EXECUTIVE MANSION, WASHINGTON, D. C.,
July 18th, 1864.

To whom it may concern:
Any proposition which embraces the restoration of peace,
the integrity of the whole Union, and the abandonment of
slavery, and which comes by and with an authority that can
control the armies now at war against the United States, will
be received and considered by the Executive Government of
the United States, and will be met by liberal terms on other
substantial and collateral points, and the bearer or bearers
thereof shall have safe conduct both ways.
ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

The application to which we refer was elicited by your letter of the 17th instant, in which you inform Mr. Jacob Thompson and ourselves that you were authorized by the President of the United States to tender us his safe conduct, on the hypothesis that we were "duly accredited from Richmond as bearers of propositions looking to the establishment of peace," and desired a visit to Washington in the fulfilment of this mission. This assertion, to which we then gave, and still do, entire credence, was accepted by us as the evidence of an unexpected but most gratifying change in the policy of the President-a change which we felt authorized to hope might terminate in the conclusion of a peace mutually just, honorable, and advantageous to the North and to the South, exacting no condition but that we should be "duly accredited from Richmond as bearers of propositions looking to the establishment of peace."

Thus proffering a basis for conference as comprehensive as we could desire, it seemed to us that the President opened a door which had previously been closed against the Confederate States for a full interchange of sentiments, free discussion of conflicting opinions, and untrammelled effort to remove all causes of controversy by liberal negotiations. We, indeed, could not claim the benefit of a safe conduct which had been extended to us in a character we had no right to assume and had never affected to possess; but the uniform declarations of our Executive and Congress, and their thrice repeated and as often repulsed attempts to open negotiations, furnish a sufficient pledge that this conciliatory manifestation on the part of the President of the United States would be met by them in a temper of equal magnanimity. We had, therefore, no hesitation in declaring that if this correspondence was communicated to the President of the Confederate States he would promptly embrace the opportunity presented for seeking a peaceful solution of this unhappy strife.

We feel confident that you must share our profound regret that the spirit which dictated the first step toward peace had not continued to animate the counsels of your President. Had the representatives of the two Governments met to consider this question-the most momentous ever submitted to human statesmanship-in a temper of becoming moderation and equity, followed as their deliberations would have been by the prayers and benedictions of every patriot and Christian on the habitable globe, who is there so bold as to say that the frightful waste of individual happiness and public prosperity which is daily saddening the universal heart might not have peen terminated, or if the desolation and carnage of war must still be endured through weary years of blood and suffering, that there might not at least have been infused into its conduct something more of the spirit which softens and partially redeems its brutalities?

Instead of the safe conduct which we solicited, and

pose would be extended for the purpose of initiating a negotiation in which neither Government would compromise its rights or its dignity, a document has been presented which provokes as much indignation as surprise. It bears no feature of resemblance to that which was originally offered, and is unlike any paper which ever before emanated from the constitutional executive of a free people. Addressed "To prescribes in advance the terms and conditions of whom it may concern," it precludes negotiation, and peace. It returns to the original policy of "no bargaining, no negotiations, no truces with rebels, except to bury their dead, until every man shall have laid down his arms, submitted to the Government, and sued for mercy." 59

What may be the explanation of this sudden and entire change in the views of the President, of this rude withdrawal of a courteous overture for negotiation at the moment it was likely to be accepted, of this emphatic recall of words of peace just uttered, and fresh blasts of war to the bitter end, we leave for the speculation of those who have the means or inclination to penetrate the mysteries of his Cabinet, or fathom the caprice of his imperial will. It is enough for us to say that we have no use whatever for the paper which has been placed in our hands. We could not transmit it to the President of the Confederate States without offering him an indignity, dishonoring ourselves, and incurring the well-merited scorn of our countrymen.

Whilst an ardent desire for peace pervades the people of the Confederate States, we rejoice to believe that there are few, if any, among them who would purchase it at the expense of liberty, honor, and self-respect. If it can be secured only by their submission to terms of conquest, the generation is yet unborn which will witness its restitution. If there be any military autocrat in the North who is entitled to proffer the conditions of this manifesto, there is none in the South authorized to entertain them. Those who control our armies are the servants of the people, not their masters; and they have no more inclination than they have right to subvert the social institutions of the sovereign States, to overthrow their established constitutions, and to barter away their priceless heritage of self-government.

