of them certainly) by explicit legislative enactments, sive section. They have fixed the day-they have enacknowledge and declare the religious authority of Sunday. Sir, these State laws do not merely notice this day, but they require in terms its religious observance, and prohibit its profanations under proper penalties. And yet these regulations may be assailed with equal propriety as the resolution I have submitted.

joined its observance-they have specified and prohibited its profanations in particular details, and annexed the sanctions of legal penalities-and yet, after all this, when Congress are respectfully requested to be passive, and not to command its violation, but to leave the Sabbath alone, the note of alarm is sounded, (and many good men are deluded by it,) that some dangerous conspiracy is meditated against the freedom of conscience. This charge, perhaps, deserves a more particular examination. If it be meant to impute to the petitioners a desire, that the Government should establish a particular system of religious doctrines, to form a national creed; that it should erect an ecclesiastical council to adjust all differences in opinion, no complaint was ever more unfounded. But if it amounts merely to the imputation of an earnest wish, that the whole conduct of the nation, in the administration of its laws, and the transaction of its business, should be conformed to Christian principles; that our rulers might acknowledge their obligations to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, respect his laws, and legislate in his fear, the charge is true, sir, every word of it. And is this a dangerous union of Church and State? Does the expression of such pure and exalted sentiments in these memorials, deserve to be driven from your doors, to be put aside with the traitorous purposes and evil deeds of "Catiline, Judas, and Arnold?" Sir, this unfounded implication of the motives of the petitioners may become the watchword and apology for all manner of wickedncss. Men may be guilty of blasphemy, drunkenness, and murder, and when you approach them with the language of rebuke or admonition, they may, behind this shield, turn to you with the cry of fanaticism, that you wish to bring religion into matters of civil concern. They may tell you, that it is far better for her to move in her own proper and appropriate sphere; "better to be locked up in a man's own bosom," and not become a busy. body in other men's matters. Sir, why may not individuals as well as States-when did the latter-obtain exemption from the claims of religion? The same page that proclaims condemnation to the sinner, also declares the nation that will not serve God shall perish." Congress are not asked to legislate into existence the precepts of piety. No, sir, these are enacted already; they can never be repealed-and it is a most dangerous and destructive delusion to suppose, that, although as individuals and families, we are bound to respect the princi ples of religion, yet when we assume the character of States and Nations they cease to exert any legitimate in fluence. Such was not the political faith of the Father of his Country. Washington loved to cherish that connexion between Church and State which led to universal public and private virtue. And this result, he deeply realized, could flow alone from the prevalence of reli The example of the old world also pleads powerfully gious principle. Hear his forcible illustration of it, in on behalf of this sacred institution. London, with all its his last counsels given to his country, in his Farewell Ad. wealth, business, and enterprise, regards the Sabbath. dress of 1796: "Of all the dispositions and habits which No mail is opened or closed on this day. And although lead to political prosperity, religion and morality are inthere is probably five times the commerce between Lon-dispensable supports. In vain would that man claim the don and Liverpool, as between New York and Philadel- tribute of patriotism, who should labor to subvert these phia, no mail leaves the Metropolis for Liverpool be- great pillars of human happiness, these firmest props of tween Saturday evening and Monday morning; and the the duties of men and citizens. The mere politician, mercantile classes of these populous communities make equally with the pious man, ought to respect and cherish no complaint of this interruption. No, sir, they rejoice them. Let us with caution indulge the supposition, that at the relief and refreshment from the toils of worldly bu- morality can be maintained without religion. Whatever siness, that one day in seven there may be a pause in the may be conceded to the influence of refined education anxieties of eager speculation; and that even the rage of on minds of peculiar structure, reason and experience selfish cupidity is compelled to suspend its pursuits both forbid us to expect that national morality can prevail Now, sir, in this review of the case, it must appear a most in exclusion of religious principle.” The reflection and singular prejudice that is now excited and raised, against experience of this illustrious man convinced him, that all all efforts to restore our national legislation to a consist- attempts at sustaining a moral community, without foundency with its own principles, so often avowed. It is as ing its principles upon religious obligations, would be absurd as it is unjust. Every State of the Union has, utterly vain and fruitless. He clearly perceived that withfrom its very origin, preserved just such a connexion be out this, morality had no vital principle, and would be a tween Church and State, as is now deprecated, and by mere sounding brass to amuse the ear, but would exert means much more vigorous than the repeal of this offen- no salutary restraint upon the conduct of men. Sir, he

