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JUDGE BATES'S LETTER RESPECTING MR. LINCOLN.

your sutisfaction. I have not attempted to support my answers by argument, for that could not be done in a short letter; and, restraining myself from going into general politics, I have confined my remarks to the particular subjects upon which you requested me to write. Your obliged fellow-citizen, EDWARD BATES.

JUDGE BATES'S LETTER

IN SUPPORT OF LINCOLN.

ST LOUIS, June 11, 1860.

O. H. BROWNING, Esq., Quincy, Ill. DEAR SIR: When I received your letter of May 22d, I had no thought that the answer would be so long delayed; but, waiving all excuses, I proceed to answer it now.

Under the circumstances of the case it ought not to have been doubted that I would give Mr. Lincoln's nomination a cordial and hearty support. But in declaring my intention to do so, it is due to myself to state some of the facts and reasons which have a controlling influence over my mind, and which I think ought to be persuasive arguments with some other men, whose political opinions and antecedents are, in some important particulars, like my own.

There was no good ground for supposing that I felt any pique or dissatisfaction because the Chicago Convention failed to nominate me. I had no such feeling. On party grounds, I had no right to expect the nomination. I had no claims upon the Republicans as a party, for I have never been a member of any party, so as to be bound by its dogmas, and subject to its discipline, except only the Whig party, which is now broken up, and its materials, for the most part, absorbed in other organizations. And thus I am left, alone and powerless, indeed, but perfectly free to follow the dictates of my own judgment, and to take such part in current politics as my own sense of duty and patriotism may require. Many Republicans, and among them, I think, some of the most moderate and patriotic of that party, honored me with their confidence and desired to make me their candidate. For this favor I was indebted to the fact that between them and me there was a coincidence of opinion upon certain important questions of government. They and I agreed in believing that the National Government has sovereign power over the Territories, and that it would be impolitic and unwise to use that power for the propagation of negro Slavery by planting it in Free Territory. Some of them believed also that my nomination, while it would ter. o soften the tone of the Republican party, without any abandonment of its principles, might tend also to generalize its character and attract the friendship and support of many, especially in the border States, who, like me, had never been members of their party, but concurred with them in opinion about the government of the Territories. These are the grounds, and I think the only grounds, upon which I was supported at all at Chicago.

As to the platform put forth by the Chicago Convention, I have little to say, because, whether good or bad, that will not constitute the ground of my support of Mr. Lincoln. I have no great respect for party platforms in general. They are commonly made in times of high excitement, under a pressure of circumstances, and with the view to conciliate present support, rather than to establish a permanent system of principles and line of policy for the future good government of country. The Conventions which form them are transient in their nature; their power and influence are consumed in the using, leaving no continuing obligation upon their respective parties. And hence we need not wonder that platforms so made are hardly ever acted upon in practice. I shall not discuss their relative merits, but content myself with saying that this Republican platform, though in several particulars it does not conform to my views, is still far better than any published creed, past or present, of the Democrats. And as to the new party, it has not chosen to promulgate any platform at all, except two or three broad generalities which are common to the professions of faith of all parties in the country. No party, indeed, dare ask the confidence of the nation, while openly denying the obligation to support the Union and the Constitution and to enforce the laws. That is a common duty, binding upon every citizen, and the failure to perform it is a crime.

To me it is plain that the approaching contest must be between the Democratic and the Republican parties; and, between them, I prefer the latter.

The Democratic party, by the long possession and abuse of power, has grown wanton and reckless; has

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corrupted itself and perverted the principles of the Gvernment; has set itself openly against the great home interests of the people, by neglecting to protect their industry, and by refusing to improve and keep in order the highways and depots of commerce; and even now is urging a measure in Congress to abdicate the constitutional power and duty to regulate commerce among the States, and to grant to the States the discretionary power to levy tonnage duties upon all our commerce, under the pretense of improving harbors, rivers, and lakes; has changed the status of the negro slave by making him no longer mere property, but a politician, an antagonist power in the State, a power to which all other powers are required to yield, under penalty of a dissolution of the Union; has directed its energies to the gratification of its lusts of foreign domain, as manifested in its persistent efforts to seize upon tropical regions, not because those countries and their incongruous people are necessary, or even desirable, to be incorporated into cur nation, but for the mere purpose of making Slave States, in order to advance the political power of the party in the Senate and in the choice of the President, so as effectually to transfer the chief powers of the Government from the many to the few; has in various instances endangered the equality of the coördinate branches of the Government, by urgent efforts to enlarge the powers of the Executive at the expense of the Legislative depart ment; has attempted to discredit and degrade the Judiciary, by affecting to make it, at first, the arbiter of party quarrels, to become soon and inevitably the pas sive registrar of a party decree.