This correspondence will not, however, we trust, prove wholly barren of good results.

If there is any citizen of the Confederate States who has clung to a hope that peace was possible with this administration of the Federal Government it will strip from his eyes the last film of such delusion; or if there be any whose hearts have grown faint under the suffering and agony of this bloody struggle, it will inspire them with fresh energy to endure and brave whatever may yet be requisite to preserve to themselves and their children all that gives dignity and value to life or hope, and consolation to death. And if there be any patriots or Christians in your land who shrink appalled from the illimitable virtue of private misery and public calamity which stretches before them, we pray that in their bosoms a resolution may be quickened to recall the abused authority and vindicate the outraged civilization of their country.

For the solicitude you have manifested to inaugurate a movement which contemplates results the most noble and humane, we return our sincere thanks, and are, most respectfully and truly, your obedient servants, C. C. CLAY, JR. JAMES P. HOLCOMBE

Messrs. Clay and Holcombe to Wm. C. Jewett.

CLIFTON HOUSE, NIAGARA FALLS, July 20, 1864. Col. W. C. Jewett, Cataract House, Niagara Falls: SIR: We are in receipt of your note admonishing us of the departure of Hon. Horace Greeley from the Falls, that he regrets the sad termination of the initiatory steps taken for peace in consequence of the change made by the President in his instructions to

convey commissioners to Washington for negotia tions unconditionally, and that Mr. Greeley will be pleased to receive any answer we may have to make through you. We avail ourselves of this offer to enclose a letter to Mr. Greeley, which you will oblige us by delivering. We cannot take leave of you without expressing our thanks for your courtesy and kind offices as the intermediary through whom our correspondence with Mr. Greeley has been conducted, and assuring you that we are, very respectfully, your obedient servant, C. C. CLAY, JR.

JAMES P. HOLCOMBE.

Mr. Greeley to Mr. Jewett.

INTERNATIONAL HOTEL, NIAGARA FALLS, July 20, 1864.

In leaving the Falls I feel bound to state that I have had no intercourse with the Confederate gentlemen at the Clifton House but such as I was fully authorized to hold by the President of the United States, and that I have done nothing in the premises but in fulfilment of his injunctions. The notes, therefore, which you have interchanged between those gentlemen and myself, can in no case subject you to the imputation of unauthorized dealing with public enemies. HORACE GREELEY.

To W. C. JEWETT, Esq.

No further attempts to open negotiations were made until December 28th, when the President and Secretary Seward met Commis

sioners from Richmond at Fortress Monroe. For the details of this negotiation, see PUBLIO DOCUMENTS.

Early in the year there was much division of opinion among the people relative to the person for the next President, and the principles he should represent. The friends of the Secretary of the Treasury, Mr. Chase, early brought

forward his name as a candidate. But the

Legislature of Ohio indicating a preference for Mr. Lincoln, a letter was written by Mr. Chase, on March 15th, withdrawing his name. He said:

WASHINGTON, March 8, 1864.

MY DEAR SIR: In reply to a friendly letter from you, I wrote you briefly not long ago about the wishes expressed by many, that my name might be favorably regarded by the people in their next choice of a President, and closed by saying, that should our friends in Ohio manifest a preference for another, I should accept their decision with the ready acquiescence due from one who has been already trusted and honored by them beyond merits or expectation. The recent action of the Union members of our Legislature indicates such a preference. It becomes my duty, therefore, and I count it more a privilege than a duty to ask that no further consideration be given to my

Lincoln's "reëlection to the place he now holds, and the completion of his wise war policy, as vitally important to the best interests of the country." Twenty-one Republican members of the Legislature of New Jersey, in February, addressed a letter to Mr. Lincoln, saying: "We present your name as the man for the American people in 1864." At the same time all the Republican members of the Legislature of Pennsylvania also addressed a letter to Mr. Lincoln, saying: "Expressing what we feel to be the language, not only of our own constituents, but also of all the people of the loyal States, we claim to indulge the expectation that you will yield to the preference which has already made you the The National people's candidate in 1864." Union League of Philadelphia expressed similar views. A large majority of the Assembly of Maryland Legislature, at the same time declared, "that the reëlection of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency is the earnest desire of a vast majority of the loyal people of Maryland." The State Convention passed a resolution of a similar purport. At the same time the Legislature of Minnesota, by a large majority, recommended our honored President to the people of Minnesota and the country for reelection to the office which he at present fills with such distinguished ability." The Legislature of Kansas, by a large majority, urged the Baltimore Convention to present the "name of our Chief which event the people of Kansas will rally to Magistrate as a candidate for reëlection, in his support with an unanimity unparalleled in the history of the elective franchise." The Legislature of California resolved, "That we do heartily favor his reëlection." The Republican Convention of Indiana, on February 23d, instructed their delegates to Baltimore to cast their votes for Mr. Lincoln. The Republican Central Committees of New York, at the same time, presented his name. In the Assembly of Missouri Legislature a resolution in favor of nominating Mr. Lincoln was laid on the table, 45 to 37 votes. The Union Leagues of Illinois expressed their preference for Mr. Lincoln. In Ohio, at a caucus of the Republican members of the Legislature, the following resolution was adopted:

