then bequeathed the warring idea to germinate in the peninsula, which he recognized as the source of the Latin race, France its head. Upon his death Metternich dictated terms to Europe at the Congress of Vienna, and the celebrated Treaty of 1815, signed, truly, by the swords of the conquering Russian, Austrian, Prussian and English emperors and kings, rearranged the European map most capriciously and unfairly, and reinstated the secular régimes of ignorance and tyranny that Napoleon had knocked asunder with so much pleasure. Italy, especially, was sliced up once again and given into the virtual control of Austria and the Pope, with subservient princelets restored in Naples, Tuscany and Piedmont. During thirty-three years thereafter Metternich's policy of obscuring absolutism was paramount on the Continent, and Italy was militarily held as in a vise. A large Austrian army was stationed around immense fortresses in the two northern provinces of Lombardy and Venice, from which the rest of the peninsula was trodden into terror and abject submission. The dream of unity put forth by the middle-age and renaissance Italian poets and writers seemed then impossible of realization. Amidst the prevailing gloom and discouragement sporadic attempts at insurrection and revolution were made at various points in Italy, but were suppressed by the military with lightninglike rapidity. Yet, meanwhile, national aspirations which had been so thoroughly aroused were ripening, and in the best way, by healthy, gradual, natural growth. At length a spark, the Paris revolt that overthrew King Louis Philippe, served to kindle the fires of the revolution of 1848, which speedily overflowed into Italy, Hungary, and even Prussia. The war for independence which was made in Italy from 1848 to 1849 by the Piedmontese king, Charles Albert, was the most important phase of that revolution. It was partially successful from a military standpoint, and lasted much longer than could have been at first expected, because the raw levies of insurgent Italy were no match for the numerous regulars of Austria led by Marshal Radetzky. During the campaign two remarkable characters destined to wide notoriety, Garibaldi and Mazzini, became first conspicuous by their share in furthering the movement, the first by arms, and the second by his highsounding speeches and proclamations. Mazzini had been known as an agitator and plotter, and the uprising of the Romans gave him a coveted opportunity to try his hand at making and running the "God and people" brand of republic which was always so feasible in his own mind. Practically it amounted to nothing, and the only thing of mark done under the bubble Roman Republic which he fathered was the gallant defense of the city by the enthusiastically stubborn Garibaldi against the French force under General Oudinot sent to take it back, and which took it, for the Papacy, when Pius IX. returned to the chair of St. Peter from the Neapolitan fortress of Gaeta, where he had taken temporary refuge. The ending of the war for independence sent Mazzini back to London to proclaim and plot anew, and shipped off Garibaldi to the shores of the New World. He landed at New York, and in conjunction with a fellow countryman who gave him assistance turned his efforts for awhile into building up a candle factory on Staten Island; but as the business did not suit him, and his tastes found no congeniality in the peaceful, commercial atmosphere of the United States, he set sail for South America, the land of incessant revolutions and big pronunciamentos, and there, in the little republics south of Brazil, indulged freely his belligerent propensities during nine years. The struggle of 1848 lasted nearly a year only because of the incapacity of Radetzky, who displayed a good deal of the same old remarkable lack of generalship which characterized Austrian armies when opposed to Napoleon I., and seeming to be inherent in the Austrian Empire, almost wonderfully kept together, so constantly warring with numerous armies, and so generally defeated when with any fair director they should have won victories. It was Radetzky's overwhelming numbers alone that finally brought the fighting to a close on the bloody field of Novara, near Milan, in 1849, where the defeated king, Charles Albert, abdicated the crown of Piedmont and fled to Portugal to die an exile. His son, Victor Eminanuel, instantly succeeded as king, and, having submitted to Austria's terms of peace, hastened to Turin to take up his duties as ruler over the little kingdom, whose people the year previous had instituted a liberal constitution from which both king and parliament solely held their powers. From this moment, or the date of his accession to the throne, began the real, practical work for the unity of Italy, which, after the lapse of twenty-one years, was secured on the 20th of September, 1870, when Rome was at last captured from Pius