In most, if not all these particulars, I understand the Republican party (judging it by its acts and by the known opinions of many of its leading men) to be the exact opposite of the Democratic party; and that is the ground of my preference of the one party over the other. And that alone would be a sufficient reason, if I had no other good reasons, for supporting Mr. Lincoln against any man who may be put forward by the Democratie party, as the exponent of its principles and the agent to work out, in practice, its dangerous policies.

The third party, which, by its formation, has destroyed the organization of the American and Whig parties, has nominated two most excellent men. I know them well, as sound statesmen and true patriots. More than thirty years ago I served with them both in Congress, and from that time to this I have always held them in respect and honor. But what can the third party do toward the elec tion of even such worthy men as these against the two great parties which are now in actual contest for the power to rule the nation? It is made up entirely of portions of the disintegrated elements of the late Whig and American parties-good materials, in the main, I admit, but quite too weak to elect any man or establish any principle. The most it can do is, here and there in par ticular localities, to make a diversion in favor of the Democrats. In 1856, the Whig and American parties (not forming a new party, but united as allies), with entire unanimity and some zeal, supported Mr. Fillmore for the Presidency, and with what results? We made a miserable failure, carrying no State but gallant little Maryland. And, surely, the united Whigs and Americans of that day had a far greater show of strength and far better prospects of success than any which belong to the Constitutional Union party now. In fact, I see no possiblity of success for the third party, except in one contingency-the Destruction of the Democratic party. That is a contigency not likely to happen this year, for, badly as I think of many of the acts and policies of that party, its cup is not yet full-the day has not yet come when it must dissolve in its own corruptions. But the day is coming, and is not far off. The party has made itself entirely sectional; it has concentrated its very being into one single idea; negro Slavery has control of all its faculties, and it can see and hear nothing else—" one stern, tyrannic thought, that makes all other thoughts its slaves!"

But the Democratic party still lives, and while it lives, it and the Republican party are the only real antagonistic powers in the nation, and for the present, I must choose between them. I choose the latter, as wiser, purer, younger and less corrupted by time and self-indulgence.

The candidates nominated at Chicago are both inen who, as individuals and politicians, rank with the foremost of the country. I have heard no objection to Mr. Hamlin personally, but only to his geographical position, which is thought to be too far North and East to allow his personal good qualities to exercise their proper influence over the nation at large. But the nomination for the Presidency is the great controlling act. Mr. Lincoln, his character, talents, opinions and history will be criticised by thousands, while the candidate for the Vice-Presidency will be passed over in comparative silence.

Mr. Lincoln's nomination took the public by surprise, | holding them up to the public as the leading doctrines because, until just before the event, it was unexpected. of the person assailed, and drawing from them their own But really it ought not to have excited any surprise, for uncharitable inferences. That line of attack betrays a such unforeseen nominations are common in our political little mind conscious of its weakness, for the falsity of its history. Polk and Pierce, by the Democrats, and Harri-logic is not more apparent than the injustice of its deson and Taylor, by the Whigs, were all nominated in this signs. No public man can stand that ordeal, and, howextemporaneous manner-all of them were elected. I ever willing men may be to see it applied to their adverhave known Mr. Lincoln for more than twenty years, and saries, all flinch from the torture when applied to themtherefore have a right to speak of him with some confi- selves. In fact, the man who never said a foolish thing, dence. As an individual, he has earned a high reputation will hardly be able to prove that he ever said many wise for truth, courage, candor, morals, and amiability; so that, ones. as a man, he is most trustworthy. And in this particular, I consider Mr. Lincoln a sound, safe, national man. He he is more entitled to our esteem than some other men, his could not be sectional if he tried. His birth, education, equals, who had far better opportunities and aids in early the habits of his life, and his geographical position, comlife. His talents, and the will to use them to the best ad-pel him to be national. All his feelings and interest are vantage, are unquestionable; and the proof is found in the identified with the great valley of the Mississippi, near fact that, in every position in life, from his humble begin- whose centre he has spent his whole life. The valley is ning to his present well-earned elevation, he has more than not a section, but, conspicuously, the body of the nation, fulfilled the best hopes of his friends. And now, in the full and, large as it is, it is not capable of being divided into vigor of his manhood, and in the honest pride of having sections, for the great river cannot be divided. It is one made himself what he is, he is the peer of the first man of and indivisible, and the North and the South are alike the nation, well able to sustain himself and advance his necessary to its comfort and prosperity. Its people, too, cause, against any adversary, and in any field, where mind in all their interests and affections, are as broad and and knowledge are the weapons used. general as the regions they inhabit. They are emigrants, a mixed multitude, coming from every State in the Union, and from most countries in Europe; they are unwilling, therefore, to submit to any one petty local standard. They love the nation as a whole, and they love all its parts, for they are bound to them all, not only by a feeling of common interest and mutual dependence, but also by the recollections of childhood and youth, by blood and friendship, and by all those social and domestic charities which sweeten life, and make this world worth living in. The valley is beginning to feel its power, and will soon be strong enough to dictate the law of the land. Whenever that state of things shall come to pass, it will be most fortunate for the nation to find the powers of Government lodged in the hands of men whose habits of thought, whose position and surrounding circumstances, constrain them to use those powers for general and not sectional ends.