Resolved, That in the opinion of this convention, the people of Ohio, and her soldiers in the army, demand the renomination of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency of the United States.

The members spontaneously arose to their feet, and gave cheer upon cheer at the announcement of the passage of the resolution.

At the time when these movements were taking place, the following letter was quietly circulated:

WASHINGTON, D. C., February, 1864. SIR: The movements recently made throughout the country to secure the renomination of President Lincoln, render necessary some counteraction on the part of those unconditional friends of the Union who differ from the policy of his Administration.

So long as no efforts were made to forestall the political action of the people it was both wise and patriotic for all true friends of the Government to devote their influence to the suppression of the rebellion.

But when it becomes evident that party machinery and official influence are being used to secure the perpetuation of the present Administration, those who conscientiously believe that the interests of the country and of freedom demand a change in favor of vigor, and purity, and nationality, have no choice but to appeal at once to the people, before it shall be too late to secure a fair discussion of principles. Those in behalf of whom this communícation is made have thoughtfully surveyed the political field, and have arrived at the following conclusions:

1. That even were the reelection of Mr. Lincoln desirable, it is practically impossible against the union of influences which will oppose him.

2. That should he be reelected his manifest tendency toward compromises and temporary expedients of policy will become stronger during a second term than it has been in the first, and the cause of human liberty and the dignity and honor of the nation suffer proportionately; while the war may continue to languish during his whole Administration, till the public debt shall become a burden too great to be borne.

3. That the patronage of the Government, through the necessities of the war, has been so rapidly increased, and to such an enormous extent, and so loosely placed, as to render the application of the "one-term principle" absolutely essential to the certain safety of our Republican institutions.

4. That we find united in Hon. Salmon P. Chase more of the qualities needed in a President during the next four years than are combined in any other available candidate; his record is clear and unimpeachable, showing him to be a statesman of rare ability, and an administrator of the very highest order, while his private character furnishes the surest obtainable guaranty of economy and purity in the management of public affairs.

5. That the discussion of the Presidential question, already commenced by the friends of Mr. Lincoln, has developed a popularity and strength in Mr. Chase unexpected even to his warmest admirers; and, while we are aware that this strength is at present unorganized and in no condition to manifest its real magnitude, we are satisfied that it only needs systematic and faithful effort to develop it to an extent sufficient to overcome all opposing obstacles.

For these reasons, the friends of Mr. Chase have determined on measures which shall present his claims fairly and at once to the country. A central organization has been effected, which already has its connections in all the States, and the object of which is to enable his friends everywhere most effectually to promote his elevation to the Presidency. We wish the hearty cooperation of all those in favor of the speedy restoration of the Union upon the basis of universal freedom, and who desire an administration of the Government, during the first period of its new life, which shall, to the fullest extent, develop the capacity of free institutions, enlarge the resources of the country, diminish the burdens of taxation, elevate the standard of public and private morality, vindicate the honor of the Republic before the world, and in all things make our American nationality the fairest example for imitation which human progress

has ever achieved.

cular issued by me, as chairman of the national executive committee. Such curiosity is very laudable, and I take an early opportunity to say that I did issue that circular, and that it embodies the views of the national committee upon the subject presented. The committee was instituted in the usual manner at a public meeting convened in this city in the month of January last. That meeting comprised members of Congress and citizens from nearly every loyal State in the Union. The committee is composed of members of Congress and other citizens of the United States; all of them, so far as I am advised, of the most unquestioned loyalty, and devoted to the Union, and to freedom as the best means for restoring and preserving the Union. The object of the committee is to unite the sentiment of the country in the support of men and measures suited to the times. It issued a letter, called by some a circular, which it has distributed, as also the speeches of members of Congress on the engrossing topics of the day.

