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nla are ours by treaty; but for all the purposes of this ar-la majority one by twenty members of the gument, we have acquired them by conquest... To assert; Committee, and a minority one by four memtherefore, that they have the right to legislate over all subjects--to prohibit Slavery, despite the consent of the bers, which latter division included Herschel United States—is to say that, by our conquest of them, i V. Johnson who, as chairman, introduced the they become invested with rights superior to those of Con: minority report. gress. The institution of Slavery is guaranteed by the Constitution of the United States, and it has the same The two reports were discussed by various protection thrown around it which guards our citizens persons, Mr. Johnson defending his, and Howell against the granting of titles of nobility or, the establish: Cobb, Secretary of the Treasury, acting as pacifiment of religion; therefore Congress would be as much bound to veto an act of Territorial legislation prohibiting

cator. The latter gentleman stated that there it, as an act violating these rights of every citizen of the was“ no difference in the principles enunciated Republic.

in both the majority and minority reports. Mr. Mangum.—This is a free Territory (New-Mexico) I am now speaking about. Suppose a North Carolinian emi- | There were only two minor differences; one grates to New-Mexico with his slaves ? they must either be was, that the majority report indorsed the recognized as property, or not; who has the right to deter- secession from the Charleston Conventionmine that question?

Mr. Johnson.— I think that question has already been while the minority neither indorsed nor comdecided by the late treaty (with Mexico). . Now, is not mended the action of the Georgia delegates Slavery in the United States a political as well as a muni. there." cipal institution? It is municipal, in that its entire control

The result was, that the majority report was and continuance belong to the State in which it exists; and it is political, because it is recognized by the organic law adopted by a vote of 299 to 4i, when the of the Confederacy, and cannot be changed or altered by minority, under the lead of Mr. Johnson, seCongress, without an amendment to the Constitution; and ceded, organized another Convention and apbecause it is a fundamental law, that three-fifths of the slaves are represented in the National Legislature. Being pointed a full delegation to Baltimore, who, political, upon the execution of the Treaty of Cession with after demanding their seats, withdrew their Mexico, it extended eo instanti, over the Territories of claims, and retired from the contest before the New-Mexico and California. Then, I say, if a fellow-citi: Convention had decided the question. zen of the Senator from North Carolina (Mr. Mangum) were to remove with his slaves into New Mexico, his right The following is the report presented to the reto their use and service is guaranteed by the Constitution gular Milledgeville Convention by Mr. Johnson: of the United States, and no power on earth can deprive him of them, It is a misapplication of terms to speak of prohibiting Slavery in the territory of the United States. It already exists in contemplation of law, and the legisla

Resolred, That we reaffirm the Cincinnati Platform, tion proposed (prohibition) amounts to abolition.

with the following additional propositions :

1st. That the citizens of the United States have an equal But suppose, Mr. President, you have the right to

prohibit Slavery in the Territories of the United States, what right to settle with their property of any kind, in the high political consideration requires you to exercise it? organized Territories of the United States, and that under All must see, that it cannot be effected without producing the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in a popular conoulsion which will probably dissolve the case of Dred Scott, which we recognize as the correct this Union.

exposition of the Constitution in this particular, slave property stands upon the same footing as all other

descriptions of property, and that neither the General CAPITAL SHOULD OWN LABOR.

Government, NOR ANY TERRITORIAL GOVERNMENT, can Mr. Herschel V. Johnson made a speech at a

destroy or impair the right to sluve property in the

common Territories, any more than the right to any other Democratic meeting in Philadelphia on the 17th description of property; that property of all kinds, of September, 1856, in which the newspapers Territories, stand upon the same equal and broad Consti

slaves as well as any other species of property, in the report him as having said, among other things: tutional basis, and subject to like principles of recognition

“We believe that capital should own labor; is there and protection in the LEGISLATIVE, judiciul and execuany doubt that there must be a laboring class every

tive departments of the Government. where? In all countries and under every form of social

