Thus the sieges and defeats of 1848-49 were not thrown away, but remained, though buried for a time as seed in the soil, to burst forth into a new life. Victor Emmanuel stood by his country, and could not be moved, either by fear or tempting offers, to change the policy for which his father sacrificed his crown. He took the oath firmly to the constitution, summoned the chambers, and shared with them the government of his people. Massimo d'Azeglio, one of the most noble-minded and disinterested of Italians, was called to the head of the government. When fifteen years of age, he had accompanied his father, the Marquis d'Azeglio, then Sardinian ambassador to the Holy See, to Rome; and there he cultivated painting, poetry, and music with much success. He studied at Rome afterwards as an artist, living on a very small allowance granted to him by his dissatisfied father. In a few years he acquired the reputation of the first landscape painter in Italy. At this period of his history he became acquainted with the celebrated author, Alessandro Manzoni, whose daughter he married; and began to devote his attention to literature. His romances were full of national spirit, and reflected bitterly upon the evils of a foreign yoke. In the beginning of 1846 he issued a pamphlet, which produced much effect on the popular mind, called the Case di Romagna, in which he described vividly the corruption of the papal government, with which he was familiar by personal inspection. Cardinal Mastai had read this pamphlet, it was said, with interest, and it had much influence in directing him towards that course of reforms which he adopted on his election to the papal chair. Another pamphlet, descriptive of Austrian cruelty, designated Lutti di Lombardia, was written by him in January, 1848, and aided much the national cause. He fought afterwards at the siege of Vicenza, where he received a severe wound. He was chosen a deputy to the Turin parliament in 1849, and was soon afterwards made president of the cabinet.

Such was the man whom Providence selected, in the midst of disasters, to direct the Italian movement, by preserving and solidifying the liberties of Piedmont. A lofty idealist, with purity of motive and singleness of aim impressed upon every feature of his countenance, he combined with the richness and gentleness, so to speak, of Italian genius, the iron determination of the old Roman. A man not fitted to steer the vessel through the shoals and the quicksands of minute diplomacy, yet well able to start her upon the career of progress. His loftiness of aim, and purity of motive, could not but rouse all the best feelings of the assemblies which he directed, and of the people which he ruled. Thus, in a short time, he gained the confidence of all, and an attempted move of the democrats retorted upon themselves, and proved that he was master of the situation. Piedmont now went on, despite the rage and threats of Austria and her satellites, in the career of progress. The abuses of the church, which had reached an almost unparalleled height, were first assailed. A bill was prepared by Count Siccardi, but before its presentation to the chambers, the Count was despatched to Rome to remove, if possible, the opposition of the pope. The pope, now in the hands of the Ultramontanes, whom he regarded as his deliverers from his past follies, and the saviours of the church from shipwreck, took high ground, and would listen to no proposal to modify the authority of the bishops or the immunities of the clergy, "even should the authority of the laws, or the security of the States, be endangered thereby." Such negotiations were seen to be useless. An act of civility had been done, and Siccardi returned boldly to pursue his course. The wretched state of slavery in which Piedmont had been held by the Jesuits may be understood from the character of the first of the measures now proposed. The following were the chief points of the famous Siccardi laws:-The clergy for offences against the civil law to be rendered amenable to the ordinary tribunals; religious corporations to lose the right of receiving dotations or bequests; the number of church festivals to be abridged; and marriages to come under civil regulations as in France and Belgium. Thus those clerical tribunals which had been long overthrown in all Romish countries of advanced civilization, even in Austria, had continued to flourish in this Subalpine region. Every effort was put forth by the clerical party to inflame king, lords, and

commons against the proposed laws. The pope addressed a strong remonstrance to Victor Emmanuel personally. The machinery of the church was set at work. But all in vain. The laws were passed. The papal nuncio was recalled from Turin. The clergy were commanded to refuse the last sacrament and the rites of sepulture to those who had supported the measure, whether minister, senator, or deputy. The Archbishop of Turin openly forbade his clergy to observe the new laws. For this act he was sentenced to a month's imprisonment. The invectives of the Papacy now knew no bounds. D'Azeglio, in reply, gave a home-thrust to the papal court, which had appealed to the spirit of religion formerly displayed by the house of Savoy, by stating, "that his Sardinian Majesty above all things was an observer of the religion of an oath, well knowing that, in the actual perturbation of kingdoms, there was but one way to restore order, namely, to act with faith, justice, and loyalty, and to this did he attach himself."

