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protection, by the Federal Government, of each England against the lives of the princes of France. 1 State against invasion from any and all sources, States. I predicate my argument upon the Constitution

shall not argue the question of comity between foreigu and continued:

by which we are governed, and which we have sworn to The question then remaining is, what legislation is, obey, and demand that the Constitution be executed in necessary and proper to render this guaranty of the good faith so as to punish and suppress every combina. Constitution effectual? I presume there will be very tion, every conspiracy, either to invade a State or to little difference of opinion inat it will be necessary to molest its inhabitants, or to disturb its property, or to place the whole military power of the Government at the subvert its institutions and its government. I believe disposal of the President, under proper guards and this can be effectually done by authorizing the United restrictions against abuse, to repel and suppress invasion States courts in the several States 10 take jurisdiction of when the hostle force shall be actually in the field. But,

the offense, and punish the violation of the law with sir, that is not sufficient. Such legislation would not be appropriate punishments. a full compliance with this guaranty of the Constitution.

It cannot be said that the time has not yet arrived for The framers of that instrument meant more when they such legislation. It cannot be said with truth that the gave the guaranty. Mark the difference in language Harper's Ferry case will not be repeated, or is not in between the provision for protecting the United States danger of repetition. It is only necessary to inquire into aguinst invasion and that for protecting the States. the causes which produced the Harper's Ferry outrage, When it provided for protecting the United States, it said and ascertain whether those causes are yet in active Congress shall have power to "repel invasion."' When operation, and then you can determine whether there is it came to make this guaranty to the States, it changed any ground for apprehension that that invasion will be the language, and said the United States shall "protectrepeated. Sir, what were the causes which produced the each of the States against invasion. In the one instance, Harper's Ferry outrage ? Without stopping to adduce the duty of the Government is to repel; in the other, the evidence in detail, I have no hesitation in expressing my guaranty is that they will protect. In other words, the firm and deliberate conviction that the Harper's Ferry United States are not permitted to wait until the enemy doctrines and teachings of the Republican party, as

crime was the natural, logical, inevitable result of the shall be upon your borders; until the invading army shall have been organized and drilled and placed in march eoplained and enforced in their platform, their parwith a view to the invasion ; but they must pass all laws tisun pre-ses, their pamphlets and books, and espenecessary and proper to insure proiection and domestic cially in the speeches of their leaders in and out of tranquillity to each State and Territory of this Union Congress. (Applause in the galleries.) against invasion or hostilities from other States and Ter- And, sir, inasmuch as the Constitution of the United ritories,

States' confers upon Congress the power coupled with Then, sir, I hold that it is not only necessary to use the the duty of protecting each State against external military power when the actual case of invasion shall aggression, and inasmuch as that includes the power of occur, but to authorize the judicial department of the suppressing and punishing conspiracies in one State Government to suppress all conspiracies and combina- against the institutions, property, people, or governtions in the several states with inient to invade a State, ment of every other State, 1 desire to carry out that or molest or disturb its government, its peace, its citizens, power vigorously. Sir, give us such a law as the Conits property or its institutions. You must punish the stitution contemplates and authorizes, and I will show conspiracy, the combination with intent to do the act, the Senator from New York that there is a constitutional and then you will suppress it in advance. There is no mode of repressing the “irrepressible conflict." I will principle more familiar to the legal profession than that open the prison doors to allow conspi, ators against the wherever it is proper to declare an act to be a crime, it is peace of the Republic and the domestic tranquillity of proper to punish a conspiracy or combination with intent our St.ites to select their cells wherein to drug out a to perpetrate the act. Look upon your statute-books, miserable life as a punishment for their crimes against and I presume you will find an enactment to punish the the peace of society. counterfeiting of the coin of the United States, and then another section to puni-h a man for having counterfeit This system of sectional warfare must cease.

Mr. President, the mode of preserving peace is plain.

The Concoiu in his possession with intent to pass it; and another stitution has given the power, and all we ask of Congress section to puni-h him for having the molus or dies or ina is to give the means, and we, by indictments and con: struments for counterfeiting, with intent to use them, victions in the Federal courts of our several States, will This is a familiar principle in legislative and judicial pro- make such examples of the leaders of these conspiracies ceedings. If the act of invasion is criminal, the conspiracy to invade should also be made criminal. If it be there will be an end of this crusade. Sir, you must

as will strike terror into the hearts of the others, and unlawful and illegal to invade a State, and run off fugi- check it by crushing out the conspiracy, the combinative slaves, why not make it unlawful to form conspiracies and combinations in the several States with intent to do tion, and then there can be safety. the act? We have been told that a notorious man who has recently suffered death for his crimes upon the gal