A brief allusion to the course of public enactments by the States, will fully illustrate the high consideration that has been devoted to the Sabbath, as a portion of time which duty, sound policy, and our best interests require, should be set apart for religious service and moral improvement. I have selected two or three cases only, not that they are the strongest, but because they present a fair estimate of the views that have been entertained by the different legislatures of the Union. In the States of Georgia and North Carolina, so decided was the piety of their statesmen, that they not only prohibited the profanation, but required the observance of the Sabbath. Pursuing our researches into the legislation of all the old thirteen States, and most of the new western States, sections of a kindred spirit are found to be incorporated into their systems of laws. Sir, this forms a most grateful testimonial, that refutes all the outcry of "sectional conspiracies" and "unhallowed combinations." It exhibits a full, harmonious and honorable commentary upon the great political truth, that a free people can preserve their liber. ties through moral influences alone; and that to cherish these, a Sabbath is vitally indispensable. Permit me, Mr. | President, before I dismiss this part of the subject, to give an extract from a public law of the Territory of Michigan, adopted on the 15th of May, 1820-it is the preamble to "an act to enforce the observance of the Sabbath." I deem it important, for the sound principles and practical wisdom which it combines. The extract follows: "Considering that, in every community, some portion of time ought to be set apart for relaxation from worldly cares and employments and devoted to the social worship of Al mighty God, and the attainment of religious and moral instruction, which are in the highest degree promotive of the peace, happiness, and prosperity of a people and whereas the first day of the week, commonly denominated the Sabbath, has at all times, among Christians in general, been devoted to these important purposes," &c.; there fore, it is by that act ordained, "that the first day of the week shall be kept and observed by the good people of the Territory as a Sabbath, holyday, or day of rest from all secular labor and employments." I cannot forbear to remark, sir, that such indications of correct sentiment are heard by us with peculiar satisfaction, as coming from our territorial districts. They are the best pledges that could be given, of the stability and prosperity of the rising com. munities on our borders.

3

made the connexion of religion with morality, the basis the Sabbath would diminish the amount of our profis, in

of all true patriotism. Let us ponder his admonition, and pursue his counsels.

proportion to the alleged loss of time, a very interesting question still remains to be solved-Will this be in any sense calamitious? I think not, sir. Let the benefits on the other side be calculated. What shall we have in ex. change? In the first place, the satisfaction of a peaceful conscience-a treasure not to be purchased or redeemed with money: in the second place, we shall possess a moral excellence as a people, a thousand fold more valuable than all the wealth and splendors of commercial greatintegrity, the public and private virtue which the Sabbath will cherish and promote; give me the people that love the repose of this day, that honor the institutions of religion, and I will point my country to her best earthly hope in the hour of peril-to her surest stay and defence. I trust, sir, that we shall never graduate public worth by dollars and cents. Let us, by arresting this national profanation, reject the miserable pelf that is amassed by labor pursued on a violated Sabbath.

I trust that I have shown, upon the most satisfactory human authority, and by the almost universal consent of this great community, that the first day of the week is a consecrated portion of time : that so far as the laws of the country can have efficacy, in any case, they have effectually established the Sabbath day, as a day of rest from labor. Now, sir, I hope that the argument for its preservation will not be impaired by showing that the dic-ness. Yes, Mr. President, grant me the intelligence and tates of policy and the sanctions of religion alike maintain its importance. I insist, with deference, that the reasons which have been suggested for Sabbath Mails are not satisfactory. Sir, it is said that the discontinuance of them would induce private expresses on that day, and that this would only increase the evil. This graduating of moral evil forms but a miserable apology. I ask, what have we to do with the probable increase or diminution of vi cious or criminal practices amongst individuals, in a simple inquiry-whether we shall, as a Christian people, acknowledge or preserve a Sabbath-whether we shall, by our own conduct, countenance an institution of most salutary tendencies, or by our example break down its authority and rob it of all its energies? Let us do right, and leave the consequences of personal violations of duty to those who may dare to encounter them. But, Sir, private expresses are subject to State laws, and would be controlled by their authority-while your mail stages claim an exemption (a doubtful one, certainly,) that is not reached by State prohibitions. Moreover, the example of the General Government is far more demoralizing than scores of private messengers. It goes down to the people with all the weight of authority, and exerts a tremendous influence.