In politics he has but acted out the principle of his own moral and intellectual character. He has not concealed his thoughts nor hidden his light under a bushel. With the boldness of conscious rectitude and the frankness of downright honesty, he has not failed to avow his opinions of public affairs upon all fitting occasions.

This I know may subject him to the carping censure of that class of politicians who mistake cunning for wisdom and falsehood for ingenuity; but such men as Lincoln must act in keeping with their own characters, and hope for success only by advancing the truth prudently and maintaining it bravely. All his old political antecedents are, in my judgment, exactly right, being square up to the old Whig standard. And as to his views about "the pestilent negro question," I am not aware that he has gone one step beyond the doctrines publicly and habitually avowed by the great lights of the Whig party, Clay, Webster, and their fellows, and indeed sustained and carried out by the Democrats themselves, in their wiser and better days.

The following, I suppose, are in brief his opinions upon that subject: 1. Slavery is a domestic institution within the States which choose to have it, and it exists within those States beyond the control of Congress. 2. Congress has supreme legislative power over all the Territories, and may, at its discretion, allow or forbid the existence of Slavery within them. 3. Congress, in wisdom and sound policy, ought not so to exercise its power, directly or indirectly, as to plant and establish Slavery in any Territory theretofore free. 4. And that it is unwise and impolitic in the Government of the United States, to acquire tropical regions for the mere purpose of converting them into Slave States.

These, I believe, are Mr. Lincoln's opinions upon the matter of Slavery in the Territories, and I concur in them. They are no new inventions, made to suit the exigencies of the hour, but have come down to us, as the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution have, sanctioned by the venerable authority of the wise and good men who established our institutions. They are conformable to law, principle and wise policy, and their utility is proven in practice by the as yet unbroken current of our political history. They will prevail, not only because they are right in themselves, but also because a great and still growing majority of the people believe them to be right; and the sooner they are allowed to prevail in peace and harmony, the better for all concerned, as well those who are against them as those who are for them.

I am aware that smalll partisans, in their little warfare against opposing leaders, do sometimes assail them by the trick of tearing from their contexts some particular objectionable phrases, penned, perhaps, in the hurry of composition, or spoken in the at of oral debate, and

I give my opinion freely in favor of Mr. Lincoln, and I hope that for the good of the whole country, he may be elected. But it is not my intention to take any active part in the canvass. For many years past, I have had little to do with public affairs, and have aspired to no political office; and now, in view of the mad excitement which convulses the country, and the general disruption and disorder of parties and the elements which compose them, I am more than ever assured that for me, personally, there is no political future, and I accept the condi. tion with cheerful satisfaction. Still, I cannot discharge myself from the life-long duty to watch the conduct of men in power, and to resist, so far as a mere private man may, the fearful progress of official corruption, which for several years past has sadly marred and defiled the fair fabric of our Government.

If Mr. Lincoln should be elected, coming in as a new man at the head of a young party never before in power, he may render a great service to his country, which no Democrat could render. He can march straight forward in the discharge of his high duties, guided only by his own good judgment and honest purposes, without any necessity to temporize with established abuses, to wink at the delinquencies of old party friends, or to unlearn and discard the bad official habits that have grown up under the misgovernment of his Democratic predecessors. In short, he can be an honest and bold reformer on easier and cheaper terms than any Democratic President can be-for, in proceeding in the good work of cleansing and purifying the administrative departments, he will have no occasion to expose the vices, assail the interests, or thwart the ambition of his political friends.