There was nothing secret in or about the letter, unless some person wrote "private" or "secret" upon it in order to attract attention and secure a wider circulation. The only motive for its dissemination at all was to notify the country of the existence of such a committee and of the purpose of its organization. Copies were sent by mail to the President of the United States, to the judges of the courts, the Governors of the States, and other distinguished persons in the loyal portion of the country. I do not know that the Secretary of the Treas ury was consulted in reference to the organization of the committee. So far as I am informed, he was ignorant as to the persons composing that committee, as also of its action. This is the era of drafting men into the service of their country, without notice, and in that spirit he was drawn for the service. And because we believed the Secretary of the Treasury to be a suitable person, he was named as a candidate for the position of Chief Magistrate of the nation. We still believe him to be the man whom the people will delight to honor. And I find that many other men in the country think as we do in this matter. Indeed, I have yet to find the man friendly to freedom who does not concede that our choice would deposit the responsibilities of the Executive Government in able and safe hands.

Mr. President, the national executive committee still lives, and in my humble judgment bids fair to establish the fact of its existence on the page of the future. Indeed, its existence has now become almost a "military necessity." Through it we hope to stimulate, encourage, and combine the loyal men of the country for a more vigorous and successful prosecution of the war; believing that a speedy issue to the three years' doubtful conflict will save the credit of the nation, the lives of the army, and the very hope of a free Government among men!

Mr. Pomeroy, in continuing his remarks, complained of the present Administration as not being sufficiently "progressive," and enlarged office of Chief Magistrate. The following are on the preeminent fitness of Mr. Chase for the among the issues involved, as enunciated by the Senator from Kansas:

1. The immediate crushing out of the rebellion by every power in the Government, without amnesty proclamations, etc.

2. Constitutional amendments abolishing and forever prohibiting slavery.

3. The maintenance inviolate of the Monroe doctrine.

in all departments of the Government. 4. The organization of a system of rigid economy

5. The confiscation of the property of leading rebels, and the organization in the disloyal States of a republican form of Government.

In the opinion of the undersigned, the country is not now in a position to enter into a Presidential contest. It is very important that all parties friendly to the Government shall be united in support of a single candidate, and that, when a selection shall be made, it shall be acquiesced in by all loyal sections of the country, and by all branches of the loyal party. It is equally clear that such unanimity cannot at present be obtained, and it is not believed that it can be reached as early as the day named by you for the national convention.

Upon the result of the measures adopted by the Administration to finish the war during the present spring and summer, will depend the wish of the people to continue in power their present leaders, or to change them for those from whom they may expect other and more satisfactory results.

Whatever time may be gained will be an advantage to the country, inasmuch as it will allow the forming of a better informed opinion on these subjects.

In the opinion of the undersigned, whatever will tend to lessen the duration and allay the acrimony of the Presidential strife, which is always exciting and disturbing in proportion to the length of the canvass, will be an advantage to the country.

In periods of war and great civil revulsions, time is reckoned by events, and months are as years in the periods of peace.

With a pure and patriotic desire to serve the best interests of the country, and in the belief that they will be best served by a postponement of a political convention to the latest day possible, we respectfully ask that you will reconsider your action, and name a day for the assembling of the national convention not earlier than the first day of September next. Respectfully your obedient servants, W. C. BRYANT,

J. MCKAYE, GEORGE P. PUTNAM,

WM. K. STRONG,
WM. CURTIS NOYES,
LORENZO SHERWOOD,

GEORGE OPDYKE. A

VOL. IV.-50

The above list, says the N. Y. "Tribune" of April 25th, "contains the names of two-thirds of the Unionists chosen to our present State Senate. Others, who would doubtless have signed, were not in Albany when the above signatures were given. We understand that but two Senators declined to affix their names."