2d. That we will support any man who may be nomiorganization there must be a laboring class--a class of nated by the Baltimore Convention, for the Presidency, men who get their living by the sweat of their brow; and who holds the principles set forth in the foregoing prothen there must be another class that controls and di- position, and who will give them his indorsement, and

that we will not hold ourselves bound to support any man, rects the capital of the country.”

who may be the nominee, who entertains principles ino MR. JOHNSON'S VIEWS ON POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY.

consistent with those set forth in the above proposition,

or who denies that slare property in the Territories After the adjournment of the Democratic does stand on an equal footing, and on the same Consti

tutional basis of other descriptions of property. National Convention from Charleston to Balti- In view of the fact that a large majority of the delegates more a Democratic State Convention met at from Georgia felt it to be their duty to withdraw from the Milledgeville, Ga., on the 4th of June, to take late Democratic Convention at Charleston, thereby deaction in regard to the secession of most of the priving this state of her vote therein, according to the

. Georgia delegates at Charleston. It seems that Resowed, That this Convention will appoint twenty a Business Committee of 24 was appointed, of delegates--four from the State at large, and two from which Herschel V. Johnson was one. This

each Congressional District--to represent the Democratic

party of Georgia, in the adjourned Convention at Balti. Committee disagreed as to the propriety of ap- more, on the 18th inst., and that said delegates be and pointing new delegates to Baltimore, the friends they are hereby instructed present the foregoing proof the Seceders opposing and a few who pre- Democratic Convention.

positions, and ask their adoption by the National

HERSCHEL V. JOHNSON, ferred to see Douglas elected to a dissolution

Thos. P. SAFFoi D, of the party, favcring that step; and the conge

H. K. McCay,

A. COLYARD, quence was, that two reports were presented



In 1856, as now, many of the leading States- | arm of southern freemen upon the Treasury and ar. men and editors of the Democratic party in the chives of the Government." (Applause.) Southern States uttered predictions of Disunion,

The Charleston “Mercury,” the recognized made arguments for Disunion and very solemn organ of the South Carolina Democracy, in a threats of Disunion in case they should be recent article says: beaten in the Presidential Election. Mr. Slidell, Upon the policy of dissolving the Union, of separatSenator from Louisiana, and the particular ing the South from her northern enemies, and estab

lishing a southern Confederacy, parties, prexses, polifriend and champion of Mr. Buchanan, declared ticians, and people, are a unit.There is not a single in 1856 that “if Fremont should be elected, public man in her limits, not one of her present reprethe Union would be dissolved.” Mr. Toombs, sentatives or senators in Congress who is not piedged

to the lips in furor of disunion. Indeed, we well rememof Georgia, said " that in such an event the ber that one of the most prominent leaders of the coöpeUnion would be dissolved, and ought to be dis- ration party, when taunted with submission, rebuked the solved." Mr. Butler, of S. C., a leading

thought by saying, “ that in opposing secession, he only ber of the U. S. Senate and chairman of the took a step backward to strike a blow more deadly

against the Union." Judiciary Committee in 1856, said:

In the autumn of 1856, Henry A. Wise, then When Fremont is elected, we must rely upon what Governor of Virginia, told the people of that we have—a good State Government. Every Governor of State that-the South should call the Legislature of his State together, and have measures of the South decided upon The South could not, without degradation, submit to If they did not, and submit to the degradation, they the election of a Black Republican President. To tell would deserve the fute of slaves. I should advise my me we should submit to the election of a Black RepubliLegislature to go at the tap of the drum.

can, under circumstances like these, is to tell me that

Virginia and the fourteen Slave States are already subju. Mr. Keitt, of S. C., made a fiery speech at gated and degraded, [cheers ;] that the southern people Lynchburgh, Va., in 1856 and in view of the are without spirit, and without purpose to defend the apprehended election of Col. Fremont, ex- you submit to the election of Fremont, you will prove

rights they know and dare not maintain. [Cheers.] 11 claimed:

what Seward and Burlingame said to be true that the I tell you now, that it Fremont is elected, adherence South cannot be kicked out of the Union. to the Union is treason to liberty. (Loud cheers.) During the Presidential campaign of 1856, the tell you now, that the southern man who will submit to his election is a traitor and a coward. (Enthusiastic Washington correspondent of the

“New Orleans cheers.)