Begging your pardon for the length of this letter, I remain, with great respect, your friend and obedient servant, EDWARD BATES.

THE MONROE DOCTRINE.

So much has been wildly said of what is termed the "Monroe Doctrine," in regard to the influence of European Powers on this continent, that we publish exactly what President Monroe said on the subject. We copy from the Seventh Annual Message of Mr. Monroe, dated December 2, 1823:

"It was stated, at the commencement of the last session, that a great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the result has been, so far, very different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse, and from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers, in matters relating to themselves, we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with our policy so to do. It is only when our rights are invaded or seriously menaced, that we resent injuries or make preparation for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be obvious to all enlightened and impartial obserVers. The political system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which exists in their respective governments. And to the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor, and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare, that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered, and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence,

and maintained it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration, and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power, in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward ments and Spain, we declared our neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall occur, which in the judgment of the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable to their security. "The late events in Spain and Portugal show that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it proper, on a principle satisfactory to themselves, to have interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is a question to which all independent powers, whose governments differ from theirs, are interested-even those most remote, and surely none more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the Government, de facto, as the legitimate Government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course."

the United States. In the war between these new govern

STATES AND STATESMEN ON THE SLAVERY QUESTION.

WISCONSIN FOR FREE SOIL.

THE following resolutions were adopted by the Wisconsin (Democratic) Legislature in 1848, with only three dissenting votes in the Senate and five in the House:

Whereas, Slavery is an evil of the first magnitude, morally and politically, and whatever may be the consequences, it is our duty to prohibit its extension in all cases where such prohibition is allowed by the Constitution: Therefore,

Resolved, By the Senate and Assembly of the State of Wiscousin, that the introduction of Slavery into this country is to be deeply deplored; that its extension ought to be prohibited by every constitutional barrier within the power of Congress; that in the admission of new territory into the Union, there ought to be an inhibitory provision against its introduction, unless clearly and unequivocally admitted by the Constitution-inasmuch as in all cases of doubtful construction, the Rights of Man and the cause of Liberty ought to prevail.

Resolved, That our Senators in Congress be, and they are hereby, instructed, and our Representatives are requested, to use their influence to insert into the organic act for the government of any new territory already acquired or he eafter to be acquired, that is now free, an ordinance forever prohibiting the introduction Slavery or involuntary servitude into said territory ex

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cept as a punishment for crime, of which the party shall have been duly convicted according to law.

Resolved, That His Excellency the Governor is hereby requested immediately to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our Senators and Representatives, to be by them laid before Congress.

THE DEMOCRACY OF MAINE FOR THE WILMOT
PROVISO.

Resolutions adopted by a Convention of the
Democratic party of Maine, in June, 1849:

Resolved, That the institution of human Slavery is at variance with the theory of our government, abhorrent to the common sentiments of mankind, and fraught with danger to all who come within the sphere of its influence, that the Federal Government possesses adequate power to inhibit its existence in the Territories of the Union; and that we enjoin upon our Senators and Representatives in Congress to make every exertion and employ all their influence to procure the passage of a law forever excluding Slavery from the Territories of California and New-Mexico.

DELAWARE FOR FREE TERRITORY.

The following preamble and resolution were adopted by the Legislature of Delaware in 1847:

Whereas, A crisis has arrived in the public affairs of the Nation, which requires the free and full expression of the peop'e, through their legal representatives; and Whereas, The United States is at war with the Republic a view to the addition of Slave Territory to our country, and the extending of Slave power in our Union; and Whereas, In the opinion of the General Assembly, such acquisitions are hostile to the spirit of our Free Insti

of Mexico, occasioned by the Annexation of Texas, with

tutions, and contrary to sound morality; therefore be it Resolved, By the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Delaware in General Assembly met, That our Senators and Representatives in Congress are hereby requested to vote against the annexation of any Territory to our Union, which shall not thereafter be forever free from Slavery.

MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST SLAVERY.

