with anti-slavery publications which were sent all over the south. In his annual message in 1835, the President called attention to this distribution of inflammatory materials, which he believed was calculated to kindle servile insurrections. This was the first agitation of the slave question in congress since it had been put to rest by the Missouri Compromise.

Mr. Buchanan took an attitude of decided opposition to the Abolitionists, and maintained it ever afterward. He opposed the proposition to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, because he thought it would be unjust to Maryland and Virginia, and make the seat of government a center of abolition agitation. He created intense excitement throughout the north by offering a resolution that all abolition petitions should be received and placed on file, but not acted upon—a practical denial of the right of petition-because he thought the agitation of the subject at that time would lead to sectional controversies which might endanger the integrity of the Union. He sympathized with the peeple of the Mexican province of Texas, who were largely immigrants from our southern states, and who revolted against Mexico in 1836, and fought for independence. While he favored the Washington doctrine of neutrality for the nation, he declared it to be the right and the duty of every American citizen to express and exercise sympathy for all people struggling for freedom and self-government.

Mr. Buchanan was chairman of the senate committee on foreign relations, in the Twenty-fourth congress, when the President determined to compel the French government to comply with a treaty made in 1831, concerning the payment of indemnities to American citizens, and proposed to strengthen our coast defences. The opposition vehemently opposed the measure. Mr. Buchanan made a long, lucid and conclusive speech in favor of it. In February, 1837, congress supported the President, and the French paid the indemnity.

The country was involved in great financial embarrassment when Mr. Van Buren became President in the spring of 1837. At a special session of congress called by him that year, the project of an independent treasury system, which would complete the divorcement of bank and state, was the chief topic of discussion. The scheme was vehemently opposed. Mr. Buchanan favored it, and in a speech of great power he reviewed the cause of and the remedy for existing financial troubles with great clearness. His was regarded as the ablest speech of the session.

The independent treasury system was established by congress at the long session of 1839-40. In its adjustment, Mr. Buchanan was the chief actor in the senate. Then was fought the decisive and final battle between the friends and foes of the United States bank as a fiscal agent of the National government. Silas Wright opened the contest; and on the

twenty-second of January, 1840, Mr. Buchanan, in reply to Mr. Clay, pronounced one of the most logical and effective speeches that ever fell from his lips in congress. It has ever been regarded as one of the best epitomes of political economy and the relations of labor and capital-the mutual interests of the rich and the poor-then ever submitted to the American people.

In 1840 a great political revolution occurred. The Whig party, created in 1834 of various materials, elected its candidate, General Harrison, President of the United States, by an overwhelming majority. The power of the Democratic party, which had borne rule for twelve years, was suddenly and signally prostrated. Precisely one month after his inauguration Harrison died, and the vice-president, John Tyler of Virginia, became his official successor. Tyler had been for many years a leader of the Virginia Democracy, but had recently joined the Whigs.

Efforts were now made by the men of the south to effect the annexation of Texas to the United States, for the purpose of extending the territorial area of the slave system and its political power, for that domain would be divided into six states each as large as Ohio. The subject of annexation became an absorbing topic in and out of congress. The Democratic party passed the scheme. The Whig party opposed it. Mr. Buchanan, the leader of the Democratic party in the senate, was one of the ablest and most earnest supporters of the project, and made notable speeches in favor of it.

President Tyler was already swinging back toward the Democracy. He favored annexation for obvious reasons. When the subject took the form of a joint resolution, Mr. Buchanan zealously advocated the measure as one of vital importance to the welfare of the Nation, notwithstanding every other member of the committee on foreign relations, of which he was chairman, was opposed to it. Only fifteen senators were in favor of it. The resolution was adopted by both houses on the first of March, 1845, and was signed by Tyler three days before he retired from office.

Mr. Polk, the "annexation candidate" of the Democratic party for the Presidency, was elected. He called Mr. Buchanan to his cabinet as secretary of state. The senator resigned, and on the fifth of March he took his place at the head of the new ministry. Both Presidents, Tyler and Polk, offered Mr. Buchanan a seat on the bench of the supreme court, but he declined it.

As a consequence of the annexation of Texas, war with Mexico soon ensued. Serious trouble with Great Britain was also threatened, because of a dispute concerning the northwestern boundary line between the United States and the British possessions. These and other delicate matters of state were managed with great wisdom and skill by Secretary Buchanan.

Preliminary to sending troops to the Texan frontier on the Rio Grande, Mr. Buchanan bargained with Santa Aña, ex-president of Mexico, then an exile in Cuba, to betray his country, by going into Mexico, putting himself at the head of the army, which would be sure to "pronounce him as leader, and surrendering it whenever a proper opportunity should occur, to a commander of United States troops, whoever he might be. This was to be done for a large money consideration. The attempt was made. Failure ensued. The Mexicans were subdued, not betrayed, and the war, which was sharp and decisive,was ended early in 1848, by treaty. The United States acquired by conquest the vast and rich territories of New Mexico and California, and by purchase the domain of Arizona. Thereby the administration of President Polk was glorified.

In his diplomatic correspondence with Mexico, Secretary Buchanan re-asserted with firmness the "Monroe Doctrine," and on a conspicuous occasion he compelled the British government, by cogent arguments, to yield its traditional policy of the perpetual allegiance of a British subject, to our broader system of naturalization, by making an alien as positively a citizen as if he were native born, with all its privileges and duties. He was ever ready to assert and maintain with zeal the dignity and the honor of his country.

Mr. Buchanan remained in President Polk's cabinet, shaping the policy of the government until the close of his administration, when the secretary retired to private life at his pleasant seat of "Wheatland."