Delta,” a journal high in the confidence of the This speech was indorsed as “gound doc- Pierce administration, wrote: trine" by the Hon. John B. Floyd, of Va., now It is already arranged, in the event of Fremont'a Mr. Buchanan's Secretary of War.

election, or a failure to elect by the people, to call th Mr. Preston S. Brooks was complimented for Legislatures of Virginia, South Carolina and Georgia

concert measures to withdraw from the Union before his attempted (and nearly successful) assassi- Fremont can get possession of the Army and navy and nation of Senator Sumner, by an ovation at the the purse-strings of government. Governor Wise is ac.

The South can hands of his constituents at which Senators But- tively at voork already in the matter.

rely on the President in the emergency contemplated. ler, S. C., and Toombs, of Georgia, assisted. The question now is, whether the people of the South will The hero of the day, Mr. Brooks, made a speech sustain their leaders. on the occasion from which the following is an At a Union meeting recently held at Knoxextract;

ville, Tenn., Judge Daily, forinerly of Georgia, We have the issue upon us now; and how are we to made a violent southern speech, in the course of meet it? I tell you, fellow-citizens, from the bottom of which he said: my heart, that the only mode which I think available for meeting it is just to tear the Constitution of the United

During the Presidential contest, Governor Wise had adStates, trample it under foot, and form a Southern dressed letters to all the southern governors, and that Confederacy every State of which will be a slaveholds the one to the Governor of Florida had been shoron ing State. Loud and prolonged cheers ). I believe it, him, in which Gov. Wise said he had un army in readas I stand in the face of my Maker; I believe it on my ed, and asking the coöperation of those to whom he

iness to prevent Fremont from taking his seat if electresponsibility to you as your honored representative, that the only hope of the South is in the South, and wrote: that the only available means of making that hope · Charles J. Faulkner, formerly a Representaeffective is to cut asunder the bonds that tie us to, tive in Congress from Virginia, Chairman of the gether, and take our separate position in the family Democratic Congressional Committee, in 1856, of nations. These are my opinions. They have always been my opinions. I have been a disunionist from and now Minister to France, at a recent Demothe time I could think. Now, fell w-citizens, I have told you very frankly

cratic meeting held in Virginia, over which ho and undisguisedly, that I believe the only hope of the presided, said: South is in dissolving the bonds which connect us with When that noble and gallant son of Virginia, Henry A. the Governmentin separating the living body from | Wise, declared, as was said he did in October, 1856, that the dead carcass. If I was the commander of an army, if Fremont should be elected, HE WOULD SEIZE THE NAI never would post a sentinel who would not swear TIONAL ARSENAL AT HARPER'S FERRY, how few would, at that Slavery is right..

that time, have justified so bold and decided a measure ? I speak on my individual responsibility : If Fremont It is the fortune of some great and gifted minds to see be elected President of the United States, I am for the far in advance of their contemporaries Should Wilpeople in their majesty rising above the law and liam H. Seward be elected in 1860, where is the man now leaders, taking the power into their own hands, going in our midst, who "dould not call for the impeachment bgconcert or not by concert, and laying the slron, of a Governor of Virginia who would silently suffer

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that armory to pass under tho control of such an Ec- the blessings of Slavery, like the religion of our Divine ecutive head?