[A special committee of the Senate, of which lows, boasted in Cleveland, Ohio, in a public lecture, a Mr. Mason, of Va., was chairman, appointed to year ago, that he had then a body of men employed in investigate the Harper's Ferry affair, ascertain running away horses from the slaveholders of Missouri, the cause of the raid; and report what laws, if and pointed to a livery stable in Cleveland which was full of the stolen horses at that time.

any, were necessary to prevent a repetition, I think it is within our competency, and consequently reported near the cłose of the session, that our duty, to pass a law making every conspiracy or con- the committee were unable to discover that bination in any State or Territory oi this Union to invade another with intent to steal or run awy property of any any persons were either directly or indirectly kind, whether it be negroes, or horses, or property of any engaged in the invasion, other than John other description, into another State, a crime, and punish Brown and those who. accompanied him to the conspirators by indictment in the United States courts and confinement in the prisons and penitentiaries Harper's Ferry.] of the State or Territory where the conspiracy may be formed and quelled. Sir, I would carry these provisions WHAT POPULAR SOVEREIGNTY HAS DONE. of law as far as our constitutional powers will reach. I would make it a crime to form conspiracies with a From Mr. Douglas' Speech in the Senate, May 16, 1860. view of invading States or Territories to control elections, whether they be under the garb of Emigrant. But, we are told that the necessary result of this docAid Societies of New England or Blue Lodges of Mis- trine of non-intervention, which, gentlemen, by way of suari, (Applause in the galleries.) In other words, throwing ridicule upon it, call squatter sovereignty, is this provision of the Constitutions means more than the to deprive the South of all participation in what they mere repelling of an invasion when the invading arıny call the common Territories of the United States. That shall reach the border of a State. The language is, it was the ground on which the Senator from Misissippi (Mr. shall protect the State against invasion; the meaning of Davis), predicated his opposition to the Compromise which is, to use the language of the preamble to the Con- Measures of 1850. He regarded a refusal to repeal the stitution, to insure to each state domestic tranquillity Mexican law as equivalent to the Wilmot Proviso; a reagainst external violence. There can be no peace, there fusal to recognize by an act of Congress the right to can be no prosperity, there can be no safety in any com-carry a slave there as equivalent to the Wilmot Proviso; munity, unless it is secured against violence from abroad. a refusal to deny to a Territorial Legislature the right to Why, sir, it has been a question seriously mooted in exclude Slavery as equivalent to an exclusion. He beEurope, whether it was not the duty of England, a power lieved at that time that this doctrine did amount to a foreign to France, to pass laws to punish conspiracies is denial of southern rights; and he told the people of

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Mississippi 80; but they doubted it. Now let us see how | tor from Mississippi regards as hostile to the rights of the far his thicory and suppositions have been verified. I South. Where did you ever get any other fruits that infer that he told the people of Mississippi so, for he were more palatable to your taste or more refreshing to makes it a charge in his bill of indictment against me, your strength? What other inch of Free Territory has been that I am hostile to southern rights because I gave those converted into Slave Territory on the American continent, votes.

since the Revolution, except in New Mexico and Arizona, Now, what has been the result? My views were under the principle of non-intervention affirmed at incorporated into the Compromise Measures of 1850, and Charleston ? If it be true that this principie of non-interhis were rejected. Has the South been excluded from all / vention has giwen to Slavery all New Mexico, which was the territory acquired from Mexico? What says the bill surrounded on nearly every side by Free Territory, will from the House of Representatives now on your table, not the same principle protect you in the northern states repealing the slave code in New Mexico, established by of Mexico when they are acquired, since they are now sur the people themselves ?. It is part of the history of the rounded by Slave Territory; are several hundred miles country that under this doctrine of non-intervention, further South ; have many degrees of greater heat; and this doctrine that you delight to call squatter sove- have a climate and soil adapted to Southern products ? reignty, the people of New Mexico have introduced Are you not satisfied with these practical results? Do and protected Sluvery in the whole of that Territory. you desire to appeal from the people of the Territories Under this doctrine, they have converted a tract of to the Congress of the United States to settle this quesFree Territory into Slave Territory, more than five tion in the Territories ? When you distrust the people times the size of the State of New York. Under this and appeal to Congress, with both houses largely against doctrine, Slavery has been extended from the Rio i you on this question, what sort of protection will you get ? Grande to the Gulf of California, and from the line of Whenever you ask a Slave code from Congress to protect the Republic of Mexico, not only up to 36-deg. 30 min., your institutions in a Territory where the people do not but up to 33 deg.-GIVING YOU A DEGREE AND A HALF MORE want it, you will get that sort of protection which the BLAVE TERRITORY THAN YOU EVER CLAIMED. In 1848 and wolf gives to the lamb; you will get that sort of friendly 1849 and 1550, you only asked to have the line of 36 deg. hug that the grizzly bear gives to the infant. Appealing 80 min. . The Nashville convention fixed that as its ulli- to an Anti-Slavery Congress to pass laws of protection, matum. I offered it in the Senate in August, 1848 and it with a view of forcing Slavery upon an unwilling and was adopted here but rejected in the House of Represen. hostile people! Sir, of all the mad schemes that ever tatives. You asked only up to 36 deg. 30 min., and non- could be devised by the South, or by the enemies of the intervention has given you Slave Territory up to 38 South, that which recognizes the right of Congress to deg., A DEGREE AND À HALF MORE THAN YOU ASKED ; touch the institution of Slavery either in States or Terriand yet you say that this is a sacrifice of Southern tories, beyond the single case provided in the Constiturights !