The following resolution was passed by the Legislature of Massachusetts in 1847, in connection with others on the subject of the Mexi

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Resolved, That our attention is directed anew to the wrong and enormity" of Slavery, and to the tyranny and usurpation of the "Slave Power," as displayed in the history of our country, particularly in the annexation of Texas, and the present war with Mexico, and that we are

impressed with the unalterable condition, that a regard for the fair fame of our country, for the principle of morals, and for that righteousness that exalteth a nation, sanctions and requires all constitutional efforts for the

destruction of the unjust influence of the Slave power, and for the abolition of Slavery within the limits of the

United States.

THE WHIGS OF MASSACHUSETTS AGAINST

SLAVERY.

The Massachusetts State Convention, held at Springfield, in the latter part of the month of September, 1847, and at which Daniel Webster was nominated as a candidate for the Presidency, passed the following among other solutions:

MR. WEBSTER AGAINST SLAVERY EXTENSION,

In the United States Senate, in Aug., 1848, Mr. Webster, in speaking on the bill to organize the Territory of Oregon with a clause prohibit ing Slavery, said:

Congress, in the exercise of a fair and just discretion, to The question now is, whether it is not competent te say that, considering that there have been five slaveand Texas) added to the Union out of foreign acquisi holding States (Louisiana, Florida, Arkansas, Missouri tions, and as yet only one Free State, whether, under this state of things, it is unreasonable and unjust in the slightest degree to limit their farther extensi? That i the question. I see no injustice in it. As to the power of Congress I have nothing to add to what I said the

other day. I have said that I shall consent to no Es tension of the area of Slavery on this Continent, no any increase of Slave Representation in the othe House of Congress.

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SIR: Your communication of the 13th inst., as chairman of the committee appointed by "The Anti-Slavery Society of the County of Erie," has just come to hand. You solicit my answer to the following interrogatories:

1st. Do you believe that petitions to Congress, on the subject of Slavery and the Slave-trade, ought to be received, read, and respectfully considered by the representatives of the people?

2d. Are you opposed to the annexation of Texas to this Union under any circumstances, so long as slaves are held therein?

3d. Are you in favor of Congress exercising all the power it possesses to abolish the Internal Slave-trade be tween the States?

4th. Are you in favor of immediate legislation for the Abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia?

Answer. I am much engaged, and have no time to re-enter into argument, or explain at length my reasons for my opinions. I shall therefore content myself, for the present, by answering all your interrogatories in the affir mative, and leave for some future occasion a more ex

Resolved, That the war with Mexico-the predicted, if not the legitimate offspring, of the annexation of Texas-tended discussion on the subject. 'begun in a palpable violation of the Constitution, and I would, however, take this occasion to say, that in thus the usurpation of the powers of Congress by the Presi- frankly giving my opinion, I would not desire to have it dent, sad carried on in reckless indifference and disregard understood in the nature of a pledge. At the same time of the blood and treasure of the Nation-can have no that I seek no disguise, but freely give my sentiments on object which can be effected by the acquisition of Mex- any subject of interest to those for whose suffrages I am a can territory, under the circumstance of the country-candidate, I am opposed to giving any pledge that shall unless under adequate securities for the protection of deprive me hereafter of all discretionary power. My own human liberty-can have no other probable result than character must be the guaranty for the general correctthe ultimate advancement of the sectional supremacy of ness of my legislative deportment. On every important the Slave Power, subject I am bound to deliberate before I act, and spe tion, and listen to every argument that can be adduced cially as a legislator, to possess myself of all the informa by my associates, before I give a final vote. If I stand pledged to a particular course of action, I cease to be a responsible agent, but I become a mere machine. subsequent events show, beyond all doubt, that the course I had become pledged pursue was ruinous to my constituents and disgraceful to myself, I have no alternative, no opportunity for repentance, and there is no power to absolve me from my obligation. Hence the impropriety, not to say absurdity, in my view, of giving a pledge.

After recommending "Peace with Mexico, without dismemberment," and "No addition of Mexican Territories to the American Union," the Convention

Resolved, That if this course should be rejected and the war shall be prosecuted to the final subjection or dismemberment of Mexico, the Whigs of Massachusetts now declare, and put this declaration of purpose on record, that Massachusetts will never consent that Mexican Territory, however acquired, shall become a part of the American Union, unless on the unalterable condition that "there shall be neither Slavery nor Involuntary Servitude therein, otherwise than in the punishment of crime."