Popular feeling was soon greatly excited against the violent proceedings of the church, by the refusal of the last sacrament to Santa Rosa, one of the members of the cabinet, who died in August of this year. This was done by express command of the archbishop. The dying minister was required to retract the part he had taken in the passing of these laws, but steadily refused, and died invoking eternal Justice to witness that it was demanded of him to do violence to his conscience. Popular indignation knew no bounds. The archbishop was compelled to authorize the funeral obsequies. The procession to the grave was of great extent, and flowers were showered from the windows on the hearse as it passed. The archbishop was first confined in a fortress, and then banished the kingdom. The government gained the victory. Their acts were ratified by the people.

On the death of Santa Rosa, Count Cavour succeeded to his place in the cabinet, the king showing his discernment in the remark, "Do you not perceive that this man will finish by supplanting you all?" Cavour belonged to one of the most ancient and wealthy families of Piedmont, but early began to struggle against the many narrowing influences of the political system which prevailed. It is related of him that when a mere boy he was enrolled among the royal pages, and provoked his dismissal by a witticism on the absurd formalities of the court. He was placed at a military academy afterwards, where he distinguished himself much. Scarcely, however, had the young officer been introduced into the circles of the capital, before his independence and sarcastic power gave such offence to courtiers, that his family received the hint to send him into honourable exile.

This led Cavour to live many years abroad, and thus gave him that general knowledge of politics which he afterwards turned to so good account. He spent much time in Britain, and studied with care the constitutional principles of the government, as well as the science of political economy. Returning to Piedmont as soon as the government of Charles Albert began to give indications of a more liberal tendency, he took an active part in forming the Associazione Agraria, the avowed object of which was the improvement of agriculture in its various branches. It had, however, much larger designs. It was intended to be the centre of a national intelligent awakening from the deadness of the past, to be the promoter of life and improvement in every direction, political and material. As events proceeded, and Charles Albert granted his liberal constitution, in November, 1847, Cavour and his friends established a new journal, the Risorgimento. This journal took up, from the first, a position of strong antagonism to the Mazzinians, whom it regarded as wild and dangerous dreamers, and defended the cause of constitutional liberty. It urged the king forward to the war against the Austrians in 1848. It soon obtained a great influence, and became the leading representative of the new constitutional party. Cavour, the mainstay of this journal, was elected a deputy in the first parliament in the end of 1847, and during that trying period, when the stormy contest between absolutism and democracy raged at its height, he kept the balance in his hands, and firmly opposed the democrats as well as the absolutists. To his clear, vigorous intellect is it in great part due that Piedmont did not go to the same extremes as Rome and Tuscany, and

thus fall back with the reaction to the same miserable condition. Heartily hated by the democrats, he lost his seat upon a re-election in 1849, but regained it after the battle of Novara, on the beginning of Victor Emmanuel's reign. In parliament he at once took his place as one of the best debaters, skilled above all others in the clear, practical judgment which he displayed, and the rapid skill of his argument. When others soared in the regions of theory, Cavour struggled, breast to breast, with the difficult facts around him, watched every movement, and skilfully seized his advantage. He never rose to great eloquence, except that eloquence of force and clearness which in the end masters all other. His power was felt at once, and he was a chief instrument in carrying through triumphantly the Siccardi laws, his wide knowledge of men and countries, and especially of the history of Britain, enabling him to expose with withering scorn the bondage from which Piedmont now sought deliverance, and the intrigues and devices of the clergy to retain, at the expense of the liberty and intelligence of the people, the privileges of their order.

It is impossible to look upon the head and countenance of Cavour, without feeling that he had in his character more of Northern, and especially of English, than of pure Italian elements, many of the Lombard and Piedmontese families still bearing the impress of their Germanic origin. These express active energetic thought rather than high idealism, while sagacity and determination are written upon every feature. He was a man of business habits, and of clear knowledge of men, and would have taken the highest position amongst merchant princes. It is known as a fact that he actually did, by his mercantile skill, retrieve the sunk fortunes of his family, before he was able, by reason of the changes of the time, to enter upon the field of politics. With this mercantile skill, which is necessary to every successful politician, and the existence of which in so unusual a measure in Britain, is one cause of the success of its constitutional system, he combined a warm, single-eyed love of country, which made him keep always in view the one object-the resuscitation of Italy—the creation of the unity and liberty of the Italian states. When others were confused in the detailed, perplexing questions of the moment, Cavour kept before him a single design, and guided all the details of his policy towards one end. Knowing Austria to be the soul of the system of despotism, which had been revived with more than its former horrors, he kept his eye steadily fixed upon this power, resolved to court any alliance which would enable him to contend against her, held with her no terms, and quietly prepared for the coming struggle.