IX. and the temporal power of the Papacy overthrown. Turin, the capital of the new constitutional kingdom, which occupied hardly a fifth part of the peninsula, became at once the headquarters for many eminent refugees, proscribed, with their estates confiscated, in the other principalities; in unison with the free press and parliament they started a very effective propaganda warfare against the BUST OF MAZZINI, IN CENTRAL PARK, NEW YORK. two great obstacles to national unity, viz., Austria and the Papacy. Turin rose to an eminence and importance, therefore, such as it had never known before, and soon attracted the attention of the cabinets, press and people of other countries, not excluding the warmly sympathizing Republic of the United States. To an American journalist appointed to represent this country diplomatically at Turin the query was put before he started for his post: "Why in the world are you going to such a place as the Island of Sardinia? You might as well go to the Sandwich Islands-you ought to do better than that!" He replied: "You are not posted: Turin is not the capital of the Island of Sardinia, but of the Kingdom of Sardinia, and what I want to see there is the only experiment of constitutional government now in progress on the Continent." He was right in desiring to see it, as it was a most interesting and instructive study and spectacle for all who were so fortunate as to observe it on the spot" and from the life," as it were. It was only after a couple of years of the new reign that it was made manifest to all that great aims were being conceived in the quiet, comfortable little capital-aims that possibly might one day be backed up with armies. As the seat of the only free parliamentary government on the Continent it ranked high, and when Premier Cavour fairly started with his prolific series of brilliant speeches and diplomatic notes its importance increased enormously. People everywhere inquired about Turin, as now confidently expecting great changes in European affairs to issue from its midst; and, as a matter of fact, this really was to be ster of from po affairs, ani, cases of death or resignation, took thatge of alteral other departments at the same Forezu affairs, high state policy, he kept ocarburrsing, and þanna traje hex time and bided excluane,y in iis own hands, augmented the revthe right opportunity for striking. It was the to that he originated his sister of international politics based on the right of race nationality-a system which was to transform Europe and be come, as it now is, generally accepted. He was the prime mover and practical executor of this modern conception, the central figure of his time, and therefore his personality and the manner in which he did his work rightly claim attention. Born in Piedmont, Cavon was most familiar with the dialect of his native province, and he and his king" invariably spoke together this Wortebed farmon mixture of all tongues; if was not 4 hith comical to hear them nee it in weighty maffeya gatillas in light chatting But he also bura and opolo forly well the Italian and French Tomemades, not to mention a bit of broken Png of up while ume his studies in early hô my Furland who by ho left a warm emirer of pfifnfcnt and which influenced him to 19 ויזין enne by a more thorough system of taxation, and expended it freely wherever good could be effected, especially so for the army, which his colleague in the war office was urged to perfect for prospective campaigns. No dreamer, but intensely practical, he saw fighting ahead, and so prepared for it. "We will have to fight!" was an injunction he never tired of impressing on the workers gathered around him, and he made it his duty to see that each and all did their level best. He was exacting in his discipline, and it indeed yielded him fine returns. His management had very little regard for the ancient official routine which he found so deeply planted. Wherever he could reform, he did it with a progressive, revolufionary hand, and no old fogyism could be spared or stand m his way. For instance, one of his first measures was the taxing and confisention of church property, something that had never been dreamed of before in the kingdom, where conYents and monasteries had been considered exempted, snored institutions; and this measure had a twofold aim to make a direct, tangible attack on the Papney, while putting much needed money in the winte's treasury. This was the entering wedge by which he brought on the conflict between the state and the church that he desired in order to place the discussion in a clear light before the world by means of the press and dip lomatic notes. The challenge so given was promptly taken up, and the religious-temporal quarrel between Turin and Rome began in earnest, and was waged with bitter fierceness on both sides. It was his chief business to attack Austria and the Papacy, and he hastened to let them