Resolved, That in making this declaration of her purpose, Massachusetts announces no new principle of action in regard to her sister States, and makes no new application of principles already acknowledged. She merely states the great American principle embodied in our Declaration of Independence-the political equality of persons in the civil state; the principles adopted in the legislation of the States under the Confederation, and sometimes by the Constitution-in the admission of all the new States formed from the only Territory belonging to the Union at the adoption of the Constitution-it is, in short, the imperishable principle set forth in the ever memorable Ordinance of 1787, which has for more than half a century been the fundamental law of human liberty in the great valley of the Lakes, the Ohio, and the Mississippi, with what brilliant success, and with what unparalleled results, let the great and growing States of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin, answer and declare.

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I am aware that you have not asked my pledge, and i believe I know your sound judgment and good sense too well to think you desire any such thing. It was, however, to prevent any misrepresentation on the part of others, that I have felt it my duty thus much on this subject. I am, respectfully, your obedient servant,

W. Mills, Esq., chairman.

MILLARD FILLMORE,

MR. FILLMORE'S ALBANY SPEECH OF 1856. The following is Mr. Fillmore's speech, delivered at Albany, in July, 1856:

Mr. Mayor and Fellow-Citizens: This overwhelming demonstration of congratulation and welcome almost deprives me of the power of speech. Here, nearly thirty years ago, I commenced my political career. In this building I first saw a legislative body in session; but at that time it never entered into the aspirations of my heart that I ever should receive such a welcome as this in the capital of my native State.

You have been pleased, sir, to allude to my former services and my probable course if I should again be

And do you believe that your Southern brethren are less sensitive on this subject than you are, or less jealous of their rights? If you do, let me tell you that you are mistaken. And, therefore, you must see that if this sec. tional party succeeds, it leads inevitably to the destruc tion of this beautiful fabric reared by our forefathers, ce mented by their blood, and bequeathed to us as a priceless inheritance.

I tell you, my friends, that I feel deeply, and therefore I speak earnestly on this subject (cries of "you're right !") for I feel that you are in danger. I am deterI will wash my mined to make a clean breast of it. hands of the consequences, whatever they may be; and I tell you that we are treading upon the brink of a volcano, that is liable at any moment to burst forth and overwhelm the nation. I might, by soft words, inspire But I can never delusive hopes, and thereby win votes. consent to be one thing to the North and another to the South. I should despise myself, if I could be guilty of such duplicity. For my conscience would exclaim, with the dramatic poet: "Is there not some chosen curse,

called to the position of Chief Magistrate of the nation. I think we would submit to it? No, not for a moment. It is not pleasant to speak of one's self, yet I trust that the occasion will justify me in briefly alluding to one or two events connected with my administration. You all know that when I was called to the Executive chair by a bereavement which shrouded a nation in mourning, that the country was unfortunately agitated from one end to the other upon the all-exciting subject of Slavery. It was then, sir, that I felt it my duty to rise above every sectional prejudice, and look to the welfare of the whole nation. I was compelled to a certain extent to overcome long-cherished prejudices, and disregard party claims. But in doing this, sir, I did no more than was done by many abler and better men than myself. I was by no means the sole instrument, under Providence, in harmonizing these difficulties. There were at that time noble, independent, high-souled men in both Houses of Congress, belonging to both the great political parties of the country-Whigs and Democrats-who spurned the dictation of selfish party leaders, and rallied around my administration in support of the great measures which restored peace to an agitated and distracted country. Some of these have gone to their eternal rest, with the blessings of their country on their heads, but others yet survive, deserving the benediction and honors of a grateful people. By the blessings of Divine Providence, our efforts were crowned with signal success, and when I left the Presidential chair, the whole nation was prosperous and contented, and our relations with all foreign nations were of the most amicable kind. The cloud that hung upon the horizon was dissipated. But where are we now? Alas! threatened at home with civil war, and from abroad with a rupture of our peaceful relations. I shall not seek to trace the causes of this change. These are the facts, and it is for you to ponder upon them Of the present Administration I have nothing to say, for I know and can appreciate the difficulties of administering this government, and if the present Executive and his supporters have with good intentions and honest hearts made a mistake, I hope God may forgive them as I freely do. But, if there be those who have brought these calamities upon the country for selfish or ambitious objects, it is your duty, fellow-citizens, to hold them to a strict responsibility.

