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H. of R.]

Fortifications, Barracks, &c.—District of Columbia.

[APRIL 1, 1830.


Mr. MALLARY contended that it was due to the Presi- the purchase of one-quarter of an acre of the land. dent, who is at the head of the military force, to give to motion was negatived. him an entire command over those works which are con- There was a discussion also on a motion by Mr. McCOY nected with the military defence of the country. He to strike out the appropriation for arming fortifications, could, in the exercise of that power, lead to more full and more satisfactory results than we can ever be brought to by listening to the contending claims of conflicting interests in the House. There was no reason for imposing this limitation on the present Executive.

Mr. BARRINGER said, the adoption of the amendment could only lead to a multiplication of surveys; and he argued briefly to show the inexpediency of the amendments. Deeming it useless, however, to consume more time in debate, he demanded the previous question--yeas, 66. The number was insufficient,

which adds one hundred and fifty thousand dollars per annum to the usual sum of one hundred thousand dollars which is annually appropriated for that purpose.

Mr. DRAYTON explained the necessity for this appropriation.

Mr. MERCER also made some observations on the necessity for the adoption of the original item in the bill. He argued to show the necessity of accelerating the preparations for arming the fortifications now rapidly approaching to completion. It would be better to blow them up than leave them unarmed, to the possibility of their beMr. TUCKER asked for the yeas and nays on the amending seized by an enemy, armed, and turned against us. ment of Mr. BARBOUR, but they were refused.

The amendment to the amendment was then negatived: yeas, 72--nays, 96.

The question was then taken on the amendment of Mr. WICKLIFFE, and decided in the negative: yeas, 75nays, 111.

So the amendment was rejected.

Mr. WILLIAMS asked for the yeas and nays on the third reading of the bill, which were ordered, and were as follows: yeas, 121--nays, 64.


The House then went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. WICKLIFFE in the chair, on the bill making appropriations for expenditures in the Engineer, Ordnance, and Quartermaster's Departments.

Mr. BUCHANAN opposed the original motion, and supported the amendment, on the ground that it was an unusual mode of legislation to introduce a new and important appropriation into a bill embracing appropriations only for carrying into effect the settled policy and authorized objects of the Government; and that this rapid arming of our fortifications must render necessary an increase of our standing army.

After an explanation from Mr. DRAYTON, the amend ment was agreed to: yeas, 58--nays, 56.

Mr. DRAYTON then moved to insert an appropriation of one hundred thousand dollars,

This motion was opposed by Mr. McCOY and Mr. BUCHANAN, and was supported by Mr. DRAYTON and Mr. MERCER, and was finally negatived: yeas, 63-nays, 67. Mr. DRAYTON then moved to fill the blank with sixty Mr. DRAYTON moved to insert an appropriation of thousand dollars; which motion was also negatived. forty-seven thousand dollars, for the completion of the Mr. CROCKETT moved to strike out the item of apmilitary road in the State of Maine; which motion was ex-propriation for erecting workshops at West Point, two plained by Mr. D., and was agreed to. thousand five hundred dollars, which was rejected-yeas, 51. Mr. SEVIER moved to amend the bill by adding an appropriation for a military road from Arkansas to Missouri; which motion was negatived.

On motion of Mr. DRAYTON, also, (made as well as the preceding by direction of the Military Committee,) an appropriation of ten thousand two hundred dollars was inserted, for the erection of barracks at Fortress Monroe. Mr. McDUFFIE moved an amendment, appropriating Mr. VERPLANCK moved to strike out the appropriation six hundred dollars for a lithographic press, &c. for the of twenty thousand two hundred dollars, for the purchase of use of the topographical bureau in the War Department; five and a half acres of land, adjoining the armory at Spring-which was likewise negatived. field, in Massachusetts, deeming the price extravagant. The motion was opposed by Mr. DRAYTON and Mr. BATES, the latter of whom stated facts to show that the price was moderate, considering the general prices and value of land in that village; and the motion was negatived. Mr. MARTIN made an ineffectual motion to strike out

The committee then rose, and reported the bill and amendments.


the appropriation of sixteen thousand dollars for a fire- The resolution for setting apart one day in each alternaproof armory at Springfield. tive week for the consideration of business concerning A motion was made by Mr. McDUFFIE to strike out an the District of Columbia, moved some days ago, was taken appropriation of five thousand dollars for an acre of land up for consideration.


adjoining the armory at Harper's ferry, deeming the Mr. POWERS, chairman of the Committee on the Disprice an imposition, which he, for one, would not submit trict of Columbia, rose, and rapidly sketched off the reThat he would rather, if the land was indispensable, forms wanted in the legislation of Congress for this Disresort to the power of the Government to have the land trict. He stated, in few words, the object of each of the valued and condemned, but he would do without it sooner bills which have been reported by the Committee on the than submit to such an imposition. District of Columbia, reviewing them in succession, viz.