tion for the rendition of fugitive Slaves, is the most These are the fruits of this principle which the Sena- fatal.- Appendix to Congressional Globe, page 314



Delivered at Rochester, Monday, Oct. 25, 1858.

FELLOW-CITIZENS : The unmistakable outbreaks of zeal this new continent as an engine of conquest, and for the which occur all around me, show that you are earnest men establishment of monarchical power, by the Portuguese and zand such a man am I. Let us, therefore, at least for a the Spaniards, and was rapidly extended by them all over time, pass by all secondary and collateral questions, South America, Central America, Louisiana, and Mexico. whether of a personal or of a general nature, and consider Its legitimate fruits are seen in the

poverty, imbecility, and the main subject of the present canvass. The Democratic anarchy, which now pervade all Portuguese and Spanis). party, or, to speak more accurately, the party which wears America. The free-labor system is of German extraction, that attractive name, is in possession of the Federal Go- and it was established in our country by emigrants from vernment.

The Republicans propose to dislodge that Sweden, Holland, Germany, Great Britain, and Ireland. party, and dismiss it from its high trust.

We justly ascribe to its influences the strength, wealth, The main subject, then, is, whether the Democractic greatness, intelligence, and freedom which the whole party deserves to retain the confidence of the American American people now enjoy. One of the chief elements of people. In attempting to prove it unworthy, I think that the value of human life is freedom in the pursuit of happiI am not actuated by prejudices against that party, or by ness. The slave system is not only intolerant, unjust, and prepossessions in favor of its adversary; for I have learned, inhuman toward the laborer, whom, only because he is a by some experience, that virtue and patriotism, vice and laborer, it loads down with chains and converts into mer. selfishness, are found in all parties, and that they differ chandise, but is scarcely less severe upon the freeman, to less in their motives than in the policies they pursue. whom, only because he is a laborer from necessity, it de

Our country is a theatre, which exhibits in full opera- nies facilities for employment, and whom it expels from tion, two radically different political systems; the one the community because it cannot enslave and convert him resting on the basis of servile or slave labor, the other on into merchandise also. It is necessarily improvident and the basis of voluntary labor of freemen.

ruinous, because, as a general truth, communities prosper The laborers who are enslaved are all negroes, or per- and flourish or droop and decline in just the degree that sons more or less purely of African derivation. But this they practice or neglect to practice the primary duties of is only accidental. The principle of the system is, that justice and humanity. The free-labor system conforms to labor in every society, by whomsoever performed, is ne- the divine law of equality, which is written in the hearts cessarily unintellectual, groveling, and base; and that the and consciences of men, and therefore is always and everylaborer, equally for his own good and for the welfare of where beneficent, the State, ought to be enslaved. The white laboring man, The slave system is one of constant danger, distrust, whether native or foreigner, is not enslaved, only because suspicion, and watchfulness. It debases those whose he cannot, as yet, be reduced to bondage.

toil alone can produce wealth and resources for defense, You need not be told now that the slave system is the to the lowest degree of which human nature is capable, older of the two, and that once it was universal.

to guard against mutiny and insurrection, and thus The emancipation of our own ancestors, Caucasians wastes energies which otherwise might be employed in and Europeans as they were, hardly dates beyond a national development and aggrandizement. period of five hundred years. The great melioration of The free-labor system educates all alike, and by openhuman society which modern times exhibit, is mainly due | ing all the fields of industrial employment, and all the to the incomplete substitution of the system of voluntary departments of authority, to the unchecked and equal labor for the old one of servile labor, which has already rivalry of all classes of men, at once secures universal taken place. This African slave system is one which, in contentment, and brings into the highest possible actiits origin and in its growth, has been altogether foreign vity all the physical, moral, and social energies of the from the habits of the races which colonized these States, whole State. In States where the slave system prevails,

established civilization here. It was introduced on the masters, directly or indirectly, secure all political power, and constitute a ruling aristocracy. In States whole structure of Government broadly on the principle where the free-labor system prevails, universal suffrage that all men are created equal, and therefore free-little necessai ily obtains, and the State inevitably becomes, dreaming that, within the short period of one hundred, sooner or later, a republic or democracy.