It

It may be enquired wherefore it is that our citizens have remained so long quiet on this subject. You are aware, sir, that unavailing efforts have been heretofore made. But the evils have become more palpable in later years. The rapid increase of our population-the emergencies of business-the rush of trade in all its various branches, with facilities of intercourse, have multiplied the encroachments on the Sabbath to such alarming extent, that unless some check be interposed, there is good reason to fear we shall in a very few years remember this day only in the melancholy spectacle of its universal desecration. It will be an era of portentous import. Sir, this day is the ægis of a republican and free people. is the poor man's friend, It elevates him and his family, by promoting decency of manners, neatness, and order. Mr. President, our constituents look up here for cor- It is the only time which the necessities of his condition rect moral lessons-they wait to hear of laws that will and the constitution of society spare to him for rest and terrify the evil doer-that will cherish those great inter-reflection; and hence every inroad upon its sacredness ests of religion and morality, which Washington instruct-is a direct attack upon his best privilege. I believe, sir, ed them to regard as the only sure foundation of politi- that the grand Adversary of our race, could he be percal prosperity and what, sir, will be their emotions, mitted to select the single object, would strike the blow when they learn that this august body rejects their sup- at this divine institution. He would say, resign to me this plications, and decrees that servile and worldly labor shall great moral lever-let my votaries drive on the pursuit of be done on every day of the week, the commands of God to business, the schemes of enterprise and ambition, without the contrary notwithstanding? Every good man will interruption-let there be no time for man to reflect, to hang his head in despondency; infidelity will ring her gather in his thoughts, to review his life, or to consider triumphs, and the cause of God and the country severely his origin and his destiny-and I desire no more. suffer in the discomfiture. Therefore, I have contended, that, if we must witness the violations of the Sabbath, let the guilt of them rest upon individuals, but let the Go

vernment be clear.

Mr. President-the Sabbath was made for man-not to be contemned and forgotten-the constitution of his nature requires just such a season. It is identified with his pursuits, and his moral tendencies. God has ordained it All these State regulations would be quickened into in infinite benevolence. The reason for its institution, as active enforcement by your example. You have hitherto recorded in his word, was his own example. It began paralyzed their influence, and many of them are become with creation. The first week of time was blessed with lifeless enactments. But should we speak out firmlya Sabbath. The garden of Eden would not have smiled should we arrest our own profanation-it would awaken in all its loveliness, had not the light of this day shone vigilance in all the State Governments, and we might upon it. Blot it out, and the hope of this world is extin hope very soon to behold our whole country in the en-guished. When the whirlwind raged in France, how joyment of a tranquil Sabbath. was it, sir? They could not carry their measures of teAgain, sir, the plea has been made, that if the mai! rocity and blood, while this last palladium of virtue reshould be stopped every Sabbath day, the transmission mained: Desolation seemed to pause in its course, its of earlier information by other modes would be effect-waves almost subsided: when the spirit of evil struck this ed, to the injury of those who rely on the mail for ad- hallowed day from the Calendar, and enacted a decade to vices. Why, sir, intelligence is communicated now, by the Goddess of Reason-after which the besom swept all expresses, with far greater despatch than by your con- before it. veyance, and will continue to be so, whenever the occasion calls for extraordinary rapidity. Recollect the speed of the late Message. It flew as on the wings of the wind-it laughed at the progress of your mail. This is an objection, therefore, without any foundation in fact. But suppose it true: I wait for the evidence that any earlier information thus obtained ever contributes to the welfare of the merchant or manufacturer. No, sir, I believe it to be blighted with a curse on its way, which, whether seen or not, actually and certainly attends it. Let it be granted that the suspension of our business on

Our own experience must satisfy us that it is essential to the welfare of our condition. Put the mind to any action of its powers-let its energies be exerted incessantly, with no season for abstraction and repose, and it would very soon sink under a task so hostile to its nature: it would wear out in such hard service. So let the pursuits of business constantly engage our speculations, and the whole year become one unvaried calculation of profit and loss, with no Sabbath to open an hour for the return of higher and nobler feelings, and the heart will become the victim of a cold and debasing selfishness, and have no

greater susceptibility than the nether millstone. And if in matters that are lawful, such consequences would issue, what will be the results of a constant, unbroken progression in vice! Sir, I tremble at the prospect for my country. If this barrier against the augmenting flood of evil be prostrated, all your penalities and prisons will oppose an utterly inefficient check. Irreligion will attain to a magnitude and hardihood that will scorn the restraints of your laws. Law, sir! of what avail can this be against the corrupted sentiment of a whole people? Let us weigh the interesting truth-that a free people can only flourish under the control of moral causes; and it is the Sabbath which gives vigor, and energy, and stability to these causes. The nation expects that the standard of sound principles will be raised here. Let us give it a commanding elevation. Let its tone be lofty. It is in this way we should expect to excit the enthusiasm of patriotism, or any other virtue. When we would awaken in our youth the spirit of literary emulation, we spread out to their vision a rugged path and a difficult ascent, and raise the prize of fame high above the reach of any pursuit, but an ardent, laborious, and vigorous reach of effort. If we would enkindle the love of country, we do not humble her claims to a miserable posture, just above downright indifference-but we point to a devoted Leonidas, and the brighest names of the scroll, and thus urge our youth onward and upward. Let, us, then, sir, be as wise and faithful in the cultivation of sound moral principles.