Some hidden thunder in the stores of heaven, Red with uncommon wrath, to blast the man Who owes his greatness to his country's ruin "" In the language of the lamented, but immortal Clay "I had rather be right than be President!" It seems to me impossible that those engaged in this can have contemplated the awful consequences of suc If it breaks asunder the bonds of our Union, and spreads anarchy and civil war through the land, what is it less than moral treason? Law and common sense hold a man responsible for the natural consequence of his acts, and must not those whose acts tend to the de struction of the Government, be equally held responsi ble?

cess.

And let me also add, that when this Union is dissolved, it will not be divided into two republics, or two mon archies, but be broken into fragments, and at war with each other.

MR. FILLMORE'S LETTER TO A NEW-YORK UNION
MEETING IN 1859.

The agitation which disturbed the peace of the country in 1850, was unavoidable. It was brought upon us The following is an extract from a letter of by the acquisition of new territory, for the government Mr. Fillmore, (dated Dec. 16, 1859), in reply to of which it was necessary to provide territorial organi- an invitation to attend a Union Meeting at zation. But it is for you to say whether the present agitation, which distracts the country and threatens us with civil war, has not been recklessly and wantonly pro- But it seems to me that if my opinions are of any imduced, by the adoption of a measure to aid personal ad-portance to my countrymen, they now have them in a vancement rather than in any public good.

Sir, you have been pleased to say, that I have the Union of these States at heart; this, sir, is most true, for if there be one object dearer to me than any other, it is the unity, prosperity, and glory of this great republic; and I confess frankly, sir, that I fear it is in danger. I say nothing of any particular section, much less of the several candidates before the people. I presume they are all honorable men. But, sir, what do we see? An xasperated feeling between the North and the South, on the most exciting of all topics, resulting in bloodshed and organized military array.

Cooper Institute, New-York.

country at every hazard, and am prepared to maintain it at every sacrifice.

Here I might stop; but since I have yielded to the im pulse to write, I will not hesitate to express, very briefly, my views on one or two events which have occurred since I retired from office, and which, in all probability, have given rise to your meeting. This I cannot do intelligibly, without a brief reference to some events which occurred during my administration.

much more responsible and sat sfactory form than I could give them by participating in the proceedings of any meeting. My sentiments on this unfortunate question of slavery, and the constitutional rights of the South in regard to it, have not changed since they were made manifest to the whole country by the performance of a painful duty in approving and enforcing the Fugitive Slave Law. What the Constitution gives I would cour cede at every sacrifice. I would not seek to enjoy its benefits without sharing its burdens and its responsibili ties. I know of no other rule of political right or expedi ency. Those were my sentiments then-they are my But this is not all, sir. We see a political party pre-sentiments now. I stand by the Constitution of my senting candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency, selected for the first time from the Free States alone, with the avowed purpose of electing these candidates by suffrages of one part of the Union only, to rule over the whole United States. Can it be possible that those who are engaged in such a measure can have seriously reflected upon the consequences which must inevitably follow, in case of success? Can they have the madness or the folly to believe that our Southern brethren would submit to be governed by such a Chief Magistrate? Would he be required to follow the same rule prescribed by those who elected him, in making his appointments? If a man living south of Mason and Dixon's line be not worthy to be President or Vice-President, would it be proper to select one from the same quarter as one of his cabinet council or to represent the nation in a foreign country? Or, indeed, to collect the revenue, or administer the laws of the United States? If not, what new rule is the President to adopt in selecting men for office, that the people themselves discard in selecting him? These are serious, but practical questions, and in order to appreciate them fully, it is only necessary to turn the tables upon ourselves. Suppose that the South, having a majority of the electoral votes, should declare that they would only have slaveholders for President and Vice-President, and should elect such by their exclusive suffrages to rule over us at the North. Do you

All must remember that in 1849 and 1850, the country was severely agitated on this disturbing question of Slavery. That contest grew out of the acquisition of new territory from Mexico, and a contest between the North and South as to whether Slavery should be toler ated in any part of that Territory. Mixed up with this, was a claim on the part of the slaveholding States, that the provision of the Constitution for the rendition of fugitives from service should be made available, as the law of 1793 on that subject, which depended chiefly on State officers for its execution, had become inoperative, because State officers were not obliged to perform that duty.

After a severe struggle, which threatened the integrity of the Union, Congress finally passed laws settling these questions; and the Government and the people for a time seemed to acquiesce in that compromise as a final settlement of this exciting question; and it is exceedingly

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