sided and voted, Mr. John Quincy Adams, who was at the time a member of the house, and in direct antagonism, politically, with Mr. Benton, and to the Jackson admintration held a different opinion.

Midnight was now approaching. The dense masses which filled every inch of the room in the lobbies and in the galleries remained immovable. No one went out, no one could get in. The floor of the Senate was crammed with privileged persons, and it seemed that all Congress was there. Expectation and determination to see the conclusion were depicted on every countenance. It was evident there was to be no adjournment until the vote should be taken-until the deed was done, and this aspect of invincible determination had its effect upon the ranks of the opposition. They began to falter under a useless resistance; they alone now did the talking, and while Mr. Webster was yet reciting his protest two Senators from the opposition side who had been best able to maintain their equanimity, came around to the mover of the resolution and said: "This question has degenerated into a trial of nerves and muscles. It has become a question of physical endurance, and we see no use in wearing ourselves out to keep off for a few hours longer what has to come before we separate. We see that you are able and determined to carry your measure-so call the vote as soon as you please. We shall say no more.' Webster concluded. No one arose. There was a pause, a dead silence, and an intense feeling. Presently the silence was invaded by the single word 'question'— the parliamentary call for a vote-rising from the seats of different Senators. One blank in the resolve remained to be filled-the date of its adoption. It was done. The acting President of the Senate, Mr. King, of

Alabama, then directed the roll to be called. The yeas and nays had been previously ordered, and proceeded to be called by the Secretary of the Senate, the result showing a majority of five on the side of the expungers.

The passage of the resolution was announced by the chair. Mr. Benton arose, and said that nothing now remained but to execute the order of the Senate, which he moved to be done forthwith. It was ordered accordingly. The secretary thereupon produced the original manuscript journal of the Senate, and opening at the page which contained the condemnatory sentence of March 28, 1834, proceeded in open Senate to draw a square of broad black lines around the sentence, and to write across its face in strong letters: EXPUNGED BY ORDER OF THE SENATE THIS 16TH DAY OF JANUARY, 1837.

HENRY CLAY.

A

FEW miles from old Hanover court-house in Vir

ginia, where the splendors of Patrick Henry's genius first beamed forth, is a humble dwelling by the road-side, in the midst of a miserably poor region known as the slashes. There, on the 12th of April, 1777, Henry Clay, the great American statesman, was born, and from the district-schools of his neigborhood he derived his education. He was the son of a Baptist clergyman of very limited means, hence his early advantages were of necessity meager. He was very bashful and diffident, scarcely

dare recite before his class at school, but he DETERMINED to BECOME AN ORATOR, he accordingly began the plan of committing speeches and then reciting them in the cornfields; at other times they were delivered in the barn, before the cows and horse.

Henry became a copyist in the office of the clerk of the Court of Chancery, at Richmond. Here he was enabled to begin the study of law, an opportunity which he at once embraced. While other boys were improving their time 'having fun,' he was studying, and so closely did he occupy his odd time that he was enabled to pass the necessary examination and be admitted to the bar at the early age of twenty. Two years later he moved "West," (he was enterprising), settling at Lexington, Kentucky, where he entered upon the practice of law.

Here he became an active politician as well as a popular lawyer. He was an intelligent young man, and early cultivated a genial disposition which was a leading feature of his splendid success in life. In 1799 Kentucky called a convention for the purpose of revising the constitution of the State. During this campaign young Clay labored earnestly to elect delegates to that convention favorable to the extinction of slavery. Thus early he manifested an interest in a question many years in advance of his countrymen. This is the man who, when afterward told that his action on a certain measure would certainly injure his political prospect replied, "I WOULD RATHer be right THAN BE PRESIDENT."

It was even so in this case, his action in behalf of the freedom of slaves offended many but his opposition to the obnoxious alien and sedition laws later restored him to popular favor. After serving in the State legislature with some distinction he was elected to fill the unex