting from the union of unequal races. It has fortunes are indissolubly associated with this form of vindicated its claim to the approbation of an enlightened society. I feel that I would be wanting in duty if I did humanity; it has civilized and christianized the African; not urge you to withdraw your assent to an act which is it has exalted the white race to higher hopes and purposes, itself a direct condemnation of your institutions. But we and it is perhaps of the most sacred obligation that we have interests to enforce a course of self-respect. I be should give it the means of expansion, and that we should lieve, as I have already stated, that more slaves are press it forward to a perpetuity of progress.
MR. HAMLIN RENOUNCES THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.
On the 12th of June, 1856, Mr. Hamlin rose That Senators might have voted for that measure under in his place in the Senate, and spoke as follows: have alluded, I can well understand. But how Senato's
the belief then expressed and the predictions to which } Mr. Hamlin.-Mr. President, I rise for a purpose purely can now defend that measure amid all its evils, which are personal, such as I have never before risen for in the overwhelming the land, if not threatening it with a conSenate. I desire to explain some matters personal to flagration, is what I do not comprehend. The whole or myself and to my own future course in public life. the disturbed state of the country has its rise in, and is Several Senators.--Go on,
attributable to that act alone--nothing else. It lies at Mr. Hamlin.-I ask the Senate to excuse me from further the foundation of all our misfortunes and commotions. service as Chairman of the Committee on Commerce. 1 There would have been no incursions by Missouri borderdo so because I feel that my relations hereafter will be ers into Kansas, either to establish Slavery, or to control of such a character as to render it proper that I should elections. There would have been no necessity, either, no longer hold that pos.tion. I owe this act to the domi for others to have gone there partially to aid in preserv. nant majority in the Senate. When I cease to harinonize ing the country in its then condition. All would have with the inajority, or tests are applied by that party with been peace there. Had it not been done, that re. which I have acted to which I cannot submit, I feel that pose and quiet which pervaded the public mind then, I ought no longer to hold that respectable position. I would hold it in tranquillity to-day. Instead of startling propose to state briefly the reasons which have brought events we should have quiet and peace within our borme to that conclusion.
ders, and that fraternal feeling which ought to animate During nine years of service in the Senate, I have pre- the citizens of every part of the Union toward those of ferred rather to be a working than a talking member; and all other sections. so I have been almost a silent one. On the subjects which Sir, the events that are taking place around us are have so much agitated the country, Senators know that indeed startling. They challenge the public mind and I have rarely uttered a word. I love my country more appeal to the public judgment; they thrill the public than I love my party. I love my country above my love nerve as electrity imparts a tremulous motion to the telefor any interest that can too deeply agitale or disturb its graphic wire. It is a period when all good men should harmony. I saw, in all the exciting scenes and debates unite in applying the proper remedy to secure peace and through which we have passed, no particular good that harmony to the country. Is this to be done by any of us, would result from my active interiningling in them. My by remaining associated with those who have been instruheart has often been full, and the impulses of that heart mental in producing these results, and who now justify have often been felt upon my lips; but I have repressed then? I do not see my duty lying in that direction. them there.
I have, while temporarily acquiescing, stated here and Sir, I hold that the repeal of the Missouri Compromise at home, everywhere, uniformly, that when the test of was a gross moral and political wrọng, unequaled in the those measures was applied to me as one of party fidelity, annals of the legislation of this country, and hardly I would sunder them as flax is sundered at the touch of equaled in the annals of any other free country. Still, fire. I do it now. sir, with a desire to promote harmony and concord and
The occasion involves a question of moral duty; and brotherly feeling, I was a quiet man under all the excit. self-respect allows me no other line of duty but to follow ing debates which led to that fatal result. I believed it the dictates of my own judgment and the impulses of my wrong then; I can see that wrong lying broadcast all own heart. A just man may cheerfully submit to many around us now. As a wrong, I opposed that measure-enforced !lumiliations; but a self-degraded man has not, indeed, hy my voice, but with consistent and steady ceased to be worthy to be deemed a man at all. and uniform votes. I so resisted it in obedience to the Sir, what has the recent Democratic Convention at dictates of my own judgment. I did it also cheerfully, Cincinnati done? It has indorsed the measure I have in compliance with the instructions of the legislature of condemned, and has sanctioned its destructive and ruin. Maine, which were passed by a vote almost unanimous. ous effects. It has done more-vastly more. That prinIn the House of Representatives of Maine, consisting of ciple or policy of Territorial Sovereignty which once had, one hundred and fifty-one members, only six, I think. and which I suppose now has, its advocates within these dissented; and in the Senate, consisting of thirty-one walls, is stricken down; and there is an absolute denial members, only one member non-concurred.