Mr. DRAYTON explained, that the land had on it vari- the bill providing for the appointment of commissioners ous wooden buildings, which rented for above three hun- to revise the laws generally; the bill for putting the penidred dollars a year, were occupied as grog-shops, and tentiary principle in operation in our criminal laws; the were resorted to by negroes by day and night. These bill authorizing the election, by the people of the District, were the reasons which induced a majority of the Commit-of a Delegate to Congress; and the bill for such reorganitee on Military Affairs to withdraw their original objection zation of the courts of justice, as the committee think to to the appropriation. be immediately necessary. All these seemed to him to be Mr. MERCER also opposed the motion, and stated, in matters of pressing necessity, and such as Congress were addition, the value of property at Harper's ferry, from its peculiar situation, to show that the price was not extravagant.

The amendment was agreed to--yeas, 100. Mr. DRAYTON then moved to insert a clause, making an appropriation of twelve hundred and fifty dollars for

bound to attend to at the present session. Under these circumstances, as this separate Government of this District, having no government but Congress, had not, so far, at this session, occupied one moment of the time of the House, the committee did not think it unreasonable that two days in each month should be devoted to the concerns of the District.

APRIL 1, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. of R.

Mr. INGERSOLL demanded the yeas and nays. They were taken accordingly, and were, yeas, 47--nays, 120. Here the hour elapsed, and Mr. MALLARY moved to suspend the rule, but the House refused.

The House then went into Committee of the Whole, Mr. HAYNES in the chair, and took up the bill for the con

If the House should adjourn at the time now proposed, it
woud, under such a rule, have given but three days of its
time to these important concerns. Three days, it was be-
lieved, would be sufficient, in this session, if properly used,
for the transaction of all its important concerns. Unless
some portion of the time of the House was thus set apart,
it was doubtful whether a single measure, out of the im-struction of the
portant ones proposed, would be acted upon at all during
the session. He concluded by expressing the hope that,
under these views of the subject, the House would con-
sent to the proposition.


Mr. COKE, of Virginia, delivered his views in opposition to the bill.

Mr. PETTIS said, he was as well disposed towards the Mr. IRWIN, of Pennsylvania, said, that the remarks people of this District as any member in the House, but which had been made by several gentlemen who had he was opposed to this partial legislation. One-twelfth taken part in the debate, had induced him to depart from part of the time of the House was asked, at this pressing a resolution he had formed, of merely giving a silent vote part of the session, and to the exclusion of all other busi- in favor of the bill. But (said Mr. I.] as I am not willing ness, to act on bills introduced by the committee for the that any portion of the people of my native State shall benefit of the District of Columbia alone. This Mr. P. remain under the imputation of being influenced solely could not consent to. He was [he said] somewhat pecu- by local considerations, regardless of principle and the liarly situated. For several years there had been no legis-true interests of the country, in the support which they or lation here for Missouri at all; the business of that State their representatives give to the bill, I will ask the indulhad been overlooked, and he had hoped to get something gence of the committee while I submit some of the views done this session; but the manner in which the business which have been impressed on my mind in relation to it. of the House was performed weakened his hopes, and, if The constitutional question, which has been so frequently the proposition to give a twelfth of its time to District discussed in this House on former occasions, it is not my concerns prevailed, the chance would be still more dimi-intention to notice. I consider it deliberately established nished. We go on, [said Mr. P.] day after day, ploughing by successive acts of legislation for a series of years, and with the buffalo, to the neglect of all other business; and by public opinion, by which I do not wish to be underif the bills introduced by the gentleman [Mr. POWERS] Stood to mean the opinion of a single congressional diswere to have the preference he required, each of which trict, nor of a State, but that great and abiding opinion of would take much time, little else would be done. He mov-a majority of the people of most of the States of the Union, ed to lay the resolution on the table, but withdrew his mo- repeatedly expressed after long deliberation, resulting in tion at the request of a settled conviction that the constitution has given to Con