Master, to the uttermost ends of the earth; and, rebelThe Richmond Enquirer, long one of the

lious and wicked as the Yankees have been, I would even

extend it to them. leading exponents of the Southern Democracy,

Whether we can obtain the Territory while the Union in commenting on the murderous assault on lasts, I do not know; I fear we cannot. But I would make Senator Sumner, said :

an honest effort, and if we failed, I would go out of the

Union, and try it there. I speak plainly-I would make a Sumner, and Sumner's friends, must be punished and si- refusal to acquire territory, because it was to be slave ter lenced. Either such wretches must be hung or put in the ritory, a cause for disunion, just as I would make the refu. penitentiary, or the South should prepare at once to quit sal to admit a new State, because it was to be a Slave State, the Union.

a cause for disunion. If Fremont is elected, the Union will not last an hour The election of Mr. Seward, or any other man of his after Mr. Pierce's term expires.

party, is not, per se, justifiable ground for dissolving the If Fremont is elected, it will be the duty of the South Union. But the act of putting the Government in the to dissolve the Union and form a Southern Confederacy. hands of men who mean to use it for our subjugation, ought

Let the South present a compact and undivided front. to be resisted, even to the disruption of every tie that
Let her, if possible, detach Pennsylvania and southern binds us to the Union.
Ohio, southern Indiana, and southern Illinois, from the
North, and make the highlands between the Ohio and the

Jefferson Davis, U. S. Senator from Missis. lakes the dividing line. Let the South treat with Califor- sippi, in an address to the people of his State, nia ; and, if necessary, ally herself with Russia, with Cuba, July 6, 1859, said: and Brazil. Senator Iverson, of Georgia, in a speech made the contingency of the election of a President on the

For myself, I say, as I said on a former occasion, in to his constituents previous to the assembling of platform of Mr. Seward's Rochester speech, let the Union the second session of the 36th Congress, said :

be dissolved. Let the " great, but not the greatest of

evils," come. Sluvery must be maintained-in the Union, if possible ; out of it, if necessary: peaceably, if we nay, the

Senate, contemplating the possible defeat of

Mr. Clay, of. Alabama, in a recent speech in forcibly if we must.

In a confederated government of their own, the South his party in the coming Presidential contest, ern States would enjoy sources of wealth, prosperity, and

said: power, unsurpassed by any nation on earth. No neutrality laws would restrain our adventurous sons. Our ex- I make no predictions, no promise for my State; panding policy would stretch far beyond present limits. but, in conclusion, will only say, that if she is faithful to Central America would join her destiny to ours, and so the pledges she has made and principles she has prowould Cuba, now withheld from us by the voice and votes fessed-if she is true to her own interest and her own of Abolition enemies.

honor-if she is not recreant to all that Ștate pride, inDuring the late memorable contest for Speaker, tegrity and duty demand-she will never submit to your

I will add, that unless she and all the the same Senator remarked, as follows:

southern States of this Union, with perhaps but two, or, Sir, I will tell you what I would do, if I had the control at most, three exceptions, are not faithless to the pledges of the southern members of this House and the other, when they have given, they will never submit to the governyou elect John Sherman. If I had control of the public ment of a President professing yo r political faith sentiment, the very moment you elect John Sherman, and elected ly your sectional majority. thus giving to the South the example of insult as well as When Mr. Clay had taken his seat, Mr. Gwin, injury, I would walk, every one of us, out of the Hallsof of California, made a speech in which he dethis Capitol, and consult our constituents; and I would never enter again until I was bade to do so by those who clared it as “the inevitable result that the I would counsel my constituents instantly to dissolve all of the election of a Republican President.”. had the right to control me. Sir, I go further than that. South would prepare for resistance in the event political ties with a party and a people who thus trample on our rights. That is what I would do.