The views of the Abolitionists at this time are

expressed in the following statement of the "National Anti-Slavery Standard":

Mr. Garrison has intimated his opinion, in his own paper, that Mr. Lincoln is on the whole the most unexceptionable candidate likely to secure an election. Other eminent Abolitionists have pronounced even more decidedly in favor of Gen. Fremont. And yet others, we believe, incline to the party of Mr. Chase, should the Republican Convention thrust the nomination upon him in spite of his reclamations. But all these inclinings come solely from the belief in the minds of these several men, that their candidate is the man best fitted to finish the great work appointed to this generation to do, or to leave undone at the price of ruin. Not one of them will retain his allegiance to his favorite chief a moment after he has been seen to falter, or after a truer leader shall appear in the field. It is not Lincoln, or Fremont, or Chase, or Butler, that they consider chiefly in this regard, but the slave, whose interests only they are to consult, and whose champion only they look for when they cast about for a fitting Head to the Nation, In their private capacity Abolitionists will exercise their perfect freedom of individual opinion.

On May 6th, the following address of Radical Republicans in favor of Gen. Fremont to the people was issued, inviting a mass convention at Cleveland, O.

To the People of the United States.

After having labored ineffectually to defer as far as was in our power the critical moment when the attention of the people must inevitably be fixed upon the selection of a candidate for the Chief Magistracy of the country; after having interrogated our conscience and consulted our duty as citizens; obeying at once the sentiment of a mature conviction and a profound affection for the common country, we feel ourselves impelled on our own responsibility to declare to the people that the time has come for all independent men, jealous of their liberties and of the national greatness, to confer together and unite to resist the swelling invasion of an open, shameless, and unrestrained patronage which threatens to engulf under its destructive wave the rights of the people, the liberty and dignity of the Nation.

Deeply impressed with the conviction that, in a time of revolution, when the public attention is turned exclusively to the success of armies, and is consequently less vigilant of the public liberties, the patronage derived from the organization of an army of a million of men, and an administration of affairs which seeks to control the remotest parts of the country in favor of its Supreme Chief, constitute a danger seriously threatening to the stability of republican institutions; we declare that the principle of One Term, which has now acquired nearly the force of law by the consecration of time, ought to be in

flexibly adhered to in the approaching elections. We further declare that we do not recognize in the Baltimore Convention the essential conditions of a truly National Convention. Its proximity to the centre of all the interested influences of the Administration, its distance from the centre of the country, its mode of convocation, the corrupting practices to which it has been and inevitably will be subjected, do not permit the people to assemble there with any expectation of being able to deliberate at full liberty. Convinced as we are, that in presence of the critical circumstances in which the Nation is placed, it is only in the energy and good sense of the people that the general safety can be found; satisfied that the only way to consult it is to indicate a central position to which every one may go without too much expenditure of means and time, and where the assembled people, far from all Administrative influence, may consult freely and deliberate peaceably with the presence of the greatest possible number of men whose known principles guarantee their sincere and enlightened devotion to the rights of the people and to the preservation of the true bases of republican government; we earnestly invite our fellow-citizens to unite at Cleveland, Ohio, on Tuesday, the thirtyfirst of May next, for consultation and concert of action in respect to the approaching Presidential

election.

People's Provisional Committee.-B. Gratz Brown, Mo.; Stephen S. Foster, Mass.; And. Van Antwerp, N. Y.; Bird B. Chapman, Ohio; Ezra C. Andrew, Maine; Henry A. Clover, Mo.; Peter Engelman, Wis.; Caspar Butz, Illinois; George Field, N. Y.; Edward Gilbert, N. Y.; Thomas R. Ackland, N. Y.; B. H. Brooks, Cal.; Péter Gillen, N. Y.; Isaac W. Hoff, N. Y.; Wen. Herries, N. Y.; James Hill, Maine; K. Heinzen, Mass.; And. Humbert, Pa.; S. P. Dinsmore, D. C.; J. W. Alden, N. J.; L. Siebold, Iowa; Wm. Morris Davis, Pa.; E. M. Davis, Pa.; W. H. Crame, Wis.; F. Muench, Mo.; J. Quimby Webster, Maine; W. F. Johnson, Pa.; Fried. Kapp, N. Y.; Charles E. Moss, Mo.; Ernest Pruessing, Ill.; Wm. D. Robinson, Maine; John S. Savery, N. Y.; G. Cluseret, N. Y.; Emil Preetorius, Mo.; Nath. P. Sawyer, Pa.; Ernest Schmidt, Ill.; Albert Gilbert, Colorado; James Redpath, Mass.; Walter H. Shupe, Ohio; Wm. H. Smith, Maine; P. W. Kenyon, N. Y.; James Taussig, Mo.; Ph. Stoppelbien, N. Y.; Samuel Taylor, N. Y.; James S. Thomas, Mo.; J. F. Whipple, N. Y.; Theo. Olshausen, Mo.; George M. Lowman, Pa.; John Wallower, Pa.