years, their descendants would bear to be told by any Russia yet maintains Slavery, and is a despotism. orator, however popular, that the utterance of that prinMost of the other European States have abolished ciple was merely a rhetorical rhapsody; or by any judge, Slavery, and adopted the system of free labor. It was however venerated, that it was attended by mental rethe antagonistic political tendencies of the two systems servations, which rendered it hypocr.tical and false. By which the first Napoleon was contemplating when he the Ordinance of 1781, they dedicated all of the national predicted that Europe would ultimately be either all domain not yet polluted by Slavery to free labor imCossack or all Republican. Never did human sagacity mediately, thenceforth and forever; while by the new utter more pregnant truth. The two systems are at Constitution and laws they invited foreign free labor once pe ceived to be incongruous. But they are more from all lands under the sun, and interdicted the imthan incongruous—they are incompatible. They never portation of African Slave Labor, a: all times, in all have permanently existed together in one country, and places, and under all circumstances whatsoever. It is they never can. It would be easy to demonstrate this true that they necessarily and wisely modified this impossibility, from the irreconcilable contrast between policy of Freedom, by leaving it to the several States, their great principles and characteristics. But the expe- affected as they were by differing circumstances, to rience of mankind has conclusively established it. abolish Slavery in their own way and at their own pleaSlavery, as I have alieady irtimated, existed in every sure, instead of confiding that duty to Congress, and state in Europe. Free labor has supplanted it every that they secured to the Slave States, while you retainwhere except in Russia and Turkey. State necessities ing the system of Slavery, a three-fifths representation developed in modern times, are now obliging even those of slaves in the Federal Government, until they should two nations to encourage and empl y free labor; and find themselves able to relinquish it with safety. But already, despotic as they are, we find them engaged in the very nature of these modifications fortifies my posiabolishing Slavery. In the United States, Slavery came tion that the fathers knew that the two systems couli inio collision with free labor at the close of the last cen- not endure within the Union, and expected that within tury, and fell before it in New-England, New-York, New 'a short period Slavery would disappear forever. MoreJersey, and Pennsylvania, but triumphed over it effec-over, in order that these modifications might not altotualls, aud excluded it for a period yet undetermined, gether defeat their grand design of a Republic maintainfrom Virginia, the Carolinas, and Georgia. Indeed, so ing universal equality, they provided that two-thirds of incompatible are the two systems, that every new State the States might amend the Constitution. which is organized within our ever-extending domain It remains to say on this point only one word, to guard makes its first political act a choice of the one and an against misapprehension. If these States are to again beexclusion of the other, even at the cost of civil war, if come universally slaveholding, I do not pretend to say necessary. The Slave States, without law, at the last with what violations of the Constitution that end shall be national election, successfully forbade, within their own accomplished. On the other hand, while I do confidently limits, even the casting of votes for a candidate for Presi- believe and hope that my country will yet become a land dent of the United States supposed to be favorable of universal Freedom, I do not expect that it will be made to the establishment of the free-labor system in new so otherwise than through the action of the several States States.

coöperating with the Federal Government, and all acting Hitherto, the two systems have existed in different in strict conformity with their respective Constitutions. States, but side by side within the American Union. The strife and contentions concerning Slavery, which This has happened because the Union is a confederation gently-disposed persons so habitually deprecate, are no of States. But in another aspect the United States con- thing more than the ripening of the conflict which the fatherg stitute only one nation. locrease of population, which themselves, not only thus regarded with favor, but which is filling the States out to their very borders, together they may be said to have instituted. with a new and extended net-work of railroads and It is not to be denied, however, that thus far the course other avenues, and an internal commerce which daily of that contest has not been according to their humane becomes more intimate, is rapidly bringing the States anticipations and wishes. In the field of federal politics, into a higher and inore perfect social unity or con- Slavery, deriving unlooked for advantages from commersolidation. Thus, these antagonistic systems are con- cial changes, and energies unforeseen from the facilities of tinually coming in.o closer contact, and collision combination between members of the slaveholding class results.