On the 24th of January, 1860, the Hon. In an elaborate speech delivered later in the

Robert Toombs, of Georgia, made a violent session by the same Senator, he said:

speech in the Senate, on Mr. Douglas' ResoluSir, there is but one path of safety to the South; but port a bill for the protection of each State and

tion directing the Judiciary Committee to reone mode of preserving her institution of domestic Slavery; and that is a confederacy of States having no incongruous Territory against invasion from any other State and opposing elements--a confederacy of Slave States or Territory. Toombs commenced his alone, with homogeneous language, laws, interests, and in speech by the announcement that the country stitutions. Under such a confederated Republic, with a Constitution which should shut out the approach and en was in the midst of civil war, adding, “I feel trance of all incongruous and conflicting elements, which and know that a large body of these Senators should protect the institution from change, and keep the are enemies of my country.'

Mr. Toombs pro whole nation ever bound to its preservation, by an unchangeable fundamental law, the fifteen Slave States, with ceeded in an elaborate and vituperative speech their power of expansion, would present to the world the to prove that the people of the North had viomost free, prosperous, and happy nation on the face of the lated the Constitution, by refusing to capture wide earth.

Sir, with these views, and with the firm conviction which and return fugitive slaves to their masters in I have entertained for many years, and which recent events the South. have only seemed to confirm, that the “irrepressible conflict " between the two sections must and will go on, and I feel that I have no need to pledge my poor services to

Sir, I have but little more to add-nothing for myself, with accumulated speed, and must end, in the Union, with this great cause to my country. My State has spoken the total extinction of African Slavery in the southern for herself. Nine years ago a convention of her people States, that I have announced my determination to ap- met and declared that her connection with this govern. prove and urge the southern States to dissolve the Union ment depended upon the faithful execution of this fugitive upon the election of a Black Republican to the Presidency slave law, and her full enjoyment of equal rights in the of the United States, þy a sectional northern party, and

common Territories. I have shown that the one continupon a platform of opposition and hostility to southern gency has already arrived; the other waits only the sucSlavery.

cess of the Republican party in the approaching PresidenSenator Brown, of Mississippi, in a recent tial election. I was a member of that convention, and Epeech to his constituents, said:

stood then and now pledged to its action. I have faith

fully labored to avert these calamities. I will yet labor I want Cuba; I want Tamaulipas, Potosi, and one or until this last contingency happens, faithfully, honestly, two other Mexican States; and I want them all for the and to the best of my poor abilities. When that time same reason, for the plinting and spreading of sla- comes, freemen of Georgia redeem your pledge; I am vory. And a footing in Central America will powerfully ready to redeem mine. Your honor is involved-your aid us in acquiring those other States. Yes; I want these faith is plighted. I know you feel a stain as a wound countries for the spread of Slavery. I would spread your peace, your social system, your firesides are in

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volved. Never permit this Federal Government to I think I speak the sentiments of my own constituents ana pass into the traitorous hands of the Black Republican the State of South Carolina, when I say so. party. It has already declared war against you and your Institutions. It every day commits acts of war against

Mr. Crawford, of Georgia, said: you : it has already compelled you to arm for your de- Now, in regard to the election of a Black Republican lense. Listen to “no vain babblings,” to no treacherous President, I have this to say, and I speak the sentiment of jargon about “overt acts;' they have already been com- every Democrat on this floor from the State of Georgia : mitted. Defend yourselves; the enemy is at your door; we will never submit to the inauguration of a Black Rewait not to meet him at the hearthstone-meet him at the publican President. (Applause from the Democratic door-sill, and drive him from the terple of liberty, or pull benches, and hisses from the Republicans.) I repeat it, down its pillars and involve him in a common ruin. sir—and I have authority to say so—that no Democratic Senator Clingman, of North Carolina, in a re- representative from Georgia on this floor will ever submit

to the inauguration of a Black Republican President. cent speech, says that there are hundreds of (Renewed applause and hisses.) The most condisunionists in the South now, where there was tiding of them and are, sir, for "equality in the Union or not one ten years ago," and that in some of the independence out of it;" having lost all hope in the

former, I am for “ INDEPENDENCE NOW AND INDEPENDENCE States the men who would willingly see the FOREVER!" Union dissolved are in the majority.

In con

Mr. Gartrell, of the same State, said : sidering the proper cause for disunion, Mr.