Such was the man-clear-sighted, sagacious, with great mercantile capacity, politic, ready always to subordinate the most varied details to his leading idea, and withal a true, simple-hearted, honest patriot, who would have borne imprisonment or death for the good of his country, and who died eventually in her service, knowingly wearing out his constitution by unceasing toils-whom Victor Emmanuel called to his counsels on the death of Santa Rosa; who was from that period the ruling spirit of Italy till his death; and who has left his impress deeply stamped upon the future of his country. A member of one of the highest and most ancient families, he devoted himself with ardour to the cause of constitutional liberty, never swerving from his purpose, and giving thus a new example to the world of the benefit of noble birth, when associated with patriotic principle. The name of the unpretentious, clear-sighted Camillo di Cavour will shine conspicuous for centuries in the annals of Italy, and his policy will, we hope, regulate her destinies in generations yet unborn.

As soon as Cavour entered the ministry, the effect of his vigorous mind began to be perceived. He became more and more the ruling spirit of the cabinet. D'Azeglio, a statesman rather of lofty idealism than of practical sagacity, felt that Cavour was his master in the direction of practical affairs, and with a noble disinterestedness, which does honour to his country, prepared to lay down. the dignity which he had assumed under the most difficult circumstances, and to return to the unpretentious work of a landscape painter. In November, 1852, Count Cavour was installed as prime minister, and ruled the destinies of Italy to the time of his death, except for a period after the conclusion of the war of 1859, and other very brief intervals.

Under his guidance the cause of ecclesiastical reform continued to be pursued with a steady and vigorous hand. He had that power which is possessed only by men of large comprehensive views, of rising above temporary clamour, and the difficulties even of friends. He struck out boldly new courses for himself, convinced that he would gain the confidence of the public in the end. One of the boldest measures ever devised by a statesman was proposed and carried by him in 1855. England and France were then at war with Russia for the defence of Turkey. The campaign of the winter 1854-55, on the dreary heights of the southern point of the Crimea, had been disastrous to all concerned. If Russia also had suffered, she still held her fortress, while all Europe resounded with the sad narrative of the bitter sufferings of the British and French troops. In these circumstances, when a narrow-minded statesman would have been terrified to move, even if he had had a special obligation, Count Cavour resolved to take the initiative, by proposing that Piedmont send out a force to assist the allies. Had the plan been suggested by any one else, it would not have obtained even serious consideration. Russia had always been friendly to Sardinia. The increase of her influence in the Mediterranean would tend to strengthen second-class powers, by preventing the supremacy of France. The war had been one of disaster hitherto, though not of defeat. It was in fact no business of Sardinia's. Why should she put herself forward to meddle in matters which did not concern her? Such were the arguments of opponents-arguments which appeared to superficial onlookers to be entirely satisfactory. Cavour however, with quick eagle eye, saw an opportunity such as rarely offered for the advancement of the Italian cause. He dare not avow the full motives of his act, and thus had to defend it under much difficulty. Austria, influenced as she has almost always been by narrow selfish motives, was in great perplexity as to the course she should adopt in the circumstances. Bound to Russia by the events of 1849, and alarmed lest the great curtailment of Russian power should set at liberty the revolutionary element in Hungary and the east, Austria dared not take part against her; while on the other hand, she was too glad to see a power weakened which had treated her recently as a vassal, to wish to unite with her; and besides, she feared a war with the western powers which might kindle a conflagration in Italy. She therefore occupied the position of a weak neutrality which exposed her to the bitter hatred of the emperor Nicholas, and to the contempt of England and France, who understood her motives sufficiently well to give her no credit for disinterestedness. Cavour perceived this false position of the great enemy of his country. He perceived also, in the newly-formed western alliance, the centre of hope for Italy's future. Taking advantage of the opportunity when the Sardinian aid would be accepted as valuable, he proposed his measure for sending an army to the Crimea. We may state that he had been invited in the previous year to take part in the war by the Earl of Clarendon, who assured him of the warm admiration of the British people for the course pursued in recent years by Sardinia. After a fierce discussion in parliament, which lasted for several days, the proposal was at length carried, and a Sardinian army of 15,000 was soon after despatched in English vessels to the Crimea, under the generalship of General della Marmora, and amidst the enthusiasm of the soldiers. The valour and victory of the Sardinian army in the battle of the Tchernaya, roused a spirit of admiration in all Italy, and the results of this expedition thus aided much in giving to Sardinia the undisputed leadership among the Italian states. Count Cavour in the meanwhile had many obstacles to contend with. The queen and the only brother of the king died within a few weeks of each other, and the priests used all their influence to impress the mind of Victor Emmanuel with the idea that these calamities in his family were judgments on account of his rupture with the pope. For a time they appeared to have succeeded, when D'Azeglio stepped in, and, after being denied two audiences, wrote a most wise and noble expostulatory letter which completely brought back the king to his former counsels. The war now became more and more popular. Sardinia began to feel proud of her position among the nations, and the power of Cavour rose in undisputed ascendency. Towards the end of the year, Victor Emmanuel visited the courts of London and Paris, in company with his minister. He was