and between that class and other property classes, early Shall I tell you what this collision means ? They who rallied, and has at length made a stand, not merely to rethink that it is accidental, unnecessary, the work of in- tain its original defensive position, but to extend its sway terested or fanatical agitators, and therefore ephemeral, throughout the whole Union. It is certain that the slavemistake the case altogether. It is an irrepressible con holding class of American citizens indulge this high ambiflict between opposing and enduring forces, and it tion, and that they derive encouragement for it from the means that the United States must and will, sooner or rapid and effective political successes which they have later, become either entirely a slaveholding nation, or already obtained. The plan of operation is this : By conentirely a free-labor nation. Either the cotton and rice tinued appliances of patronage and threats of disunion, fields of South Carolina and the sugar plantations of they will keep a majority favorable to these designs in the Louisiana will ultimately be tilled by free labor, and Senate, where each State has an equal representation. Charleston and New Orleans become marts for legiti- | Through that majority they will defeat, as they best can, mate merchandise alone, or else the rye-fields and the admission of Free States, and secure the admission of wheat-fields of Massachusetts and New-York must again Slave States. Under the protection of the Judiciary, they be surrendered by their farmers to slave culture and to will, on the principle of the Dred Scott case, carry Slavery the production of slaves, and Boston and New-York be- into all the Territories of the United States now existing, come once more markets for trade in the bodies and and hereafter to be organized. By the action of the Presouls of men. It is the failure to apprehend this great sident and the Senate, using the treaty-making power, they truth that induces so many unsuccessful attempts at will annex foreign slaveholding States. In a favorable final compromise between the Slave and Free States, conjuncture they will induce Congress to repeal the act of and it is the existence of this great fact that renders ali 1803, which prohibits the foreign slave-trade, and so they such pretended compromises, when made, van and will import from Africa, at the cost of only $20 a head, ephemeral. Startling as this saying inay appear to you, slaves enough to fill up the interior of the continent. fellow-citizens, it is by no means an original or even a Thus relatively increasing the number of Slave States, they modern one. Our forefathers knew it to be true, and will allow no amendment to the Constitution prejudicial to unanimously acted upon it when they framed the Consti- their interest; and so, having permanently established cution of the United States. They regarded the exist their power, they expect the Federal Judiciary to nullify ance of the servile system in so many of the States with all State laws which shall interfere with internal or foreign sorrow and 'shame, which they openly confessed, and commerce in slaves. When the Free States shall be suflithey looked upon the collision between them, which was ciently demoralized to tolerate these designs, they reasonthen just revealing itself, and which we are now accus- | ably conclude that Slavery will be accepted by those States tomed to deplore, with favor and hope. They knew that themselves. I shall not stop to show how speedy or how either the one or the other system must exclusively pre- complete would be the ruin which the accomplishment of vail.

these slaveholding schemes would bring upon the country, Unlike too many of those who in modern times invoke For one, I should not remain in the country to test the sad their authority, they had a choice between the two. experiment. Having spent my manhood, though not my They preferred the system of tiee labor, and they deter- whole life, in a Free State, no aristocracy of any kind, mined to organize the Government, and so to direct its much less an aristocracy of slaveholders, shall ever make activity, that that system should surely and certainly the laws of the land in which I shall be content to live. prevail. For this purpose, and no other, they based the Having seen the society around me universally engaged in agriculture, manufactures and trade, which were innocent office had been filled by slaveholders thirty-two out of and beneficent, I shall never be a denizen of a State forty years. where nten and women are reared as cattle, and bought In 1836, Martin Van Buren-the first non-slaveholding and sold as merchandise. When that evil day shall come, citizen of a Free State to whose election the Democratic and all further effort at resistance shall be impossible, party ever consented-signalized his inauguration into the then, if there shall be no better hope for redemption than Presidency, by a gratuitous announcement, that under no I can now foresee, I shall say with Franklin, while looking circumstances would he ever approve a bill for the aboliabroad over the whole earth for a new and more congenial tion of Slavery in the District of Columbia. From 1838 to home, "Where liberty dwells, there is my country.” 1844, the subject of abolishing Slavery in the District of