Just so sure as the Republican party succeeds in electClingman continues :

ing a sectional man, upon their sectional, Anti-Slavery In my judgment, the election of the Presidential can- my people, just so sure, in my judgment, the time will

platform, breathing destruction and death to the rights of didate of the Black Republican party will furnish that have come when the South must and will take an unmis

takable and decided action, and that then, "he who No other“ overt actcan so imperatively demand re- dallies is a dastard, and he who doubts is damned.". I sistance on our part as the simple election of their candi- need not tell what I, as a Southern man, will do—I think date. Their organization is one of avow hostility, and I may safely speak for the masses of the people of Georgia they come against us as enemies.

-that when that event happens, they, in my judgment, The objections are not personal merely to this Senator will consider it an overt act, a declaration of war, and (Mr. Seward), but apply equally to any member of the meet immediately in convention, to take into consideraparty elected by it. It has, in fact, been suggested that, tion the mode and measure of redress. That is my posias a matter of prudence, for the first election they should tion; and if that be treason to the Government, make the choose a southern free-soiler. Would the Colonies have most of it. submitted more willingly to Benedict Arnold than to Lord Cornwallis ?

Mr. McRae, formerly Governor of Mississippi,

now a member of the House of Representatives, Mr. Curry, of Alabama, a member of the recently spoke in that body as follows: House of Representatives, in a recent speech;

I said to my constituents, and to the people at the says:

capital of my State, on my way here, that if such an However distasteful it may be to my friend from New event did occur, while it would be their duty to determine York (Mr. Clark), however much it may revolt the public the course which the State would pursue, it would be my sentiment or conscience of this country, I am not ashamed privilege to counsel with them as to what I believed to be or afraid publicly to avow that the election of William H. the proper course; and I said to thein, what I say now, Seward or Salmon P. Chase, or any such representative of and will always say in such an event, that my counsel the Republican party, upon a sectional platform, ought to would be to take independence out of the Union in prebe resisted to the disruption of every tie that binds this ference to the loss of constitutional rights, and conseConfederacy together. " (Applause on the Democratic quent degradation ard dishonor in it. That is my posiside of the House.)

tion, and it is the position which I know the Democratic Mr. Pugh, of the same State, made a speech party of the State of Mississippi will maintain. in the House, in which he said :

Mr. De Jarnette, a member of the House

from Virginia, says: If, with the character of the Government well defined, and the rights and privileges of the parties to the compact Thus William H. Seward stands before the country & clearly asserted by the Democratic party, the Black Re- perjured traitor; and yet that man, with hands stained publicans get possession of the Government, then the with the blood of our citizens, we are asked to elect Prequestion is fully presented, whether the Southern States sident of the United States. You may elect him President will remain in the Union, as subject and degraded color of the North, but of the South never. Whatever the nies, or will they withdraw and establish a Southern Con- event may be, others may differ ; but Virginia, in view federacy coëqual homogeneous sovereigns ?

of her ancient renown, in view of her illustrious dead, In my judgment, the latter is the only course compati- and in view of her sic semper tyrannis, will resist his ble with the honor, equality, and safety of the South; and authority. I have done." the sooner it is known and acted upon the better for all

Mr. Leake, also of Virginia, declares : parties to the compact. The truest conservatism and wisest statesmanship de


has the right, when she pleases, to withdraw mand a speedy termination of all association with such from the Confederacy. (Applause from the Democratic confederates, and the formation of another Union of benches.)