of our example in its influence upon the kingdoms of the old world. We have been greatly useful to them in the illustrations furnished by our history of the principles of civil liberty. The mass of their people begin to understand the true object of government. Until our poli tical career commenced, power had long taught its subjects that this was a mysterious machinery, to be approach. ed by no vulgar hand, and scrutinized by no common eye. We have broken the spell for them, and men have learned the value of freedom. We have taught them that personal liberty, security, and property are inalienable rights, that are to be protected and cherished, but which cannot be impaired or destroyed by human governments. They are prepared to receive from us instructive examples on the efficacy of a sound moral code in sustaining these interests.

I am persuaded that we shall not be deterred by the absurd imputation of a design to tyrannize over the consciences and rights of men. Sir, this charge is most unseasonable in an age of greater moral and intellectual light than the world has ever seen. It is, indeed, a strange engine of oppression. In all past time, to hold men in bondage it was found necessary to keep them in igno rance but here is "a dangerous party," which some affect to fear, that none but tyrants have ever dreaded be fore. A party whose labors are spreading the means of general information; whose philanthropy is engaged in enlightening the ignorant and reclaiming the deluded, whose charities have penetrated the abodes of the convict and opened a ray of hope even to him; and such men are assailed and summoned to a defence of such conduct. I will not attempt the serious refutation of a ground. less charge. I dismiss it, with this bare statement of its character.

Mr. President: I firmly believe that the repeal of this single section, and the suspension of the mail, would exert the happiest influence. It would call up public attention. It would present the claims of the Sabbath with such force of interest and weight of influence, as would, I hope, establish and perpetuate it as an effective defence I ask for the demonstration of a fair experiment-this around our free institutions. The mail arrested, and the we can make without harm. Many of our constituents post office closed on Sunday, by the solemn authority of (and they are, permit me to say, among the best friends Congress! Who can fail to perceive the noble impulse and purest patriots of the country) believe that such a that would be given. Sir, this would correct all false consecration of this day is fraught with signal blessings to and degrading estimates of this sacred day-it would al-all our interests, as a free people. They are a part of most of itself form a public sentiment. The floods of this nation, whose opinions upon any other subject would vice and infidelity would be stayed in their course. Such be respected. Grant them a practical exposition of their high example would silence the cavils of the profane-principles; and whenever we shall have suffered by a reAnd this, as I understand it, is the true old fashioned way peal of this offensive law-when it shall be seen that it to popularity. It is not that sickly principle, which flat- has been in any degree disastrous to our public or inditers public vices, and connives at national sins-but vidual prosperity, we may return to the practice of imwhich, in the purity of its purposes, dares to rebuke piety, and proclaim abroad, that for a Christian People them, and by wise and wholesome measures to correct to regard the authority of God, and the repose of his them. Sabbath, is shown to be an injurious and unprofitable service.

Suffer me to urge, as a further motive, the tendency

INDEX TO THE DEBATES IN THE SENATE.

Adjournment, joint committee appointed to wait upon the
President, and notifiy him that Congress were
about to adjourn, 457. Committee reported, and
the Senate adjourned, 457.
Appropriation bill, taken up, 245.
Appropriations for light-houses, beacons, and buoys, bill
making, taken up, 432; amended, and ordered to
a third reading, 433.

bill detained by President United States for further
consideration, 457.

Georgia, motion to print the remonstrance of the State of,
against treaties formed by the United States with
the Indians in that State, and against the inter-
course law of 1796, 245; proposition to amend
so as to include the laws of Georgia extending
jurisdiction over the Cherokees, 245; further
amendment proposed, to include the laws of all
the States concerning Indian relations, 245;
amendments adopted, and resolution agreed to,
247.

Army of the United States, bill authorizing the President Hunt,
to mount and equip ten companies of the, taken
up, and ordered to a third reading, 272, 274.
Attorney General, bill to reorganize the establishment of
the, taken up, and postponed, 276, 277; again
taken up, debated, and laid on the table, 322,
323, 324; again taken up, amended, and laid on
the table, 404.