You will tell me that these fears are extravagant and Columnbia and in the national dock-yards and arsenals, chimerical. I answer, they are so; but they are so only was brought before Congress by repeated popular appeals. because the designs of the slaveholders must and can be The Democratic party thereupon promptly denied the right defeated. But it is only the possibility of defeat that ren- of petition, and effectually suppressed the freedom of ders They cannot be defeated by inactivity. speech in Congress, so far as the institution of Slavery was There is no escape from them, compatible with non-resist- concerned. ance. How, then, and in what way, shall the necessary From 1840 to 1843, good and wise men counselled that resistance be made? There is only one way. The Demo- Texas should remain outside of the Union until she cratic party must be permanently dislodged from the Gov- should consent to relinquish her self-instituted slavery; erninent. The reason is, that the Democratic party is in- but the Democratic party precipitated her admission into extricably committed to the designs of the slaveholders, the Union, not only without that condition, but even which I have described. Let me be well understood. I do with a covenant that the State might be divided and not charge that the Democratic candidates for public office reorganized so as to constitute four Slave States instead now before the people are pledged to, much less that the of one. Democratic masses who support them really adopt, those In 1846, when the United States became involved in a atrocious and dangerous designs. Candidates may, and war with Mexico, and it was apparent that the struggle generally do, mean to act justly, wisely, and patriotically, would end in the dismemberment of that republic, which when they shall be elected; but they become the ministers was a non-slaveholding power, the Democratic party and servants, not the dictators, of the power which elects rejected a declaration that Slavery should not be estabthein, The policy which a party shall pursue at a future lished within the territory to be acquired. When, in period is only gradually developed, depending on the oc- 1850, governments were to be instituted in the Territocurrence of events never fully foreknown. The motives ries of California and New Mexico the fruits of that war, of men, whether acting as electors, or in any other capa- the Democratic party refused to admit New-Mexico as a city, are generally pure. Nevertheless, it is not more true Free State, and only consented to admit California as a that “ Hell is paved with good intentions," than it is that Free State on the condition, as it has since explained the earth is covered with wrecks resulting from innocent and transaction, of leaving all of New-Mexico and Utah open amiable motives.

to Slavery, to which was also added the concession of The very constitution of the Democratic party commits perpetual Slavery in the District of Columbia, and the it to execute all the designs of the slaveholders, whatever passage of an unconstitutional, cruel, and humiliating they niay be. It is not a party of the whole Union, of all law, for the recapture of fugitive slaves, with a further the Free States and of all the Slave States ; nor yet is-it a stipulation that the subject of Slavery should never again party of the Free States in the North and in the Northwest; be agitated in either chamber of Congress. When, in but it is a sectional and local party, having practically its 1854, the slaveholders were contentedly reposing on these seat within the Slave States, and counting its constituency great advantages, then so recently won, the Democratic chiefly and almost exclusively there. of all its represen- party, unnecessarily, officiously, and with superserviceatatives in Congress and in the Electoral College, two-thirds ble liberality, awakened them from their slumber, to offer uniformly come from these States. Its great element of land force on their acceptance the abrogation of the law strength lies in the vote of the slaveholders, augmented by which declared that neither Slavery nor involuntary serthe representation of three-fifths of the slaves. Deprive vitude should ever exist within that part of the ancient the Democratic party of this strength, and it would be a territory of Louisiana which lay outside of the State of helpless and hopeless minority, incapable of continued or- Missouri, and north of the parallel of 36 deg. 30 min, of ganization. The Democratic party, being thus local and north latitude-a law which, with the exception of one sectional, acquires new strength from the admission of other, was the only statute of Freedom then remaining in every new Slave State, and loses relatively by the admis- the Federal code. zion of every new Free State into the Union.

In 1856, when the people of Kansas had organized a A party is, in one sense, a joint-stock association, in new State within the region thus abandoned to Slavery, which those who contribute' most direct the action and and applied to be admitted as a Free State into the Union, management of the concern. The slaveholders contribut- the Democratic party contemptuously rejected their peing in an overwhelmning proportion to the capital strength tition and drove them, with menaces and intimidations, of the Democratic party, they necessarily dictate and pre- from the halls of Congress, and armed the President with scribe its policy. The inevitable caucus system enables them military power to enforce their submission to a slave to do so with a show of fairness and justice. If it were pos-code, established over them by fraud and usurpation. sible to conceive for a moment that the Democratic party At every subsequent stage of the long contest which has should disobey the behests of the slaveholders, we should since raged in Kansas, the Democratic party has lent its then see a withdrawal of the slaveholders, which would sympathies, its aid, and all the powes of the Government leave the party to perish. The portion of the party which which it controlled, to enfoi ce slavery upon that unwilis found in the Free States is a mere appendage, conve- ling and injured people. And now, even at this day, nient to modify its sectional character, without impairing while it mocks us with the assurance that Kansas is free, its sectional constitution, and is less effective in regulating the Democratic party keeps the State excluded from her its movement than the nebulous tail of the comet is in de- just and proper place in the Union, under the bope that termining the appointed though apparently eccentric she may be dragooned into the acceptance of Slavery. course of the fiery sphere from which it emanates.