of it in the resolutions of the Convention, if I can draw But the Missouri restriction was abrogated. The por. right conclusions-a denial equally to Congress, and even tentous evils that were predicted have followed, and are to the people of the Territories, of the right to settle the yet following, along in its train. It was done, sir, in question of Slavery therein. On the contrary, the Conviolation of the pledges of that party with which I have vention has actually incorporated into the platform of always acted, and with which I have always voted. It the Democratic party that doctrine which, only a few was done in violation of solemn pledges of the President years ago, met nothing but ridicule and contempt here of the United States, made in his Inaugural Address. and elsewhere, namely: that the fiag of the Federal Still, sir, I was disposed to suffer the wrong, while I should Union, under the Constitution of the United States, carsee that no evil results were flowing from it. We were ries Slavery wherever it floats. If this baleful principle told, by almost every Senator who addressed us upon be true, then that National Ode which inspires us always that occasion, that no evil results would follow; that no as on a battle-field, should be re-written by Drake, and practical difference in the settlement of the country, and should read thus: in the character of the future State, would take place,
“Forever float that standard sheet; whether the act were done or not. I have waited calmly
Where breathes the foe but falls before us, and patiently to see the fulfillment of that prediction;
With Slavery's soil beneath our feet, and I am grieved, sir, to say now that they have at least
And Slavery's banner streaming o'er us?” been mistaken in their predictions and promises. They Now, sir, what is the precise condition in which this wave all signally failed.
natter is left by the Cincinnati Convention? I do not design to trespass many moments on the Senate ; but al- Take all these resolutions together, and the deduction low me to read and offer a very few comments upon which we must necessarily draw from them is a denial to some portions of the Democratic platform. The first re- Congress of any power whatever to legislate upon the solution that treats upon the subject is in these words subject of Slavery. The last resolution denies to the peoI read just so much of it as is applicable to my present ple of the Territories any power over that subject, save remarks:
when they shall have a sufficient number to form a con"That Congress has no power under the Constitution to institution and become a State, and also denies that Conterfere with or control the domestic institutions of the several gress has any power over the subject; and so the resoluStates, and that all such States are the sole and proper judges tions hold that this power is at least in abeyance while of everything appertaining to their own affairs not prohibited the Territory is in a Territorial condition. That is the by the Constitution."
only conclusion which you can draw from these resoluI take it that this language, thus far, is language which tions. Alas! for short-lived Territorial Sovereignty! It meets a willing and ready response from every Senator came to its death in the house of its friends; it was buried here-certainly it does from me. But in the following by the same hands which had given it baptism ! resolution I find these words:
But, sir, I did not rise for the purpose of discussing "Resolved, That the foregoing proposition covers, and was these resolutions, but only to read them, and state the intended to embrace, the whole subject of Slavery agitation action which I propose to take in view of them. I may in Congress."
-I probably shall-take some subsequent occasion, when The first resolution which I read was adopted years I shall endeavor to present to the Senate and the counago in Democratic Conventions. The second resolution try a fair account of what is the true issue presented to which I read was adopted in subsequent years, when a the people for their consideration and decision. different state of things had arisen, and it became neces- My object now is to show only that the Cincinnati Consary to apply an abstract proposition relating to the vention has indorsed and approved of the repeal of the States, to the Territories. Hence the adoption of the lan- Missouri Compromise, from which so many evils have guage contained in the second Resolution which I have already flowed-from which, I fear, more and worse read.