He watched current public events with deep solitude. He was especially interested in the compromise measures for allaying the agitation of the slavery question offered by Mr. Clay and adopted by congress, in 1850. That Omnibus Bill," as it was called, embracing general measures, included the Fugitive Slave act, also an act for the admission of California as a free-labor state. Mr. Buchanan, in his intense desire for the preservation of peace and the Union, highly approved the Omnibus bill. In his response to an invitation to attend a Democratic meeting in Philadelphia, in November, he wrote:

"I now solemnly declare, as the deliberate conviction of my judgment, that two things are necessary to preserve our Union from danger: 1. Agitation in the north on the subject of southern slavery must be rebuked. and put down by a strong and enlightened public opinion. 2. The Fugitive Slave law must be enforced in its spirit."

The tendency to political proscription on account of religions opinions was vehemently denounced by Mr. Buchanan. "From my soul," he said, "I abhor the practice of mingling up religion with politics.

When a candidate is before the people for office, the enquiry ought never even to be made, what form of religious faith he professes; but only in the language of Jefferson: Is he honest? Is he capable?" This arrow was

aimed against the Native American party," which proscribed Roman Catholics.

In 1853 Mr. Buchanan accepted from President Pierce the position of minister plenipotentiary to the British court, then, as now, the most important of all the foreign diplomatic stations. Our commercial and other relations with Great Britain were exceedingly interesting at that time. It was during Buchanan's ministerial career that President Pierce dismissed the British minister at Washington, and also several consuls, because of their complicity in violations of our neutrality laws. This delicate matter, and negotiations concerning events in Central America were treated by Mr. Buchanan with the greatest wisdom, sagacity and fidelity to the interests of his country, directed by long experience.

After the virtual repeal of the Missouri Compromise, in the spring of 1854, the supporters of the slave system turned their attention to the acquisition of Cuba. They had great influence at the National capitol, through Jefferson Davis, then secretary of war. At his suggestion,

President Pierce directed the American ministers at the courts of Great Britain, France and Spain to confer together on the best method for settling existing difficulties with Cuba, and especially for its annexation to the United States. They met first at Ostend, in Belgium, and then at Aix-laChapelle. From the latter place they sent a letter to their government, in October (1854), embodying their views. "If Spain," said the authors of this extraordinary letter, "actuated by stubborn pride and a false sense of honor, should refuse to sell Cuba to the United States," then "by every law, human and divine, we shall be justified in wresting it from Spain, if we possess the power."

This was the doctrine of the mailed hand-"Might makes Right". pure and simple. Its utterances unrebuked by our government, shocked the moral sense of every honest person in both hemispheres. Why it was not rebuked was then an impenetrable enigma.

In the light of history to-day, the whole matter appears as a part of the scheme for founding an empire, the corner-stone of which was to be human slavery, and its domain to be included within what was called the "Golden Circle," the centre of which was Havana, the capital of Cuba. Mr. Buchanan must have been deceived as to the ultimate aim of the abettors of the scheme, for his ever-abiding love and care for the Union forbids the idea. that he was a complotter for its destruction, which was attempted in 1860. During Mr. Buchanan's absence in Europe, a new and powerful political party had been formed in the United States, composed of men of all shades of political opinion, united in opposition to slavery, and the Democratic party. It assumed the name of Republican. When in the spring of 1856 Mr. Buchanan resigned and came home, he found that party organized for a vigorous presidential campaign with a candidate of its own.

The ex-minister was received with enthusiasm by his political friends, who nominated him for the Presidency of the Republic. The Republican party nominated Colonel John C. Fremont for President, and the Native American party, then soon to expire, chose Millard Fillmore for their candidate. Mr. Buchanan was elected. He received 174 votes in the electoral college, Fremont 114, and Fillmore 8. The popular vote was: for Buchanan, 1,838, 169; Fremont, 1,341,264; Fillmore, 874.534. Buchanan received the vote of every slave-labor state, excepting Maryland, the only state which gave its voice for Fillmore. The Fillmore contingent secured the election of Buchanan.

Mr. Buchanan took his seat as the fifteenth Chief Magistrate of the Republic, on Wednesday, the fourth of March, 1857. He was a bachelor, nearly sixty-six years of age, tall, muscular, and rich in mental and physical vigor. His habits were simple and frugal; his tastes were refined; in deportment he was dignified and affable, and his morals from his earliest childhood had been unstained. He was temperate in all things, and possessed remarkable equanimity of temper.

The day of the inauguration was marked by a cloudless sky and balmy atmosphere. The streets of Washington city were free from dust and mud, and Pennsylvania avenue, the broad way between the presidential mansion and the capitol, was fringed on both sides with throngs of men, women and children waiting for the passage of the procession making its way to the place of ceremony at the eastern front of the capitol. The number of visitors from all parts of the Union, even from the Pacific coast, was immense.

The procession formed on New York avenue, received the Presidentelect at Willard's hotel. He rode in a barouche, accompanied by President Pierce and two senators. The line was largely composed of military organizations from various parts of the country, with their bands of music, and escorted by United States artillery, the President's mounted guard and United States marines. These were followed by veterans of the war of 1812. Next came the carriage bearing the President-elect and his attendants, and the mounted Keystone club as outriders, deputy marshals,

Following the carriage was a full-rigged miniature ship from the navy yard, manned by a crew of little boys. A number of Democratic clubs and fire companies of New York, Philadelphia and Washington formed the rear of the procession.

The oath of office was administered by the venerable chief-justice, R. B. Taney. After his inaugural address to a vast multitude of hearers, the chief representative of the people of thirty-one states and several populous territories, rode to the presidential mansion and took up his abode there, with his charming niece, Miss Harriet Lane, as "the lady of the White House."