was followed by the introduction of testimony in the President's behalf. This concluded, the arguments were commenced on April 22, and ended by May 11, when the senate announced itself ready for the vote, which was taken in the midst of breathless interest on the part of the large and brilliant audience present, and awaited with intense anxiety by the whole American people. It had been decided that the first vote must be taken on the last article, which was a summary of many of the charges set forth at greater length in the preceding sections. Upon the call of each name the senator designated was required to arise and respond "guilty or "not guilty." The result as announced by the chief-justice showed that thirty-five senators had voted for conviction, and nineteen against. As two-thirds were required for conviction, the impeachment upon that article had failed. The votes upon the second and third articles were taken on May 26, and as the result was similar to that recorded above, the matter was abandoned and the court of impeachment adjourned sim die.

The struggle between the legislative and executive departments of the government was not renewed with anything like the virulence it had attained before the trial, and the remainder of President Johnson's term was passed in comparative peace. Although receiving a number of votes. in the Democratic Presidential convention of 1868, he failed of a nomination, and one of the chief purposes he had held in mind through all this bitter fight in support of his policy had therefore come to naught. The platform adopted at that convention contained a plank declaring that "the President of the United States, Andrew Johnson, in exercising the power of his high office in resisting the aggressions of congress upon the constitutional rights of the states and the people, is entitled to the gratitude of the whole American people." The Republican platform of the same year denounced him in terms of severe reproach, and sustained the views held by the leaders of that party during the impeachment trial. Early in July the President issued a proclamation granting a free pardon to all whe had participated in the rebellion, with the exception of those who were then under indictment for treason. There is little else to record in his administration of the presidential office, and upon the inauguration of President Grant on March 4, 1869, he retired to his home in Greenville, Tennessee, where he passed a number of years in quiet, from which he only once more emerged in a public sense. In January, 1875, he was chosen by the legislature of his state to his old position of senator, but had only fairly entered upon the duties of his office when death called him forever from the scene of his labors. He was stricken with paralysis on July 28 of the year last named, and after a period of unconsciousness, passed peacefully away on the morning of the thirty-first. The respect showed his memory by those about him and his own people, proved that

no matter how many enemies he had made in the outside world, he was beloved and trusted by those among whom his stormy life had been passed; while the expressions from those who had the most fiercely opposed him in the heat of party strife were such as to show that, while denouncing the official, they had not overlooked the sterling qualities of the man.

In any measurement of Andrew Johnson's character or any temperate discussion of his career, the disadvantages of his childhood and the surroundings of his youth and early manhood must be taken into account. Compelled to grope blindly for the upward path to which his ambition for better things had led him to aspire, he had little aid from outside sources; and being compelled to depend altogether upon himself in minor things, he was led to the same course when confronted with the great. With an intense egotism and an unbounded belief in himself, which had never been subdued by the control of others, he inherited all the arrogance of power and entered upon a contest with the law-making branch of the government which led him into difficulties and dangers he might have avoided. That fatal ambition which has ended many a career of usefulness in American statesmanship, took possession of him as soon as the great tragedy had given him the seat of Lincoln, and when he found that his own party held out no hope of his nomination and election to the Presidency, he abandoned. it and threw all his hopes upon that of the Democratic, to which he had formerly belonged. In that ambition lies the key of his course of action. It led him to turn his back squarely upon principles he had before sustained and to commit many fatal errors in dealing with the south. It led him to oppose the Fourteenth amendment, to show an unwillingness to make citizenship national; to oppose all efforts to secure the safety of the public debt; to resist all measures that would put the rebel debt beyond the possibility of payment; to make haste to turn the control of the Confederate states over to the men who had attempted to take them out of the Union; to veto the Civil Rights bill; and to the prosecution of that entire line of conduct which his policy embraced. That he failed of his purpose, and went out of office repudiated by his old political friends and ignored by the new, was the only fate that could have befallen one who had blindly placed himself in the way of national progress, and sought to take away one-half of its victory from the loyal north. It was these acts of his that came within his legal province but stirred the fear and anger of the people, that led to the trial of impeachment, rather than the apparently insufficient specifications put forward in the formal plea; and those who read the history of that time and are amazed that a great people should have been so wrought up over a minor thing, must bear in mind that Andrew Johnson was really tried upon the general policy of

his administration and not upon the things contained within the twelve articles filed by the prosecution in his trial.

Testimony must be borne to the unflinching honesty of Andrew Johnson, to the kindness of his heart, to his loyalty at a time when those about him wavered. In that must be found palliation for his after course, while many of his mistakes may be charged to the ill advice of those about him, and the defects of training that were an unavoidable part of. his early career.

Nor can this brief consideration of his life be dismissed without once more referring to the brave stand he made for his country in the hour of its peril. His words upon the several memorable occasions referred to were bravely uttered, and went direct to the heart of loyal men everywhere. He showed that all who had been born and reared in the south were not enemies to the flag. In justice to the memory of Andrew Johnson, and that those who are of this generation may themselves hear the words he uttered when all was doubt and uncertainty, these further extracts from his speech of December 18 and 19, 1860, are taken-showing not only his position but that of many other loyal Democrats of the south who were in opposition to the Rebellion:

"I am opposed to secession," he said in the opening portions of that speech. "I believe it is no remedy for the evils complained of. Instead of acting with that division of my southern friends who take ground for secession, I shall take other grounds, while I try to accomplish the same end. I think that this battle ought to be fought not outside but inside the Union, and upon the battlements of the Constitution itself. I am unwilling voluntarily to walk out of the Union which has been the result of a Constitution made by the patriots of the Revolution. They formed the Constitution; and this Union that is so much spoken of, and which all of us are so desirous to preserve, grows out of the Constitution; and I repeat, I am not willing to walk out of a Union growing out of the Constitution that was formed by the patriots and the soldiers of the Revolution. So far as I am concerned, and I believe I may speak with some degree of confidence for the people of my state, we intend to fight that battle inside and not outside of the Union; and if anybody must go out of the Union, it must be those who violate it. . . I know that sometimes we talk about compromises. I am not a compromiser nor a conservative, in the usual acceptation of those terms. I have generally been considered radical, and I do not come forward to-day in anything that I shall say or propose, asking for anything to be done upon the principle of compromise. If we ask for anything, it should be for that which is right and reasonable in itself. If it be right, those of whom we ask it upon the great principle of right are bound to grant it. Compromise! I know in the common acceptation of the term, it is to agree

upon certain propositions in which some things are conceded on one side, and others conceded on the other. I shall go for enactments by congress or for amendments to the Constitution upon the principle that they are right, and upon no other ground. I am not for compromising right with wrong. If we have no right, we ought not to demand it. If we are in the wrong, they should not grant us what we ask. I approach this momentous subject on the great principles of right, asking for nothing and demanding nothing but what is right in itself, and whatever a rightminded man and a right-minded community and a right-minded people who wish for the preservation of this government will be disposed to grant.

"In fighting this battle I shall do it upon the basis laid down by a portion of the people of my own state in a large and very intelligent meeting. A committee of the most intelligent men in the county reported this resolution:

"Resolved, That we deeply sympathize with our sister southern states, and fully admit that there is good cause for dissatisfaction and complaint on their part on account of the recent election of sectional candidates to the Presidency and vice-presidency of the United States, yet we, as a portion of the people of a slave holding community, are not for seceding or breaking up the Union of these states until every fair and honorable means has been exhausted in trying to obtain, on the part of the nonslave holding states, a compliance with the spirit and letter of the Constitution and all its guarantees; and when this shall have been done, and the states now in open rebellion against the laws of the United States, in refusing to execute the Fugitive Slave law, shall persist in their present unconstitutional course, and the Federal government shall fail or refuse to execute the laws in good faith, it (the government) will not have accomplished the great design of its creation, and will, therefore, in fact be a practical dissolution, and all the states, as parties, be released from the compact which formed the Union.'

"What is the first threat thrown out? It is an intimidation to the border states, alluding especially to Virginia, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri; they constitute the first tier of the border slave states. The next tier would be North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas. We, in the south, have complained of and condemned the position assumed by the Abolitionists. We have complained that their intention is to hem slavery in, so that, like the scorpion when surrounded by fire, if it did not die from the intense heat of the scorching flames, it would perish from its own poisonous sting. Now, our sister, without consulting her sisters, without caring for their interests or consent, says that she will move forward; that she will destroy the government under which we have lived, and that hereafter when she forms a government or a constitution, unless the border

states come in, she will pass laws prohibiting the importation of slaves into her state from those states, and thereby obstruct the slave trade among the states, and throw the institution back upon the border states, so that they will be compelled to emancipate their slaves upon the principle laid down by the Abolition party. That is the rod held over us!

"I tell our sisters in the south that, so far as Tennessee is concerned, she will not be dragged into a southern or any other Confederacy until she has had time to consider; and then she will go when she believes it to be her interest, and not before. I tell our northern friends who are resisting the execution of the laws made in conformity with the Constitution, that we will not be driven, on the other hand, into their Confederacy, and we will not go into it unless it suits us, and they give us such guarantees as we deem right and proper. We are not to be frightened or coerced! ercing a state, how maddening and insulting to the state; but when you want to bring the other states to terms, how easy to point out a means by which to coerce them! But, sir, we do not intend to be coerced.

We say to you of the south:
Oh, when one talks about co-

"We are told that certain states will go out and tear this accursed Constitution into fragments, and drag the pillars of this mighty edifice down upon us, and involve us all in one common ruin. Will the border states submit to such a threat? No. But if they do not come into the movement the pillars of this stupendous fabric of human freedom and greatness and goodness are to be pulled down, and all will be involved in one common ruin. Such is the threatening language used: 'You shall come into our Confederacy, or we will coerce you to the emancipation of your slaves.' That is the language which is held toward us.

"What protection would it be to us to dissolve this Union? What protection would it be to us to convert this Nation into two hostile powers, the one warring with the other? Whose property is at stake? Whose interest is endangered? Is it not the property of the border states? Suppose Canada were moved down upon our border, and the two separated sections, then different nations, were hostile, what would the institution of slavery be worth on the border? Every man who has common sense will see that the institution would take up its march and retreat as certainly and as unerringly as general laws can operate. Yes, it would commence to retreat the very moment this. Union was divided into two hostile powers, and you made the line between the slave-holding and nonslave-holding states the line of division.

"Then what remedy do we get for the institution of slavery? Must we keep up a standing army? Must we keep up forts bristling with arms. along the whole border? This is a question to be considered, one that involves the future; and no step should be taken without mature reflection. Before this Union is dissolved and broken up, we in Tennessee, as