Mr. INGERSOLL, who said he was formerly a member gress full and complete control over the subject, limited of the District Committee, and, when the affairs of that only by their discretion, in legislating for the public welDistrict were before the House, he could not keep his fare. Here it should be suffered to rest, for the mind of seat without attempting to show its condition, and the ne-man cannot give it any additional light. It has been said, cessity of some legislation for it. This spot, he said] sir, that, at a former session of Congress, it was only deover which Congress possessed exclusive legislation, had signed to make a national road from this city to New Or had no legislation for twenty-five years. There was no leans, but that the friends of the measure, despairing of spot within the whole Union, within which legislation was being able to pass the bill in that shape, determined to enso necessary as these ten miles square. The penal laws list other interests, and that the sectional feelings of the remained the same as they were thirty years ago, and the people of the interior of Pennsylvania could be brought report which had just been read at the clerk's table, into action, by extending the road through that State to showed that, like the laws of Draco, they were written Buffalo. It was not left merely to inference, but it was in blood. So crying was this neglect, and so great the broadly asserted that the approbation of the people of necessity of reform, that four years ago Congress ordered Pennsylvania to the measure could be obtained in no other the erection of a penitentiary, which had been completed way, and that the national interests would be the least at a cost of one hundred thousand dollars, but as yet it part of their concern. The assertion is unfounded; I was useless--no law had been passed to give it effect. trust I may be excused for saying that no part of this Union The Committee on the District had labored diligently to is less affected by sectional considerations, more patriotic, remedy this and the other evils under which the people or more truly devoted to the welfare of their country, labored, and they deserved the thanks of Congress, and than are the people of Pennsylvania. They were among of the country, for their assiduity. At the last session, the first to maintain the true doctrine of our republican he, as a member of that committee, had labored with his institutions; they cherish them as the means of individual colleagues in maturing a system for ameliorating the penal happiness and national prosperity, and they will struggle laws here, but, though a bill was reported, they were ne- long before they will suffer them to be impaired by refined ver able to get it up. Mr. I. dwelt on the anomalous and and narrow constructions. The power to make roads cruel nature of the laws which prevail in the District--and canals for national purposes, they have asserted to beremaining destitute of those improvements which have long to this Government in their assemblies to discuss the been made in those of the States around, because there question, by legislative enactments, and by the votes of has been no legislation for the District. They are just as their representatives on this floor. For no selfish purthey were thirty years ago at the time of the cession. pose, sir, but because they believed, and still believe, that One fact he cited as an instance: Kidnapping is not an the prosperity of the country, if not its very existence, offence in the District; stealing a slave is, under the old depends upon the exercise of this power. That State law; but stealing a free man is not punishable. He also has never asked from Congress any thing for works of referred to the evils of the slave trade as carried on internal improvement, although she was the first to emthrough the District. A bill was once reported to abate bark extensively in them; she relied on her own resources, this evil, but Congress could never be got to take it up. and has expended more money on roads, bridges, and He hoped the time asked for the affairs of the District canals, than any other State in this Union. When it is would be granted, and this mass of corruption be swept off, recollected that she has been second only to another Mr. PETTIS then renewed his motion to lay the reso-State in her contributions to the national revenue; that lution on the table. she has asked for nothing, and got nothing, for works of a