This was soon followed by another call for the same object, signed by a number of the State officers of New York, as follows:

To the People.-Citizens of the United States who mean to uphold the Union, who believe that the rebellion can be suppressed without infringing the rights of individual or of State, who regard the extinction of slavery as among the practical effects of the war for the Union, and favor an amendment of the Federal Constitution for the exclusion of slavery, and who demand integrity and economy in the administration of Government, are respectfully invited to meet in Mass Convention, at Cleveland, on Tuesday, the thirty-first day of May, inst., for consultation and concert of action in respect to the approaching Presidential election.

Lucius Robinson; John Cochrane; Andrew J. Colvin; Thomas B. Carroll; Edward Wade; George W. Demers; Ira Porter; Brace Millerd; Howard Holddridge; Francis G. Fine; Lemon Thomson; Charles Requa; Smith Requa; Thomas P. White, Ky.; Edward Cole, Ky.; Francis F. Williams, Ky.; Smith Thompson, Ky.; Leroy McArdle, Ky.; Wm. Bentley, Ky.; John F. Smithers, Ky.; Davis S. Whiteley, Ky.; Peter McCall, Ky.; Charles F. French, Ky.; Robert Kraus, Mo.; Hanson Brent, Mo.; J. B. Clair, bour, Mo.; Wm. Freel, Mo.; Charles H. Frost, Mo.;

Thomas J. Riddle, Mo.; Wm. L. Bookstaver, Mo.; Fred. L. Braden, Ill.; Caspar O. Fitch, Ill.; Wallace Furman; Frederick Smith; Peter B. Lent, Ind.; Andrew F. Butler; Thomas Wilks; O. Whaley, Mass.; Johnson Stemer; Alfred Moses; Leonard J. Timon; John F. Pendleton, N. J.; Patrick Clare; Simon Munson.

of prominent Abolitionists, also appeared for the A third call, signed by a considerable number same object. Their objects were thus stated: "The things demanded, and which we ask you to join us to render sure, are, the immediate extinction of slavery throughout the whole United States, by Congressional action, the ab solute equality of all men before the law without regard to race or color, and such a plan of reconstruction as shall conform entirely to the policy of freedom for all, placing the political power alone in the hands of the loyal, and executing with vigor the law for the confiscating the property of the rebels."

A convention of some five hundred persons assembled at Cleveland in response to these calls, and nominated Major-General John C. Fremont for President, and John Cochrane, Attorney-General of New York, for Vice-PresThe political views or objects of the Convention were expressed in the following synopsis of resolutions:

ident.

1. The Federal Union shall be preserved.

2. The Constitution and Laws of the United States must be observed and obeyed.

8. The rebellion must be suppressed by force of arms, and without compromise.

4. The rights of free speech, free press, and the habeas corpus must be inviolate, save in districts where martial law has been proclaimed.

5. The rebellion has destroyed slavery, and the Federal Constitution should be amended to prohibit its reestablishment, and to secure to all men absolute equality before the law.

6. Integrity and economy are demanded at all times in the administration of the Government, and in time of war the want of them is criminal.

7. The right of asylum, except for crime, and subject to law, is a recognized principle of American liberty; any violation of it cannot be overlooked, and must not go unrebuked.

8. The National policy known as the "Monroe doctrine," has become a recognized principle, and the establishment of an anti-republican Government on this continent by any foreign power cannot be tolerated.

9. The gratitude and support of the nation is due to the faithful soldiers and the earnest leaders of the Union army and navy for their heroic achievements and deathless valor in defence of our imperilled country and civil liberty.

10. The one-term policy for the Presidency, adopted by the people, is strengthened by the force of the existing crisis, and should be upheld by constitutional amendments.

11. The Constitution should be so amended that the President and Vice-President shall be elected by a direct vote of the people.

12. The question of the reconstruction of the Rebellious States belongs to the people, through their respective representatives in Congress, and not to

the Executive.

13. That the confiscation of the lands of rebels, and their distribution among the soldiers and actual settlers, is a measure of justice.

Gen. Fremont accepted the nomination in a letter addressed to a Committee of the Convention, on June 4th, as follows: