return home. Matters remained in this state of reciprocal discontent, for some years. When the reputation of the new American government, administered by President Washington, was established and known, Britain. of her own accord, sent Mr. Hammond, minister plenipotentiary, to the United States. This advance was well received, and major Thomas Pinckney was soon afterwards sent to London, in a similar diplomatic character. About the same time, war broke out between France and England. As soon as the existence thereof was known, President Washington issued his proclamation, unjoining on the citizens a perfect neutrality, between the belligerent nations. Though this was the duty, the right, and the interest, of the United States, yet, as France was generally beloved, and Britain as generally hated, the proclamation excited great uneasiness. The ill humour, which previously existed, was henceforward increased. The former charges against Britain were revived, and brought before the public, with increased acrimony. She was accused of instigating the Indians to acts of hostility, against the United States; of impressing their sailors; of illegally capturing their ships. In proportion as the public mind opened towards France, as a sister republic, and recent friend, it closed against Britain, as the late enemy of the United States, and, in principle, hostile to both republics. Motions were made in congress, for sequestering debts, due to British subjects, as a fund to indemnify American citizens, for depredations committed on their commerce, by British cruisers; and, also, for interdicting all commercial intercourse with Britain, till she gave up the posts, and made full compensation for the injuries she had done to the citizens of the United States. In addition to all previous causes of uneasiness, a new one grew out of the war with France. The Americans had become the carriers of France, and, adhering to their favourite principle, that free ships make free goods," they were indignant at the frequent searches, and captures of their vessels, and of French property on board. Their resentments were excited to such a degree, that many of them discovered an eagerness to join France, in the war against Britain. As a last re

source, for the preservation of peace, John Jay was sent, envoy-extraordinary, to the court of London. This virtually suspended all hostile legislative measures; for nothing of that kind could, with propriety, be urged, while amicable negociations were pending.

A treaty, between the United States and Britain, was the result of this mission. For nine years, the former had made unsuccessful advances, for establishing a commercial compact with the latter. Though more was now conceded, than ever could have been previously obtained, yet these concessions were far short of what the American people wished and claimed. Their favourite principle, " that free ships make free goods," was given up, and the search of their vessels authorised. Britain, as a great ower, would not relax on these subjects. With or without a treaty, she would act on her own construction of the laws of nations, and the United States, from inability to enforce their claims, had no alternative, but submission. By the temporary concession of this point, the United States were, in fact, in no worse situation, than they would otherwise have been; for, in both cases, searches and captures would have been equally frequent, and equally injurious to their commerce. The treaty, on the other hand, held out a fair prospect of a speedy surrender of the British posts, on the American side of the lakes; and also of restitution, for preceding illegal captures; together with an authorized, but limited trade, to the British West indies. Mr. Jay signed the treaty," as the best that was attainable, and as one which he believed it to be for the interest of the United States to accept." A great proportion of the citizens viewed the subject differently. The particulars of the treaty being published, by one of the senators, before the senate had advised its ratification, the people, availing themselves of their rights under a free constitution, assembled in the maritime cities, and in many country places, passed resolutions condemning the treaty, and concurred in petitions to the President, to refuse his signature to its ratification. Debates on the subject were warm and animated, both in congress, and among the citizens. The people were unfortunately divided into two parties ; one evident

ly partial to the French, the other to the British. The former were violently opposed to the treaty, which they represented as unequal, and giving up too much, and receiving too little; as partial to Britain, and as hostile to the interests of France; though the evidence, for this latter opinion, had scarcely any other foundation, than that the treaty bid fair to prevent a war between Britain and America, and indirectly to injure France by leaving her enemy more free to urge the war against the new republic. The advocates for the treaty contended, that it was better than none, and infinitely better than war; that it compromised disputes; tended to bring round a friendly intercourse; and would probably pave the way, for a more equal treaty, at no very distant time, when the growing importance of the United States would give them greater weight in future negociations. The President, on a view of all circumstances, from a conviction that the good outweighed the evil, gave the treaty the sanction of his name, and, with the advice of a constitutional majority of the senate, proclaimed it to be the law of the land. The party, in the house of representatives, opposed to this measure, asked of the President, a copy of his instructions to Mr. Jay, together with the correspondence, and other documents, relative to the treaty, in hopes of finding something, that would justify their opposition to its ratification. This request was refused by Washington, who, with great firmness and energy, in his reply contended that his compliance would be inconsistent with the constitution, which had exclusively given the treaty making power to the President, by and with the advice and consent of two-thirds of the senate. The opposition to the treaty was so great, that the appropriations, for carrying it into effect, were warmly resisted, and, after a long debate, barely carried, by a small majority, in the house of representatives.