The Democratic party, finally, has procured from a To expect the Democratic party to resist Slavery and Suprenie Judiciary, fixed in its interest, a that favor Freedom, is as unreasonable as to look for Protestant Slavery exists by force of the Constitution in eve. y Terrimissionaries to the Catholic Propaganda of Rome. The tory of the United States, paramount to all legislative history of the Democratic party commits it to the policy authority either within the Territory, or residing in Conof Slavery. It has been the Democratic party, and no gress., other agency, which has carried that policy up to its pre

Such is the Democratic party. It has no policy, State sent alarming culmination. Without stopping to ascertain, or federal, for finance or trade, or manufacture, or comcritically, the origin of the present Democratic party, we merce, or education, or internal improvements, or for the may concede its claim to date from the era of good feeling protection or even the security of civil or religious libwhich occurred under the Administration of President erty. It is positive and uncompromising in the interest Monroe. At that time, in this state, and about that time of Slavery-negative, compromising and vacillating, in in many others of the Free States, the Democratic party regard to everything else. It boasts its love of equality deliberately disfranchised the free colored, or African citi- and wastes its strength, and even its life, in fortifying the zen, and it has pertinaciously continued this disfranchise- only aristocracy known in the land. It professes fraterment ever since. This was an effective aid to Slavery ; nity, and, so often as Slavery requires, allies itself with for while the slaveholder votes for his slaves against Free- proscription. It magnifies itself for conquests in foreign dom, the freed slave in the Free States is prohibited from lands, but it sends the national eagle forth always with voting against Slavery.

chains, and not the olive branch, in his fangs. In 1824, the Democracy resisted the election of John This dark record shows you, fellow citizens, what I Quincy Adams-himself before that time an acceptable was unwilling to announce at an earlier stage of this Bemocrat - and in 1828, it expelled him from the Presi- argument, that of the whole nefarious schedule of slavedency, and put a slaveholder in his place, although the holding designs which I have submitted to you, the Demo. cratic party has left only one yet to be consummated- too conservative for others. As if any party ever foresaw the abrogation of the law which forbids the African slave so clearly the course of future events as to plan a univertrade.

sal scheme for future action, adapted to all possible Now, I know very well that the Democratic party has, i emergencies. Who would ever have joined even the Whig at every stage of these proceedings, disavowed the motive party of the Revolution, if it had been obliged to answer, and the policy of fortifying and extending Slave y, and in 1775, whether it would declare for Independence in has excused them on entirely different and more plausi- 1776, and for this noble Federal Constitution of ours in ble grounds. But the inconsistency and frivolity of 1787, and not a year earlier or later? these pleas prove still more conclusively the guilt I The people of the United States will be as wise next charge upon that party. It must, indeed, try to excuse year, and the year afterward, and even ten years hence, such guilt before mankind, and even to the consciences as we are now. They will oblige the Republican party of its own adherents. There is an instinctive abhorrence to act as the public welfare and the interests of justice of Slavery, and an inborn and inhering love of Freedom and humanity shall require, through all the stages of its in the human heart, which renders palliation of such career, whether of trial or triumph. gross misconduct indispensable. It disfranchised the free Others will not venture an effort, because they fear African on the ground of a fear that, if left to enjoy the that the Union would not endure the change. Will right of suffrage, he might seduce the free white citi- such objectors tell me how long a Constitution can bear zen into amalgamation with his wrouged and despised a strain directly along the fibres of which it is comrace. The Democratic party condemned and deposed posed? This is a Constitution of Freedom. It is being John Quincy Adams, because he expended $12,000,000 a converted into a Constitution of Slavery. It is a repubyear, while it justifies his favored successor in spending lican Constitution. It is being made an aristocratic one. $70,000,000, $80,000,000, and even $10,000,000, a year. Others wish to wait until some collateral questions conIt denies emancipation in the District of Columbia, even cerning temperance, or the exercise of the elective franwith compensation to masters and the consent of the chise are properly settled. Let me ask all such persons, people, on the ground of an implied constitutional inhi- whether time enough has not been wasted on these bition, although the Constitution expressly confers upon points already, without gaining any other than this Congress sovereign legislative power in that District, and single advantage, namely, the discovery that only one although the Democratic party is tenacious of the prin- thing can be effectually done at one time, and that the ciple of strict construction, It violated the express pru- one thing which must and will be done at any one time visions of the Constitution in suppressing petition and is just that thing which is most urgent, and will no debate on the subject of Slavery, through fear of dis- longer admit of postponement or delay. Finally, we turbance of the public harmony, although it claims that are told by faint-hearted men that they despond; the the electors have a right to instruct their representatives, Democratic party, they say, is unconquerable, and the and even demand their resignation in cases of contu- dominion of Slavery is consequently inevitable.