evils must yet be anticipated. It would of course, be exNow, sir, I deny the position thus assumed by the Cin- pected that the Presidential nominee of that Convention cinnati Convention. In the language of the Senator from would accept, cordially and cheerfully, the platform preKentucky (Mr. Crittenden), so ably and so appropriately pared for him by his party friends. No person can obused on Tuesday last, I hold that the entire and unquali-ject to that. There is no equivocation on his part about fied sovereignty of the Territories is in Congress. That the matter. I beg leave to read a short extract from a is my judgment; but this resolution brings the Territories speech of that gentleman, made at his own home, within precisely within the same limitations which are applied the last few days. In reply to the Keystone Club, which to the States in the resolution which I first read. The paid him a visit there, Mr. Buchanan said : two taken together deny to Congress any power of legis- “Gentlemen, two weeks since I should have made you a lation in the Territories.
longer speech; but now I have been placed on a platform Follow on, and let us see what remains. Adopted as a of which I most heartily approve, and that can speak for me. part of the present platform, and as necessary to a new Being the
representative of the great Democratic party, and state of things, and to meet an emergency now existing, cording to the platform of the party, and insert no new plank,
not simply James Buchanan, I must square my conduct acthe Convention says:
nor take one from it." “The American Democracy recognize and adopt the princi- These events leave to me only one unpleasant duty, ples contained in the organic law establishing the Territories of Kansas and Nebraska, as embodying the only sound and safe
which is to declare here that I can maintain political solution of the Slavery question, upon which ihe great national associations with no party that insists upon such docidea of the people of this whole country can repose, in its de trines; that can support no man for President who termined conservatism of the Union-non-interference by Con. avows and recognizes them; and that the little of that gress with Slavery in the States and Territories.”
power with which God has endowed me shall be emThen follows the last resolution:
ployed to battle manfully, firmly, and consistently for “Resolved, That we recognize the right of the people of all the his defeat, demanded as it is by the highest interests of Territories, including Kansas and Nebraska, acting through the country which owns all my allegiance. the fairly-expressed will of the majority of actual residents, The President.--The question is on the motion of the and whenever the number of their inhabitants justifies it, to Senator from Maine to be excused from further service form a constitution, with or without domestic Slavery, and be on the Committee on Commerce. admitted into the Union upon terms of perfect equality with th, other States."
The motion was agreed to.
ACCEPTANCE OF PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES,
MESSRS. LINCOLN AND HAMLIN ACCEPT. The following is the correspondence between the officers of the Republican National Convention and the candidates thereof for President and Vice-President:
CHICAGO, May 18, 1860. To the Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, of Ilinois.
Sir: The representatives of the Republican Party of the United States, assembled in Convention at Chicago, have this day, by a unanimous vote, selected you as the Republican candidate for the office of President of the United States to be supported at the next election; and the undersigned were appointed a Committee of the Con. vention to apprise you of this nomination, and respectfully to request that you will accept it. A declaration of the principles and sentiments adopted by the Convention accompanies this communication.
In the performance of this agreeable duty we take leave to add our confident assurance that the nomination of the Chicago Convention will be ratified by the suffrages of the people.
We have the honor to be, with great respect and regard, your friends and fellow-citizens.
GEORGE ASUMUN, of Massachusetts,
President of the Convention.
EPHRAIM MARSH, of New Jersey,
SPRINGFILD, ILL., May 28, 1860.
SIR: I accept the nomination tendered me by the Convention over which you presided, and of which I am formally apprised in the letter of yourself and others, | as just and necessary to the preservation of the National acting as a Committee of the Convention for that pur- organization and the sacred right of representation, the pose.
action of the Convention over which you continued to The declaration of principles and sentiments, which preside; and thus approving it, and having resolved to accompanies your letter, weets my approval ; and it sustain it, I feel that it does not become me to select the shall be my care not to violate, or disregard it, in any position 1 shall occupy, nor to shrink from the responsipart.
bilities of the post to which I have been assigned. Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and Accordingly, I accept the nomination from a sense of with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were public duty, and, as I think, uninfluenced in any degree represented in the Convention; to the rights of all the by the allurements of ambition. States, and Territories, and people of the nation; to the I avail myself of this occasion to say that the confidence in violability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union, in my personal and public character implied by the action liarmony and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co: of the Convention, will always be gratefully remembered; operate for the practical success of the principles declared and it is but just, also, to my own feelings, to express my by the Convention.