Tnat is her doctrine. We will not States, homogeneous in population, institutions, interests, fight in the Union, but quit it the instant we think proper and pursuits. Mr. Moore, of the same State, said:

Mr. Singleton, of Mississippi, says: I do not concur with the declaration made yesterday

You ask me when will the time (for disunion) come; by the gentleman from Tennessee, that the election of a when will the South be united ? It will be when you Black Republican to the Presidency was not cause for a elect a Black Republican-Hale, Seward, or Chase-Predissolution of the Union. Whenever a President is elected sident of the United States, Whenever you undertake by a fanatical majority at the North, those whom I repre- to place such a man to preside over the destinies of the sent, as I believe, and the gallant State which I in part South, you may expect to see us undivided and indivisirepresent, are ready, let the consequences be what they ble friends, and to see all parties of the South arrayed 10 may, to fall back on their reserved rights, and say, “ As resist his inauguration. to this Union, we have no longer any lot or part in it."

We can never quietly stand by and permit the control

of the army and navy to go into the hands of a Black Mr. Bonham, a member of the House from Republican President. South Carolina, said:

Gov. Letcher, of Virginia, in his recent mesAs to disunion, upon the election of a Black Republi- sage to the Legislature of his State, avows the can, I can speak for no one but myself and those I have rankest disunion and revolutionary sentiments. here the honor to represent; and I say, without hesitation, In this document, he declares that if a Repubthat, upon the election of 'Mr. Seward, or any other man lican Presiden: is elected in 1860, who indorses and proclaims the doctrines held by him and bis party-call him by what name you please-I am in It is useless to attempt to conceal the fact that, in the favor of an immediate dissolution of the Union. And, sir, present temper of the Southern people, it cannot bo and

to do so.

will not lo submitted to. The“ irrepressible conflict " “The bargain between Freedom and Slavery contained in doctrine, announced and advocated by the ablest and the Constitution of the United States, is morally and pomost distingu. ned leader of the Republican party, is an litically vicious, inconsistent with the principles on which open declaration of war against the institution of African alone our Revolution can be justified; cruel and oppresBlavery, wherever it exists; and I would be disloyal to sive, by riveting the chains of Slavery; and grossly uneVirginia and the South if I did not declare that the qual and impolitic, by admitting that Slaves are at once election of such a man, 'entertaining such sentiments, enemies to be kept in subjection, property to be secured and advocating such doctrines, ought to be r+8i8led by and returned to their owners, and persons not to be reprethe slaveholding States. The idea of permitting such a sented themselves, but for whom their masters are priviman to have the control and direction of the army and leged with nearly a double share of representation;" and navy of the United States, and the appointment of high Whereas (to quote the language of Wm. Ellery Chan. judicial and executive officers, postmasters included, ning) “We in the Free States cannot fly from the shame cannot be entertained by the South for a moment. or guilt of the Institution of Slavery, while there are proThe Hon. William L. Yancy, a leading and on this subject our fathers, in framing the Constitution,

visions of the Constitution binding us to give it support. prominent Democratic politician of Alabama, swerved from the right. We, their children, see the path

No and formerly viember of Congress from that of duty more clearly than they, and must walk in it

. State, wrote the following letter in 1858, which blessings of the Union can be a compensation for taking

part in the enslaving of our fellow-creatures ;" and the Washington States, a Democratic Journal, Whereas (to quote the language of Josiah Quincy, Sen.), recently published under the title of the “Scar-" The arm of the Union is the very sinew of the subjection let Letter :"

of the Slaves ; it is the Slaveholder's main strength; ite

continuance is his forlorn hope;" and MONTGOMERY, June 15, 1858. Whereas (to quote the language of Mr. Underwood, of DEAR SIR: Your kind favor of the 15th is re- Kentucky, as uttered on the floor of Congress), “The Disceived

solution of the Union, making the Ohio River and Mason I hardly agree with you that a general movement and Dixon's line the boundary line, is the Dissolution of can be made that will clear out the Augean stable. If Slavery. It had been the common practice for Southern the Democracy were overthrown, it would result in giv- men to get up on this floor and say, 'Touch this subject ing place to a greater and hungrier swarm of flies. and we will Dissolve the Union as a remedy.'