H. of R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 1, 1830. local character; when she has pressed upon this Govern-Virginia, [Mr. BARBOUR] who opened the debate in oppoment the necessity of appropriating money for internal sition to the bill, I was forcibly struck with the contrast improvements of national importance, there will be no which they presented to the sound doctrines of the old room to conclude that her people are influenced by sec-Virginia school. The Washingtons, the Jeffersons, and tional considerations. No, her support to these measures the Madisons--the fathers of the republic. While their has a nobler origin; deeply impressed with the import- lessons of political wisdom took deep and permanent root ance of this Union to their safety and happiness, and be- in Pennsylvania, and in most of the States of this Union, lieving that its preservation depends mainly upon its facili- they have been fated to be despised and rejected by the ties for internal commerce, they will always be found in modern politicians of the ancient dominion. As early as favor of any means by which objects so desirable can be 1790, President Washington, in fulfilling the constitutional best accomplished. Yet I claim for them no virtue that is injunction to recommend to Congress such measures as not common to their fellow-citizens of other States: for I he should judge necessary and expedient, says, "that must believe that the account which some of the gentle- the safety and interest of the people require that they men have given of the means by which certain people should promote such manufactures as tend to render them have been brought to advocate the bill before us, is drawn independent of others for essential, particularly military from the imagination. True, you find in every commu supplies," and "of giving effectual encouragement as nity a few who are lost to all sense of public virtue, and well to the introduction of new and useful inventions from whose sordid passions prepare them for corrupt practices. abroad, as to the exertions of skill and genius in producBut that any considerable portion of the people, whose ing them at home; and of facilitating the intercourse bedistricts, as has been said, have no sooner presented to tween distant parts of our country." Mr. Jefferson, in an them the golden bait, than they abandon fixed principles, unpublished letter to a near relative of my friend, and coland adopt new doctrines, and that these feelings are com- league, [Mr. LEIPER] dated in January, 1809, says that he municated to their representatives on this floor, who are "had lately inculcated the encouragement of manufacmoved and governed by them, is what I am not willing to tures, to the extent of our own consumption at least, on credit. Such suggestions, made in this body, with no all articles of which we raise the raw material;" that "its better foundation for them than exists, lead to the most enemies say that the iron which we make must not be injurious consequences. If opinions on constitutional wrought here into ploughs, axes, hoes, &c. in order that questions are to be bought; if men have become so flexi- the ship owner may have the profit of carrying it to Euble as to be swayed only by motives which address them- rope, and bringing it back in a manufactured form; as if, selves to their private interests, what security is there for after manufacturing our own raw materials for our own the continuance of our republican institutions? Our whole use, there should not be a surplus produce sufficient to political edifice rests upon the virtue and intelligence of employ a due proportion of navigation in carrying it to the people; and, if it be once admitted that all questions market, and exchanging it for those articles of which we of constitutional power may be settled by an appeal to have not the raw material." In 1815, the same gentlethe base and sordid passions of our nature, we shall find, man, in substance, repeats the same opinions. Sir, I like the foolish man, that we have built our house in the hope to be pardoned for noticing a subject in this debate sand, and that in some party tempest it will fall to pieces. which does not legitimately belong to it; but the example But these pictures of supposed changes of opinion have was shown by several of the gentlemen who have spoken been drawn from the fancy. The great mass of the peo- on the other side. In truth, the enemies of the protecting ple, whose interests were to be effected by internal im- system in this House have, on several occasions, however provements, could not have been informed of any con- unwarranted by the subject in discussion, indulged themstitutional impediments; and, if they searched to satisfy selves in no measured language in denouncing the existing themselves, they did not find any. In no condition of tariff. There seems to be a morbid sensibility in the minds life are men prone to trouble themselves about matters of members from the South, on this question, which, at which do not immediately affect them, particularly such least in my hearing, has hitherto prevented a dispassionate as require labor to understand. But a spirit of enterprise examination of it. Fortunately for its friends, experience begets a disposition to inquire, and that generally results has proved that a wiser act was never passed. Our latest in the expression of opinions which many mistake for new advices from abroad have informed us that in every part doctrines in opposition to those which were supposed to of Europe active measures are in operation for the protecprevail. This is the most rational solution for the con- tion of their domestic industry. Had we done nothing, tinued increase of the friends of internal improvement, therefore, to countervail foreign commercial regulations, without imputing to any portion of our people dereliction our condition would have been worse than colonial vasof principle. To show that the conferring of benefits salage. Gentlemen, in depicting the effects of the tariff cannot, in the least, influence members on this floor, when policy, have been misled by imaginary evils, for the sake opposed to constitutional scruples or views of expedien- of maintaining favorite theories; we know enough of hucy, we have the declarations of several gentlemen from man nature to be convinced that the pride of opinion, like Virginia who have taken part in this debate in opposition the pride of authorship, is often the ruling passion, and that, to the bill. They have said that, if the road were to pass rather than abandon dogmas which men have cherished and through their farms, they would oppose it; nay, one of maintained from youth to age, they would see the fairest porthem has gone so far as to say, while he complained of the tions of our land visited with decay, ruin, and desolation. To unequal distribution of the public revenues which the what extravagant lengths have their metaphysical refinesystem of internal improvement gave rise to, that the rights ments upon constitutional power arrived? They say that of his State were violated by an appropriation of money we are not authorized to provide for the safety of our to a company which that State had incorporated for mak-navy and mercantile marine, in entering our harbors, by ing the Dismal Swamp canal. Can we want stronger evi- the erection of light-houses, beacons, piers, &c., nor to dence of a disinterested spirit which would reject the build safe and commodious harbors for them; that we have paternal hand of the Government, which was extended no power to promote education, literature, and science, only to confer among its people its benefits and its boun-by the appropriation of public money; that we cannot ties? If so, there are kindred feelings, I am told, further apply the public funds to relieve individual calamity; that south, and that at this session we shall have full proof of we cannot protect our domestic manufactures by impost it. But it is unnecessary to add more to contradict asser-duties; and, finally, that we have no authority to expend tions unsupported by evidence. any part of the national treasure in making roads and ca