The treaty, carried into effect, aga nst such powerful opposition, nominally settled existing disputes, between the two governments. The bickerings of the people continued; but the posts were given up, and compensation was made for several of the illegal captures of American vessels, by British cruisA board of commissioners was appointed, to examine

ers.

particularly into the losses, sustained by British creditors, individually, in consequence of legal impediments interposed by the Americans, to the recovery of bona fide debts due by them. In the detail of this business, so many difficulties occurred that, by common consent, the United States agreed to pay 600,000l. sterling, to the British government, in trust for the creditors of the Americans, and in full, for all such out-standing, contested claims of individuals, of the one nation, against individuals of the other, as were contemplated in, and affected by the 4th article of the treaty, and subsequent acts of some of the state legislatures. This magnanimous policy closed all grounds of controversy, growing out of the war of the revolution. The beneficial effects, resulting therefrom, evinced the wisdom of accommodating disputes, by moderation and reciprocal concession, in preference to deciding them by the sword.

Good humour began to return, between the two countries; but it was not of long duration. One impediment stood in the way of a perfectly good understanding. The right of searching American ships, and of impressing British sailors from them, is so strongly claimed by one, and so firmly resisted by the other, that a compromise, on middle ground, is next to impossible. Both are right, on the principles they, respectively, adopt. To the right of expatriation and the freedom of the Ocean, the Americans, from principle and interest, are friendly. On the same grounds, the British are opposed to both, and claim their native sailors, wherever found, as national property. Proceeding on these ideas, the British search neutral vessels, and impress from them such sailors, as are supposed to be born within the limits of their empire. The Americans are tenacious of their sovereignty; the British of their existence, which they consider as involved in the support of their navy. From the collisions of principles and interest, there is an increased irritation kept up between the two countries, whenever Britain is involved in war, and her peace endangered, by the indiscreet or arbitrary conduct of wrong-headed individuals. With the most honest intentions, frequent misVOL. III.

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takes must unavoidably happen. This results from the sameness of language, and often of dialect. It is a well-known fact, that the American born children, of Irish and Scotch emigrants to the United States, often retain so much of the peculiar accent of their parents, that they might honesty be mistaken, for natives of Scotland or Ireland. In deciding on the political condition of these and others, questions both of law and fact are determined by hot-headed naval officers, acting as judges, juries, and executioners. From their decisions there is no appeal.

Minor insults and injuries, after frequent repetition, were, in the year 1807, merged in the audacity of an attack, made, by order of the British admiral Berkley, on the United States' frigate Chesapeake, within the waters of the United States. This was to compel the delivery of part of her crew, claimed as British sailors. After several broadsides, from the Leopard, a 50 gun ship, and four men were killed on board the Chesapeake, a frigate of 36 guns, she struck; was boarded by the British; and had four men taken from her: one of whom was hanged as a British deserter. Since the Lexington battle, in 1775, nothing produced an equal effect, on the temper and dispositions of the American people. Indignation at this insult pervaded every breast. In pursuance of the laws, president Jefferson, by proclamation, interdicted British armed vessels, from entering the waters of the United States. The people, of their own accord, met in their cities, towns, and districts; and passed sundry resolutions, reprobating the conduct of the British, and pledging their lives and fortunes, to support the constituted authorities, in demanding satisfaction for the insult. The king of England promptly disavowed the act of Berkley, removed him from the command of the station, and instructed his naval officers to respect the flags of national armed vessels. However up to this period, 1808, there has been no suitable reparation made, by the offending party. This particular affair, after much discussion, remains unsettled. While the general claim, by Great Britain, of the right of search and impressment, has never been adjusted; nor can it be, till the Americans relinquish a portion of their sovereignty, or the British acknowledge, that sailors