I macy. It extended Slavery over Texas, and connived at reply to them, that the complete and universal dominion the attempt to spread it across the Mexican territories, of slavery would be intolerable enough when it should even to the shores of the Pacific Ocean, under a plea of have come after the last possible effort to escape should enlarging the area of Freedom. It abrogated the Mexi. have been made. There would, in that case, be left to can slave law and the Missouri Compromise prohibition us the consoling reflection of fidelity to duty. of Slavery in Kansas, not to open the new Territories to But I reply, further, that I know-few, I think, know Slavery, but to try therein the new and fascinating better than I-the resources and energies of the Demotheories of Non-intervention and Popular Sovereignty; cratic party, which is identical with the Slave Power. I and, finally, it overthrew both these new and elegant do ample prestige to its traditional popularity. I know systems by the English Lecompton bill and the Dred further-few, I think, know better than I-the diffiScott decision, on the ground that the Free States ought culties and disadvantages of organizing a new political not to enter the Union without a population equal to the force like the Republican party, and the obstacles it represeutative basis of one member of Congress, although must encounter in laboring without prestige and without Slave States might come in without inspection as to their patronage. But, notwithstanding all this, I know that numbers.

the Democratic party must go down, and that the ReWill any member of the Democratic party now here publican party must rise into its place. The Democlaim that the authorities chosen by the suffrages of the catic party derived its strength, originally, from its party transcended their partisan platforms, and so misres adoption of the principles of equal and exact justice to presented the party in the various transactions I have all men. So long as it practiced this principle faithrecited ? Then I ask him to name one Democratic fully, it was invulnerable. It became vulnerable when statesman or legislator, from Van Buren to Walker, it renounced the principle, and since that time it has who either timidly or cautiously like them, or boldly or maintained itself, not by virtue of its own strength, or defiantly like Douglas, ever refused to execute a even of its traditional merits, but because there as yet behest of the slaveholders, and was not therefor, and had appeared in the political field no other party that for no other cause, immediately denounced, and de- had the conscience and the courage to take up, and posed from his trust, and repudiated by the Democratic avow, and practice the life-inspiring principles which party for that contumacy.

the Democratic party had surrendered. At last, the I think, fellow-citizens, that I have shown you that it Republican party has appeared. It avows now, as the is high time for the friends of Freedom to rush to the Republican party of 1800 did, in one word, its faith and rescue of the Constitution, and that their very first duty its works, “ Equal and exact justice to all men.". Even is to dismiss the Democratic party from the administra- when it first entered the field, only half organized, it tion of the Government.

struck a blow which only just failed to secure complete Why shall it not be done? All agree that it ought to and triumphant victory. In this, its second campaign, be done. What, then, shall prevent its being done? it has already won advantages which render that tri. Nothing but timidity or division of the opponents of the umph now both easy and certain. Democratic party.

The secret of its assured success lies in that very charSome of these opponents start one objection, and some acteristic which, in the mouth of scoffers, constitutes its another. Let us notice these objections briefly. One great and lasting imbecility and reproach.

It lies in class say that they cannot trust the Republican party; the fact that it is a party of one idea; but that idea is a that it has not avowed its hostility to Slavery boldly noble one an idea that fills and expands all generous enough, or its affection for Freedom earnestly enough. souls; the idea of equality-the equality of all men be.

I ask in reply, is there any other party which can be more fore human tribunals and human laws, as they all are safely trusted ? Every one knows that it is the Republican equal before the Divine tribunal and Divine laws. party or none, that shall displace the Democratic party. I know, and you know, that a revolution has begun. But I answer further, that the character and fidelity I know, and all the world knows, that refolutions never of any party are determiped, necessarily, not by its go backward. Twenty Senators and a hundred Reprepledges, programmes, and platforms, but by the public sentatives proclaim boldly in Congress to-day sentiments exigencies, and the temper of the people when they call and opinions and principles of Freedom which hardly so it into activity. Subserviency to Slavery is a law writ- many men, even in this f. ee State, dared to utter in their ten not only on the forehead of the Democratic party, own homes twenty years ago.

While the Government but also in its very soul-80 resistance to Slavery, and of the United States, under the conduct of the Demodevotion to Freedom, the popular elements now ac- cratic party, has been all that time surrendering one tively working for the Republican party among the peo- plain and castle after another to Slavery, the people of ple, must and will be the resources for its ever-renewing the United States have been no less steadily and perse strength and constant invigoration.

veringly gathering together the forces with which to re. Others cannot support the Republican party, because it cover back again all the fields and all the castles which it has not sufficiently exposed its platform, and deter- have been lost, and to confound and overthrow, by one mined what it will do, and what it will not do, wher decisive blow, the betrayers of the Constitution and triumphant. It may prove too progressive for some, and Freedom forever.

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