After listening to the arguments of the gentleman from nals, nor even a right to aid, by appropriations, compa

APRIL 1, 1830.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[H. of R.

nies incorporated by a State! Of what value would our The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. BARBOUR] says that Government be to us, stripped of these powers? I am free the bill under consideration contains a new principle, not to declare that it would not answer the great purposes for known before in this House, and that we are about to take which it was instituted, that it would be unworthy the af-" a new latitude and departure." He considered the Cumfections of the American people, and that the sooner it was berland road as affording no precedent, because it was the dissolved the better. result of an agreement between the States of which the Permit me, now, to turn the attention of the committee Northwestern Territory was composed and this Governto a better commentary upon the power of this Government, by which two per cent. arising from the sales of the ment to construct roads for national purposes, than all the public lands was to be employed in making roads leading refined arguments we have heard from the other side. It to and through those States. Yet it will be recollected has not been, I believe, before noticed since the session it that the gentleman distinctly admitted a position taken by was introduced into Congress. It must be taken, consider-my friend and colleague, [Mr. HEMPHILL] that the coning the source from which it emanated, as conclusive on sent of the States was not to be regarded, as they could the constitutional question. In February, 1796, Mr. Ma- not confer any power on Congress, except in the cases dison introduced a resolution in the House of Representa- mentioned in the constitution, and that every other comtives for the appointment of a committee to report a bill pact between them was a nullity. With this admission, I authorizing the President of the United States to cause to cannot understand how he can attach any importance to be examined, and, where necessary, to be surveyed, the the agreement respecting the Cumberland road. general route most proper for the transportation of the mail own showing, it is evident that this Government did not between Maine and Georgia, with an estimate of the ex-derive its right from that source. How, then, does this pense of making said road. On the third of May of the bill differ from the bill authorizing the construction of the same year, Mr. Madison presented the following bill, Cumberland road? and how does it differ from Mr. Madiwhich afterwards passed the House without a division: son's bill? But the gentleman, while he professes to be "Be it enacted, &c. That the President of the United fully aware of the value of good roads and canals, contends States be, and he is hereby, authorized to cause to be not only that the power to make them does not belong to examined, and, where necessary, to be surveyed, the routes this Government, but that it ought not to belong to it-that most proper for the transportation of the mail between they had better be left to the enterprise of individuals or the following places, to wit: Portland, in Maine, Boston, to the States. The gentleman will find but few to go with New York, Philadelphia, Wilmington, Baltimore, City of him on that broad ground, even in his own State. It will Washington, Alexandria, Fredericksburg, Richmond, Ra- be recollected that when the attention of Congress was leigh, Louisville, and Savannah, in Georgia; and that he called to this subject by Mr. Monroe and others, while cause a report of such examination and survey to be they admitted that the right already existed to appropriate laid before Congress, together with an estimate of the money in aid of incorporated companies, denied that it expense necessary for rendering said routes the esta-extended further; but as it was deemed of essential imblished routes for the transportation of the mail.”