everywhere, especially in England, received with enthusiasm, and the opportunity was taken advantage of by the wise premier, to mature further plans for the opening of the discussion of the Italian question.

In the peace congress of 1856, Cavour, who was appointed to represent Sardinia after D'Azeglio had been nominated and declined, found no opportunity formally to bring forward the Italian question, against the introduction of which Austria protested. After the terms of peace between Russia and the allied powers was concluded, Count Walewski, as premier, called the attention of the congress to the position of Italy. A proposition was made that the powers represented in the congress should address a representation to the petty Italian potentates, calling upon them to avert the danger of revolution in Italy by more equitable and liberal systems of government. Though the proposal fell to the ground through the attitude of the Austrian plenipotentiaries, Count Cavour was requested to indicate the reforms necessary to insure tranquillity in the Papal States. To this request he replied, according to his brief statement in the Sardinian parliament shortly before his death, by refusing to indicate any programme of the kind proposed. He declared his conviction that it was impossible for the pope to follow the advice given him, and stated that the only means in his opinion of restoring the Romagna and Marshes to a healthy condition, and of rendering it possible to govern them without foreign occupation, was to separate the government entirely from that of Rome, and to make them judicially and administratively independent. When it became clear that the congress would separate without doing anything for Italy beyond giving her a sterile expression of sympathy, Cavour seized his opportunity to record a solemn protest in the face of Europe. In the famous memorandum addressed to France and England, at the close of the congress, he assumed to represent all Italy. He showed that its hopes had been disappointed by the conclusion of the war; that the revolutionary party would acquire fresh strength, now that the prospect of a diplomatic solution was postponed; that Austria was rapidly extending her dominion over Italy, and threatening the existence of all independent states; and that, in fine, “the government of Sardinia, disturbed within by the action of revolutionary passions, excited without by a system of violent repression and foreign occupations, and threatened by the extension of Austrian power, might at any moment be forced, by an inevitable necessity, to adopt extreme measures, of which it was impossible to foresee the consequences." The great fact was thus proclaimed to the European powers that the existence of constitutional Sardinia, and the maintenance of the Austrian system, were incompatible. The time had come when Austria must be openly met, and must be challenged at an early date, to prove her right to domineer over the greater part of the nominally independent states. On his return, Count Cavour declared openly in the Sardinian parliament:-"The result of the Paris negotiations has not been to improve our relations with Austria. I must say that the Sardinian and Austrian plenipotentiaries, after sitting side by side for two months, and co-operating in one of the greatest political works accomplished during the last forty years, separated with the intimate conviction that the political systems of these two countries are more opposed than ever. These differences may give rise to difficulties and create dangers, but that is the inevitable and fatal consequence of the system of liberty which Victor Emmanuel inaugurated on ascending the throne, and which you have ever since upheld. I do not think that the prospect of these perils ought to induce the king to alter his policy. The cause of Italy has been brought before that tribunal of public opinion whose verdict is without appeal. The trial may be long, but I am confident that its ultimate issue will be conformable to the justice of the cause."

The great statesman had chosen the proper opportunity to take a position in Europe, and to enlist sympathy against the Austrian system. From this period he began more directly to prepare for the contest which he saw, must, for life or death, be waged in behalf of the liberties of his country. He laughed to scorn the puerilities of Mazzini and the ultra-democrats, who encouraged the idea that