Their reThe remedy of the South is not in such a process. It medy was the destruction of the thing which they wished is in a diligent organization of her true men for prompt to save, and any sensible man could see it;" and resistance to the next aggression. It must come in the Whereas (to quote the language of Mr. Arnold, of Ten nature of things. No national party can save us; no nessee, on the same occasion), “ The South has nothing to sectional party can ever do it. But if we could do as rely on, if the Union be Dissolved; for, supposing that our fathers did-organize committees of safety all over Dissolution to be effected, a million of Slaves are ready to the Cotton States (and it is only in them that we can rise and strike for Freedom at the first tap of the drum :" hope for any effective movement)—we shall fire the therefore, Southern heart, instruct the Southern mind, give cou- 1. Resowed, That in advocating the Dissolution of the rage to each other, and at the PROPER MOMENT, by one Union, the Abolitionists are justified by every precept of organized concerted action, we can precipitate the the Gospel, by every principle of morality, by every claim Cotton St ites into a revolution.

of humanity; that such a Union is a “Covenant with The idea has been shadowed forth in the South by Death," which ought to be annulled, and an agreement Mr. Ruffin; has been taken up and recommended in with Hell,” which a just God cannot permit to stand; and T AC tiser (Published at Montgomery. Alabama), that it is the imperative and paramount duty of all who under the name of " League of United Southerners," who, would keep their souls from blood-guiltiness, to deliver the keeping up their old party relations on all other ques. oppressed out of the hand of the spoiler, and usher in the tions, will hold the Southern issue paramount, and will day of Jubilee; to seek its immediate overthrow by all influence parties, legislatures, and statesmen. I have no righteous instrumentalities. time to enlarge, but to suggest merely.

2. Resolved, That (to quote the language of William H. In haste, yours, etc.,

W. L, YANCEY. Seward) “ they who think this agitation is accidental, unTO JAMES S, SLAUGHTER, Esq.

necessary, the work of interested or fanatical agitatore, The Montgomery (Ala.) Confederation thus and therefore ephemeral, mistake the case altogether: it

is an Irrepressible Conflict between opposing and enduring gives the record of the leading secession dele- forces and it means that the United States must and will, gates from the Charleston Convention from sooner or later, become either entirely a Slaveholding that State. It says :

Natior or entirely a Free Labor Nation. It is the failure No one can be deceived as to what are the objects to app.ehend this great truth that induces so many unof the Charleston Convention. Listen to what their men and Slave States; and it is the existence of this great fact

successful attempts at final Compromise between the Free say:

"I want the Cotton States precipitated into a revolu- that renders all such pretended Compromises, when made, tion.”— Wm. L. Yancey.

vain and ephemeral.” Therefore, If I had the power, I would dissolve this Govern

3. Resolved, That no matter how sincerely or zealously ment in two minutes."-J. T. Morgan.

any Political Party may be struggling with side issues, in

relation to Slavery, to prevent its extension, or otherwise ** Let us break up this rotten, stinking, and oppressive cripple its power,'while standing within the Union and Government."-George Gayle.

" Resistance! Resistance to death against the Gov. sanctioning its Pro-Slavery Compromises, and refusing to ernment is what we want now."-David Hubbard.

attack the Institution itself, its position is morally inde

fensible; it rests upon a sandy foundation; its testimonies AN ANTI-SLAVERY VIEW OF DISUNION.

are powerless, and its example fatal to the cause of lib

erty: hence we cannot give it any support, The following Resolutions, prepared by Wm. 4. Resolved, That “better a thousand times that all Lloyd Garrison, were adopted at a Convention North America should be obliterated by a concurrence of

the Atlantic and Pacific Oceans, as a dead, revenging sea of the non-voting Abolitionists (better known over buried Cities,

than that we, after all our light and as Garrisonians), at Albany, New-York, on the Liberty, should live only by removing the truth that gave 2d of February, 1859 :

us being, or should set the example to a terrified and

struggling world of a Nation claiming and daring to exist Whercas (to quote the language of John Quincy Adams), only by sustained and sanctified oppression."

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