By his

portance to the welfare of the people that roads and caThe second section appropriates five thousand dollars for nals should be constructed under the authority of this Godefraying the expenses of the examinations and surveys. vernment, they strongly recommended an amendment of It will be seen, sir, that this bill not only provides for the constitution, so that it should be expressly granted. surveying the route of a road from one extreme of the It was apparent that great national works, extending then Union to the other, passing through all its principal to remote parts of this Union, could not be executed cities and towns, but it requires an estimate of the expense by companies or by States, even if their resources were to be made for rendering the routes mentioned the esta- adequate to them; that rival interests existed every blished routes for the transportation of the mail. It contem- where, each State exerting itself to divert commerce to plates, in clear language, the construction or making of its own commercial emporium, or to some other point least post roads under the authority of Congress. Let me now advantageous to its neighbor State. And even in case of ask whether the warmest advocate for internal improve the union of two or more States for this purpose, the comment ever insisted on a greater latitude of constructive mon good of the whole Union would be the least object of power of the constitution than is contained in the principle their thoughts; nay, routes might be chosen positively of this bill. It not only goes the full length of all that we now injurious to the whole. It might happen, too, that discontend for, but it sustains every position which has been tant streams and States could be united by roads and cadisputed in this House heretofore. It authorizes surveys nals, by which, from peculiar localities, the greater part of and the making of roads, and it assumes jurisdiction each State through which they were designed to pass, without the consent of the States. When we consider would not feel interested, rather looking upon injury than that this extensive project was introduced but a short time benefit as the result, while to the nation at large the conafter the adoption of the constitution, and by a man who nexion would be of the highest importance. For these was chiefly instrumental in its creation, who labored to and other reasons which might be mentioned, no opinion defend it with as much zeal and ability as any who lived, appeared to be better founded than Mr. Monroe's, that that it was adopted by a body, without a division, who pro- the power to make roads and canals, with jurisdiction over bably better understood the extent of the powers intend- them, should reside in the Government. But the gentleed to be granted than any which has succeeded it, will it man from Virginia has come to a different conclusion, and be believed that it contained an assumption of powers not seems alarmed at the consequences of encroaching upon granted, and that it violated the rights of the States? It State rights, and the accumulation of power in the Genehas been reserved for politicians of the present day to ral Government. To me, [said Mr. I.] this feverish exmake this discovery--men, whose ingenuity and eloquence citement about State rights and Executive patronage scems we may admire, but whose nice and subtle distinctions, altogether chimerical. Look into the papers published, mystifications, and abstractions, cannot be easily under- and to the speeches made in certain conventions before stood by those who pretend to nothing more than plain the adoption of the constitution, and you will find the common sense. For us, who desire nothing more than same evil forebodings, and the same alarming apprehenthat the resources of our country shall be developed and sions. And yet we have gone on prosperously in peace, brought into full activity, we are content to follow the and successfully in war, for more than forty years, withpath which the statesmen of the revolution have sketched, out one of those being impaired. How, indeed, could it convinced that, by steadily pursuing it, we shall best attain be otherwise, when every member of this Government, the objects of the social compact. except such as compose the judiciary, returns at short

H. of R.]

Buffalo and New Orleans Road.

[APRIL 1, 1830. intervals to his respective State? The members of Con-thousand dollars to the public debt, the Secretary of the gress, in which reside all the high powers of sovereignty, Treasury estimates that there will be a balance in the bring with them here--State attachments and State pride; treasury on the first day of January, 1831, of four milthey act under a sense of high responsibility to their con- lion four hundred and ninety-four thousand five hundred stituents and to their State; they remain here but for a few and forty-five dollars. It is, therefore, apparent that two months, return, and mix with their fellow-citizens; with millions of dollars may, with perfect safety, be applied them every motive conspires to urge them to resist, not to annually to internal improvements, leaving enough from suffer, an invasion of State rights. Usage and public all the sources of revenue, and the operation of the sinking opinion has limited the term of the Executive to eight fund, to extinguish the debt in five years. My constitu years, at the expiration of which he returns to his State. ents have no immediate interest in the road mentioned in Your judges are scattered over the Union, citizens of their the bill; from the nearest part of my district it is at least respective States. All of them, presidents, legislators, one hundred and eighty miles. But I advocate it because and judges, have their families, friends, endearments, and it is part of a great system which I consider this Governattachments in their respective States--their homes-ment under the most solemn obligations bound to persevere where they find their earthly resting places. Gentlemen in. The road, from this city to New Orleans, is not a new talk of our National and State Governments, as if the for-project; it was earnestly brought into view by Mr. Calmer were a distinct people, to whom certain powers were houn in 1818, in support of a bill which he introduced into conceded, but, not content with their enjoyment, are con- Congress, to set apart, and pledge as a fund for internal stantly aiming to enlarge them at the expense of the rights improvement, the bonus and United States' share of the of the latter. But view them as the same people, a por- dividends of the National Bank.