gratification at the association of my name with that of Your obliged friend and fellow.citizen, my friend Gen. Lane, a patriot and a soldier, whose great ABRAHAM LINCOLN. services in the field and in council entitle him to the
gratitude and confidence of his countrymen. A similar letter was sent to the nominee for
The resolutions adopted by the Convention have my the Vice-Presidency, to which the following is cordial approval. They are just to all parts of the Union, the reply.
to all our citizens, native and naturalized, and they form
a noble policy for any administration. WASHINGTON, May 30, 1860. The questions touching the rights of persons and proGENTLEMEN : Your official communication of the 18th perty, which have of late been much discussed, find in instant, informing me that the representatives of the these resolutions a constitutional solution. Our Union is Republican party of the United States, assembled at Chi. a Confederacy of equal sovereign States, for the purposes cago, on that day, had, by a unanimous vote, selected enumerated in the Federal Constitution. Whatever the me as their candidate for the office of Vice-President of common Government hoids in trust for all the States must the United States, has been received, together with the be enjoyed equally by each. It controls the Territories resolutions adopted by the Convention as its declaration in trust for all the States. Nothing less than sovereignty of principles.
can destroy or impair the rights of persons or property. Those resolutions enunciate clearly and forcibly the The Territorial Governments are subordinate and tempoprinciples which unite us, and the objects proposed to be rary, and not sovereign; hence they cannot destroy or acconiplished. They. address themselves to all, and there impair the rights of persons or property. While they is neither necessity nor propriety in my entering upon a continue to be Territories they are under the control of discussion of any of them. They have the approval of Congress, but the Constitution nowhere confers on any my judgment, and in any action of mine will be faith- branch of the Federal Government the power to discrimifully and cordially sustained.
nate against the rights of the States or the property of I am profoundly grateful to those with whom it is my their citizens in the Territories. It follows that the citipride and pleasure politically to coöperate, for the nomi- zens of all the States may enter the Territories of the nation so unexpectedly conferred ; and I desire to tender Union with their property, of whatever kind, and enjoy it through you, to the members of the Convention, my sin during the territorial condition without let or hindrance, cere thanks for the confidence thus reposed in me. Should either by Congress or by the subordinate Territorial the nomination, which I now accepi, be ratified by the Governments. people, and the duties devolve upon me of presiding over These principles flow directly from the absence of the Senate of the United States, it will be my earnest sovereignty in the Territorial Governments, and from the endeavor faithfully to discharge them with a just regard equality of the States. Indeed, they are essential to that for the rights of all,
equality, which is, and ever has been, the vital principle It is to be observed, in connection with the doings of of our Constitutional Union. They have been settied the Republican Convention, that a paramount_object legislatively-settled judiciously, and are sustained by with us is to preserve the normal condition of our Territo- right reason. They rest on the rock of the Constitutiontorial Domain as homes for Free men. The able advocate they will preserve the Union. and defender of Republican principles, whom you have It is idle to attempt to smother these great issues, or to nominated for the highest place that can gratify the misrepresent them by the use of partisan phrases, which ambition of man, conies from a State which has been are misleading and delusive The people will look bemade what it is, by special action, in that respect, of the neath such expressions as “Intervention,"
" " Congresswise and good men who founded our institutions. The ional Slave Code," and the like, and will penetrate to the rights of free lahor have there been vindicated and real questions involved. The f.iends of Constitutional maintained. The thrift and enterprise which so distin- equality do not and never did demand a “Congressional guish Illinois, one of the most flourishing States of the Slave Code," nor any other code in regard to property in glorious West, we would see secured to all the Territories the Territories. They hold the doctrine of non-intervenof the Union; and restore peace and harmony to the tion by Congress, or by a Territorial Legislature, either whole country, by bringing back the Government to what to establish or prohibit Slavery; but they assert (fortifiit was under the wise and patriotic men who created it. ed by the highest judicial tribunal in the Union) the plain If the Republicans shall succeed in that object, as they duty of the Federal Government, in all its departments, hope to, they will be held in grateful remembrance by the to secure, when necessary, to the citizens of all the busy and teeming millions of future ages.
States, the enjoyment of their property in the common I am, very truly yours, Territories, as everywhere else within its jurisdiction.