know they could expect no mercy from him. The many diplomatic missives which he and the Papal secretary of state, Cardinal Antonelli, exchanged were ably written from the point of view of each. Antonelli based his argument on law and precedent, while Cavour stood simply on the inalienable right of the Italian nationality to be free, regardless of all religious arrangements and interference. The discussion lasted long, but as soon as the premier had familiarized public opinion with his main ideas he curtailed the correspondence, because aware that the cardinal would keep the so proclaimed antagonism in sufficient prominence, and, for his own part, he had in hand another and more pressing business-to attack Austria. The religious obstacle could be left aside for awhile, even left to the last, but Austria was first and foremost to be thrust out of the peninsula; and this was the problem to be solved, the hard knot of the whole situation. It could not be untied by negotiation with words, but was to be cut by the sword. The sword was indispensable, but where was it to come from? His own little army, so lately defeated, was utterly inadequate to cope with the powerful invader. As Italy could never free herself, it followed, of course, that her independence could only be gained by the arms and assistance of some foreign power. That being his fundamental idea, he determined to procure the help of the most powerful ruler in Europe, Napoleon III., then wielding the strongest military machine known, the French Army. The very idea of getting this help was enough to stagger the boldest; yet, withal, his daring, shrewd genius did enable him to get it, and, by getting it, Italian unity became what it is to-day. With this fixed determination he kept his eye on France all the time, and, while waiting for the hour to make his appeal for help, busied himself in Turin with speeches in parliament and attending to diplomatic and financial affairs. His daily routine was passed between the Foreign Office and the Carignano Palace, in which sat the "House of Commons," of which he was the leader, after the true English, Palmerston style. The two edifices were not far apart, and he always walked when go ing between them, and he was called upon to do so several times a day, to receive a foreign diplomat, or to hear and reply to a speech. His route was along the same streets, across the Palazzo Castello square and under the Fiera porticoes, and no sooner did he appear moving along with his slow gait, and dragging a big cane by his side, than the passers began to point him out with the smiling remark, " Papa Camillo !" But their smiles were as nothing to the beaming look apparently stereotyped upon his countenance, which was the picture of quizzing, mocking good humor. Though not striking, his air was distinguished; he was low in stature, somewhat chunky and fat, though not awkward or homely, very fair in complexion, with light hair, a round head with regular features, and, as he was nearsighted, he constantly wore a pair of steel spectacles. His eyes were sharp and keen, observant and commanding. He dressed elegantly in black cloth-the oldfashioned broadcloth-and, whether in his seat in parliament or standing amidst the diplomatic corps at a court ball or review, his easy manners made him a favorite, for no one was more accessible or approachable. When speaking in parliament his gestures were few, his style grave and matter-of-fact, whether announcing cogent arguments or making witty rejoinders, and his wit was of a superior kind, enjoyed by all present, even his antagonists, when its incisiveness did not alight on their own individualities. The press helped his oratory by spreading it broadcast over Italy. There were two very able papers at Turin. One, the Union, edited by Bianchi-Giovini, fought for the cause of Unity, while the other, the Armonia, edited by Don Margotti, contended as vigorously for the Papacy and for Austria. Their articles were copied far and wide, and exerted an extensive influence on the popular mind. When the Crimean War occurred Cavour offered the aid of Piedmont with a corps of 15,000 men to the Allies, who willingly accepted, and General Lamarmora commanded them, and assisted in the taking of Sebastopol, Russia's great fortress in the Black Sea. The premier was only too glad of this little opportunity to curry favor with France and England, and especially with Napoleon III., who was ever on the lookout for allies; besides, he was thus placing prospective Italy on the strong, winning side. Still another opportunity offered to bring him nearer to his desired goal, and he seized it with alacrity. The king's daughter, Princess Clotilde, having arrived at a marriageable age, he proposed that she should be made the means of forming an alliance between the Napoleonic and Savoyard dynasties, and Victor Emmanuel consented. tor Emmanuel consented. Her marriage with |