Baltimore and Ohio railroad, bill authorizing a subscription
of stock in, taken up, 453; proposition to amend,
and debates thereon, 453, 454, 455; bill laid on
the table, 455.

Canals. (See Louisville and Portland.)
Carson, James, register of the land office at Palmyra, in

Missouri, resolution calling for the reasons of his
removal, taken up, 384; laid on the table, 385.
Coins, resolution adopted to consider the state of the cur
rent, 1.

Congressional documents, resolution authorizing a sub-
scription to a compilation of, taken up, 84.
Controversies between States, bill to prescribe the mode
of commencing, prosecuting, and deciding, taken
up, 409; motion to postpone, 409.

Currency, resolution submitted to inquire into the expe-
diency of establishing a uniform national, 3;
adopted, and sundry papers on the subject refer-
red to the committee, 3.

Deaf and Dumb, bill making donation for the New York
institution for the education of the, taken up,
302; various amendments proposed to include
similar institutions in other States, 302; amend-
ments adopted, 304; further amendments pro-
posed, ordered to be printed, and the bill to lie
on the table, 305.

Duties, taxes, &c., bill for the abolition of, notice given of
its introduction, 172; leave given, and bill read
the first time, 179; further considered, and bill
withdrawn, 245.

Duties, bill to reduce the, on coffee, tea, and cocoa, from
the House of Representatives, with amendments
proposed by Committee on Finance, taken up,
428; amendments agreed to in part, and bill or-
dered to a third reading, 428, 432.

Duties on imports, bill to exempt certain merchandise from
the operation of the act of 1828, imposing, taken
up, debated, and rejected, 452, 453.

Executive powers, notice given of a proposed motion to
transfer the discussion on the subject of, from the
executive to the legislative journal, 11; decided
to be out of order, 11.

Fulton, Robert, resolution submitted and adopted, to in-
quire into the expediency of granting a portion
of the public lands to the heirs of, 21.

bill to recompense the heirs of, rejected on the
third reading, 247.

Theodore, resolution calling for the reasons for the
removal of, from the office of recorder of land
titles in Missouri, taken up, 367; debate thereon;
367 to 374; laid upon the table, 374.
Impeachments. (See Peck, James H.)
Indian tribes, bill for the relief of persons who have lost
property by the depredations of, taken up, 11.
Indian agencies, bill authorizing the President to divide,
in certain cases, taken up, 128; ordered to a third
reading, 129.

Indiana, bill to enable the President to extinguish the In-
dian title within the State of, taken up, 16; de-
bate thereon, and amendments proposed and
adopted, 17, 18, 19, 20, 21; bill laid on the table,
21; again taken up, 284.

Indians,

Interest

Internal

Lands,

resolution calling for information respecting the
progress of civilization among the, taken up, 42;
amended and adopted, 43.

bill to provide for an exchange of lands with,
and for their removal west of the Mississippi,
taken up, and amendment proposed, 305; again
taken up, and amendment withdrawn, 307; bill
resumed, various amendments proposed, and
debate thereon, 309 to 320, 324 to 339, 343 to
357, 359 to 367, 374 to 377, 380, 381, 382, 383;
bill ordered to a third reading, 383; returned
from the House of Representatives with amend-
ments, 456; further amendments proposed and
negatived, and the amendments of the House of
Representatives concurred in, 456.

to certain States, bill for allowing, for advances
during the war, taken up, amended, and post-
poned, 1, 2.

improvement, bill making appropriations for ex-
aminations and surveys, and for certain works of,
taken up, 340; amendments proposed and adopt-
ed, 340; further amendments proposed, and de-
bate thereon, 340 to 343; bill ordered to a third
reading, 343.

resolution proposing to limit the sales of the public,
and of abolishing the office of surveyor general,
taken up, 3; debate thereon, 4 to 7; postponed,
7; again taken up, 11; debate thereon, 11 to 16,
22 to 30; motion to amend, so as to hasten the
sales, and extend more rapidly the surveys, 30;
modifications of the amendment proposed, and
debate thereon, 31 to 41; motion to postpone in-
definitely, 41; debate thereon, 43 to 172; 179 to
220; 223 to 244; 247 to 272; 277 to 302; 435 to
452.

bill for the relief of the purchasers of the public,
from the House of Representatives, with amend-
ments, taken up, 274; further proposition to
amend negatived, and the amendments of House
of Representatives concurred in, 276.