H. HAMLIN. The only logical answer to this would seem to be to The Hon. GEORGE Asumcn, President of the Convention, claim sovereign power for the Territories, or to deny and others of the Convention.
that the Constitution recognizes property in the services
of negro slaves, or to deny that such property can exist. MR. BRECKINRIDGE ACCEPTS.
Inexorable logic, which works its steady way through
clouds and passion, compels the country to meet tho WASHINGTON CITY, July 6, 1860. issue. There is no evasive middle ground. Already the DEAR SIR: I have your letter of the 230 ultimo, by signs multiply of a fanatical and growing party, which which I am officially informed of my nomination for the denies that under the Constitution, or by any other law, office of President of the United States by the Democratic slave property can exist; and ultimately the struggle National Convention lately assembled at Baltimore. must come between this party and the National Demo
The circumstances of this nomination will justify me in cracy, sustained by all the other conservative elements referring to its personal aspect.
in the Union. I have not sought nor desired to be placed before the I think it will be impossible for a candid mind to discountry for the office of President. When my name was
cover hostility to the Union or a taint of sectionalism presented to the Convention at Charleston, it was with in the resolutions adopted by the Convention. The drawn by a friend in obedience to my expressed wishes. Constitution and the Union repose on the equality My views had not changed when the Convention reas of the States, which lies like a broad foundation undersembled at Baltimore, and when I heard of the differences neath our whole political structure. As I construe which occurred there, my indisposition to be connected them, the resolutions simply assert this equality. They prominently with the canvass was confirmed and ex-i demand nothing for any State or section that is not pressed to many friends,
cheerfully conceded to all the rest. It is well to rememWithout discussing the occurrences which preceded the ber that the chief disorders which have aflicted our nominations, and which are or soon will be well under country have grown out of the violation of State equality, stood by the country, I have only to say that I approved, and that as long as this great principle has been respected we have been blessed with harmony and peace. Nor will and no more shall we be troubled with the agitation or it be easy to persuade the country that resolutions are this dangerous question, because it will be removed as sectional wh.ch command the support of a majority of well from the Territorial legislatures as from the halls of the States, and are approved by the bone and body of Congress--when we shall be free to turn our attention to the old Democracy, and by a vast mass of conservative more useful issues, promotive of our growth in naticnal opinion everywhere, without regard to party.
greatness. It has been necessary more than once in our history, Our Union must be preserved! But this can only be to pause and solemnly assert the true character of this done by maintaining the Constitution inviolate in all its Government. A memorable instance occurred in the provisions and guaranties. The Judicial authority, as struggle which ended in the civil revolution of 1800. provided by the Constitution, must be maintained, and its The Republicans of that day, like the Democracy of this, decisions implicitly obeyed, as well in regard to the rights were stigmatized as disunionists, but they nobly conduct of property in the Territories as in all other matters. ed the contest under the Constitution, and saved our po- Hoping for success, and trusting in the truth and justice litical system. By a little constitutional struggle it is of the principles of our party, and in that Divine Proviintended to assert and establish the equality of the dence that has watched over us and made us one of the States, as the only basis of union and peace. When this great nations of the earth, and that we may continue to object, so national, so constitutional, so just, shall be merit Divine protection, I cheerfully accept the nominaaccomplished, the last cloud will disappear from the tion so unanimously conferred on me, and cordially inAmerican sky, and with common hands and hearts the dorse the platform adopted by the Convention. States and the people will unite to develop the resources I have the honor to be, sir, with much respect, of the whole country, to bind it together with the bonds
Your friend and obedient servant, of intercourse and brotherhood, and to impel it onward
JOSEPH LANE. in its great career. The Constitution and the Equality of the States ! These
MR. DOUGLAS ACCEPTS. are symbols of everlasting Union. Let these be the rallying cries of the people.
WASHINGTON, Friday, June 29, 1860. I trust that this canvass will be conducted without GENTLEMEN : In accordance with the verbal assurance rancor, and that temperate arguments will take the which I gave you when you placed in my hands the place of hot words and passionate accusations.
authentic evidence of my nomination for the Presidency Above all, I venture humbly to hope that Divine Provi- by the National Convention of the Democratic party,
I dence, to whom we owe our origin, our growth, and all now send you my formal acceptance. Upon a careful our prosperity, will continue to protect our beloved examination of the platform and principles adopted at country against all danger, foreign and domestic. Charleston and reaffirmed at Baltinore, with an additional I am, with great respect, your friend,
resolution which is in perfect harmony with the others, I
JOHN C. BRECKINRIDGE. find it to be a faithful embodiment of the time-honored The Hon. C. CUSHING, President of the Democratic National principles of the Democratic party, as the same were proConvention.
claimed and understood by all parties in the Presidential GEN. LANE'S ACCEPTANCE.
contest of 1848, 1852, and 1856.