In a report which the tion of whom at stated periods exercise certain delegated same gentleman made while Secretary of War, it is noticed trusts which a common feeling of interest urges them as one of the prominent national objects, and it has never to restrict rather than enlarge, and the suggestion will since been lost sight of by the Committees on Internal Im cease to have any force. Equally illusory are the fears of provements of this House. By cherishing a spirit of conces Executive patronage, which the gentleman from Virginia sion, and merging all minor considerations in the great one so strongly deprecated. It is common to speak of this; of making a beginning upon the principle contained in the but I ask for proof of its having been exerted under any bill, its friends cannot fail to effect its passage. When we administration, and, if exerted, with what effect? Do your reflect upon the amazing extent of our country, the diofficers of the army and navy interfere in elections? or versity of interests and occupations of its inhabitants, and have you seen the judges of your courts canvassing for examine the barriers which its geographical features prevotes to subserve the purposes of the Executive? The sent to direct and easy intercourse, we must come to the most powerful motives that could animate the human heart, conclusion that it is impossible to bind the different parts existed to sustain the administrations of the elder and together in any other manner than by good roads and younger Adams; but with what effect? What did patron-canals extending from the centre to the extremities of the age do in these cases? Sir, it is a mere phantom, which has Union. By these means we shall be able to preserve the no terrors for a free and vigilant people. Take one of sympathies of our nature, which distance is too apt to the eight thousand postmasters that the gentleman from Virginia has spoken of, and see what influence he is able But we will realize their advantages chiefly during war, to exercise in any city or town. It will be found, in most when the Government is compelled to rely for most of its instances, that the person so situated can effect less, at revenue upon a system of internal taxation, its ordinary any election, than if he had not an office. There is a fiscal resources being in a great measure cut off. The watchful jealousy among the people, which repels any effect of this system is to drain the interior of the country undue or even active exertions of men in official stations of its currency, and to direct it to the seaboard, or to to control or sway the elections. We have nothing to places where troops are collected for the defence of exfear from them. As to the unequal distribution of the posed situations on the frontiers. It will be recollected revenue, which, it is said, the system of internal improve-that no part of the interior of the United States was, ment gives rise to, I answer, that the same may be said of during the late war, exempted from this evil; it operated every other branch of public expenditure: fortifications peculiarly hard in the western part of Pennsylvania; speare erected on our coasts and frontiers most exposed to cie in fact disappeared, and a miserable paper currency attacks; light-houses, breakwaters, &c. on the sea coast. was substituted for it, flooding the country, and, with its These, and many other works, do not immediately benefit natural tendency for depreciation, ruining thousands of the interior; but in these and all other erections and im- the best part of our population--the farmers, the honest provements, regard is had to the general welfare. What-yeomanry of the country, who, in such a state of things, ever gives life and vigor to the whole system, must be are always the greatest sufferers. It is the part of pru beneficial to its parts; in like manner, the healthful action dence to guard, as far as practicable, against a recurrence of the heart communicates its tone to the extremitics. We of so much suffering and calamity. We cannot, it is true, have been told, too, that, by the reduction of duties upon prevent the drain of our currency, that is the inevitable tea and coffee, and certain luxuries of life which do not effect of direct taxation; but we can, in a great degree, interfere with our domestic industry, as is proposed by a mitigate its effects, by giving to our people cheap and easy bill on our table, the revenue will be so much reduced as means of transporting their produce and stock to market; to leave no surplus beyond the ordinary demands of the to that market where troops may be assembled, and Government. But it should be considered that the bills where there is the greatest public expenditure. If you alluded to are prospective in their operation; and even if deny them these means, you expose them to incalculable it were otherwise, I do not apprehend any very great dimi-injuries, it will be impossible to satisfy the tax gatherer; nution from the proposed measures. The great increase judgments and executions will speedily follow; but all are of population must create a proportionate demand. In nearly in the same situation; and where are the purchasers aid of this, there is a law of political economy which is to be found? The earnings of years of honest industry universally true, that the capacity to buy, from the com- will be swept off in a moment, for a sum sometimes insuf parative cheapness of the commodity, increases its con- ficient to pay the cost of collection--always vastly disprosumption; in other words, the reduction of a duty will, in portioned to the value of the property, either to enrich a corresponding ratio, increase the demand. After pay- the cunning speculator, or to add to the already overing all the ordinary expenses of Government for the cur-grown wealth of some nabob, or to increase the public rent year, and applying eleven million five hundred lands and stock to remain unproductive, until better times

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