Upon looking into the proceedings of the Convention WASHINGTON, June 30, 1860.
also, I find that the nomination was made with great Hon. CALEB CUSHING, PRESIDENT OF THE DEMOCRATIC NA- unanimity, in the presence and with the concurrence of TIONAL CONVENTION :
more than two-thirds of the whole number of delegates, SIR-I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of the and in accordance with the long-established usages of communication you make in behalf of the Democratic | the party. My inflexible purpose not to be a candidate, National Convention, in which you inform me that, on the nor accept the nomination under any contingency, except 23d inst., I was unanimously nominated by that party for as the regular nominee of the National Deinocratic pariy the office of Vice-President of the United States, with the and in that case only upon the condition that the usages, request that I shall accept the nomination.
as well as the principles of the party, should be strictly The platform adopted, and of which you inclose me a adhered to, had been proclaimed for a long time and copy, meets with my hearty approval, as it embodies become well known to the country. These conditions what I have been contending for as the only means of having all been complied with by the free and voluntary stopping sectional agitation, by securing to all equality action of the Democratic masses and their faithful repreand constitutional rights, the denial of which has led to sentatives, without any agency, interference, or procurethe present unhappy condition of public affairs.
ment, on my part, I feel bound in honor and duty to Compromises of constitutional principles are ever dan- accept the nomination. In taking this step, I am not gerous, and I am rejoiced that the true Democracy has unmindful of the responsibilities it imposes, but with firin seen fit to plant a firm foot on the rock of truth, and to reliance upon Divine Providence I have the faith that the give the people an opportunity to vindicate their love of people will comprehend the true nature of the issues injustice and fraternal regard for each other's rights. volved, and eventually maintain the right.
Non-intervention on the subject of Slavery, I may em- The peace of the country and the perpetuity of the phatically say, is that cardinal maxim of the Democracy Union have been put in jeopardy by attempts to interfere --non-intervention by Congress and non-intervention by with and control the domestic affaire of the people in the Territorial Legislatures, as is fully stated in the first reso- Territories, through the agency of the Federal Govern. lution of the adopted platform,
ment, If the power and the duty of Federal interference In vain should we declare the former without insisting is to be conceded, two hostile sectional parties must be upon the latter; because, to permit Territorial legisla- the inevitable result-the one inflaming the passions and tures to prohibit or establish Slavery, or by unfriendly le- ambitions of the North, the other of the South, and each gislation to invalidate property, would be granting powers struggling to use the Federal power and authority for to the creature or agent, which, it is admitted, do not ap- the aggrandizement of its own section, at the expense pertain to the principal, or the power that creates; besides of the equal rights of the other, and in derogation of which, it would be fostering an element of agitation in the those fundamental principles of self-government which Territory that must necessarily extend to Congress and were firmly established in this country by the American the people of all the States.
Revolution, as the basis of our entire republican system. If the Constitution establishes the right of every citizen During the memorable period of our political history, to enter the common territory with whatever property he when the advocates of Federal intervention upon the sublegally possesses, it necessarily devolves on the Federal ject of Slavery in the Territories had well-nigh "precipi. Government the duty to protect this right of the citizen tated the country into revolution,” the Northern Intervenwhenever and wherever assailed or infringed. The De- tionists demanding the Wilmot Proviso for the prohibition mocratic party honestly meets this agitating question, of Slavery, and the Southern interventionists, then few in which is threatening to sever and destroy this brotherhood number, and without a single Representative in either of States. It does not propose to legislate for the exten- House of Congress, insisting upon Congressional legislasion of Slavery, nor for its restriction, but to give to each tion for the protection of Slavery in opposition to the State and to every citizen all that our forefathers proposed wishes of th people in either case, it will be remembered to give-namely, perfect equality of rights, and then to that it required all the wisdom, power and influence of a commit to the people, to climate, and to soil, the determi- Clay and a Webster and a Cass, supported by the consernation as to the kind of institution best fitted to their re- vative and patriotic men of the Whig and Democratic parquirements in their constitutional limits, and declaring as ties of that day, to devise and carry out a line of policy á fundamental maxim, that the people of a Territory can which would restore peace to the country and stability to only establish or prohibit Slavery when they come to form the Union. The essential living principle of that policy, as a constitution, preparatory to their admission as a State applied in the legislation of 1850, was, and now is, noninto the Union.
intervention by Congress with ślavery in the TerritoIf, happily, our principles shall prevail, an era of peace ries. The fair application of this just and equitable prinand harmony will be restored to ourodistracted country, 'ciple restored harmony and fraternity to a distracted country. If we now depart from that wise and just policy the propriety of acting in so grave a matter with greater which produced these happy results, and permit the coun- deliberation, I concluded, as I informed you at the time try to be again distracted; if precipitated into revolution by a private note, to defer a formal acceptance until after by a sectional contest between Pro-Slavery and Anti-Sla- my arrival at home. very interventionists, where shall we look for another Clay,
Now that I have had all the leisure I could desire for reanother Webster, or another Cass to pilot the ship of State flection upon the circumstances under which the nominaover the breakers into a haven of peace and safety ? tion was made, the purity of the motives and the lofty
The Federal Union must be preserved. The Constitu- spirit of patriotism by which the Convention was animation must be maintained inviolate in all its parts. Every ted, as evinced in all its proceedings, I can appreciate right guaranteed by the Constitution must be protected more justly, the honor done me by the nomination; and, by law in all cases where legislation is necessary to its en though it might have been more fortunate for the country joyment. The judicial authority, as provided in the Con- had it fallen upon some one of the many distinguished statesstitution, must be sustained, and its decisions implicitly men whose names were brought to the notice of the Con. obeyed and faithfully executed. The laws must be ad- vention, rather than myself, I accept it, with all its possiministered and the constituted authorities upheld, and ble responsibilities, Whatever may be the issue of the all unlawful resistance to these things must be put down ensuing canvass, as for myself, I shall ever regard it as a with firmness, impartiality and fidelity, if we expect to proud distinction-one worth a lifelong effort to attainenjoy and transmit unimpaired to our posterity, that to be pronounced worthy to receive the highest office in blessed inheritance which we have received in trust from the Government at such a time as the present, and by such the patriots and sages of the Revolution.
a Convention as that which recently met in Baltimore-a With sincere thanks for the kind and agreeable man- Convention far less imposing by the number of its mem
In it ner in which you have made known to me the action of bers, large as it was, than by their high character. the Convention, I have the honor to be,
were men venerable alike for their age and their public Your friend and fellow citizen,
services, who could not have been called from their volunS. A. DOUGLAS.
tary retirement from public life, but by the strongest sense Hon. Wm. H. Ludlow, of New-York; R. P. Dick, of
of patriotic duty; others, though still in the prime of life, North Carolina ; P. C. WICKLIFF, of Louisiana, and others ranking with the first men of the country by honors and of Committee.
distinctions already acquired in high official positions,
State and national, many of them statesmen worthy to fill MR. FITZPATRICK DECLINES.
the highest oftice in the government; a still greater num
ber occupying the highest rank in their respective profesWASHINGTON, June 25, 1860.
sional pursuits; others distinguished by their intelligence GENTLEMEN : Your letter of to-day, informing me that I and well-earned influence in various walks of private life, “have been unanimously nominated by the National Con- and all animated and united by one spirit and one purvention of the Democratic party, which met at Charleston pose-the result of a strong conviction that our political on the 23d day of April last, and adjourned to meet at system, under the operation of a complication of disorders, Baltimore on the 18th day of June, as their candidate for is rapidly approaching a crisis when a speedy change must the office of Vice-President," was duly received.
take place, indicating, as in diseases of the physical body, Acknowledging with the liveliest sensibility this distin
recovery or death, guished mark of your confidence and regard, it is with no
The Convention, in discarding the use of platforms, exordinary feelings of regret that considerations, the recital
act no pledge from those whom they deem worthy of the of which I will not impose upon you, constrain me to de
highest trusts under the Government; wisely considering cline the nomination so flatteringly tendered. My desig- that the surest guaranty of a man's future usefulness and nation as a candidate for this high position would have fidelity to the great interests of the country, in any oftibeen more gratifying to me if it had proceeded from the
cial station to which he may be chosen, is to be found in united Democracy-united both as to principles and men.
his past history connected with the public service. The The distracting differences at present existing in the pledge implied in my acceptance of the nomination of the ranks of the Democratic party were strikingly exemplified | National Union Convention is, that should I be elected, I both at Charleston and at Baltimore, and, in my humble will not depart from the spirit and tenor of my past opinion, distinctly admonish me that I should in no way
course; and the obligation to keep this pledge derives a contribute to these unfortunate divisions.
double force from the consideration that none is required The Black Republicans have harmoniously (at least in
froin me. Convention) presented their candidates for the Presidency Yuu, sir, in your letter containing the official announce. and Vice-Presidency. So have the Constitutional Union
ment of iny nomination, have been pleased to ascribe to party (as it is termed). Each party is already engaged in me the merit of moderation and justice in my past public the contest. In the presence of such organizations we still, ! career. You have likewise giv n me credit for a uniunfortunately, exhibit a divided camp. What a melan
form support of all wise and beneficent measures of legis. choly spectacle ! It is calculated to cause every Democratic lation, for a firm resistance to all measures calculated to citizen who cherishes the Constitution of his country to engender sectional discord, and for a lifelong devotion to despord, if not to despair, of the durability of the Union. the Union, harmony, and prosperity of these States,
Desirous, as far as I am capable of exercising any influ- Whether your personal partiality has led you to overence, to remove every obstacle which may prevent a resto- state my merits as a public man or not in your enumeraration of the peace, harmony, and perfect concord of that tion of them, you have presented a summary-a basis of glorious old party to which I have been inflexibly devoted all sound Ainerican statesmanship. It may be objected from early manhood-a party which, in my deliberate that nothing is said in this summary, iu express terms of opinion, is the only real and reliable ligament which binds the obligations imposed by the Constitution; but ine the South, the North, the East, and the West together upon duty to respect and observe them is clearly implied, for constitutional principles-no alternative was left to me without due observance in the conduct of the Govern. but that which I have herein most respectfully communi. ment of the Constitution, its restrictions, and requirecated to you.
ments, fairly interpreted in accordance with its spirit For the agreeable manner in which you have conveyed and objects, there can be no end to sectional discord-no to me the action of the Convention, accept my sincere security for the harmony of the Union. thanks.
I have not the vanity to assume that in my past con. Very truly your friend and obedient servant,
nection with the public service I have exemplified the
B. FITZPATRICK. course of a sound American statesman; but if I have To Wx. H. LUDLOW, of New-York, and others.
deserved the favorable view taken of it in your letter, I The Democratic National Committee subse- which I have heretofore been guided, not altogether to dis
may hope, by a faithful adherence to the maxims by quently nominated the Hon. Herschel V. John-appoint the confidence and expectations of those who son, of Georgia, who accepted the position. have placed me in my present relation to the public; and
if, under Providence, I should be called to preside over MR. BELL ACCEPTS.
the affairs of this great country as the Executive Chief of
the Government, the only further pledge I feel called upon NASHVILLE, May 21, 1860. to make is, that the utmost of my ability, and with whatDEAR SIR: Official information of my nomination to the ever strength of will I can command, all the powers and Presidency by the National Union Convention, of which influence belonging to my official station,shall be employed you were the presiding officer, was communicated to me and directed for the promotion of all the great objects for by your letter of the 11th inst., at Philadelphia, on the which the Government was instituted, but more espe. eve of my departure with my family for my place of resi- cially for the maintenance of the Constitution and the dence in Tennessee; and diffident as I was of my worthi- Union against all imposing influences and tendencies. ness, I did not hesitate to signify my intentior to accept I cannot conclude this letter without expressing my the position assigned to me by that distinguished and pa- high gratification at the nomination to the second office triotic bedy. But for convenience, and under a sense of under the Government, of the eminently-gifted and dis