712 H. of R.] Buffalo and New Orleans Road. I shall, a motion to strike out the first section of the bill. if permitted, take an opportunity, at some future time, to state more directly and fully my reasons for the amendment I propose. The question, whether the power to construct the proposed road is delegated to Congress by the constitution, appears to be waived. I understood the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. P. P. BARBOUR] as distinctly abandoning the ground of unconstitutionality as the ground of his objections to the bill. [The gentleman states that he was misunderstood on this point.] To Alabama, [MARCH 30, 1830. In addition to these appropriations, the Louisville and Portland do. do. do. Western and Southwestern State roads $13,838,886 The measure proposed by the bill I consider as of great importance, as it will be one of a decisive character to setThese appropriations have been in lands at the minimum tle the long contested question, whether this Government will persevere in the system of internal improvements, or price, in two and three per cent. funds and in money. No whether it will abandon this system as inexpedient. The part of this sum, it appears, has been applied to Vermont, A number of other States, in December, 1828, constitutionality and policy of the system are subjects on New Hampshire, Rhode Island, Connecticut, or Massawhich I have bestowed some inquiry, and some serious chusetts. reflection. Others having declined a discussion of the had received no appropriations for similar purposes. The question of constitutionality, I will not trouble the com- appropriations for Maine and New York are mere fractions. From what sources have the appropriations in money I will attempt to show that mittee with my views of it. the measure proposed by the bill, if amended, is expedi-been derived? In 1828, the revenue accruing on the iment, because it will conduce to the general welfare of the portation of goods in the States through which it is proposed the national road shall be constructed, did not ex country. The proposed national road is part of a system of inter-ceed six millions of dollars. In the same year, the revenal improvements. This system has been, for many years, nue accruing on the importation of goods into New York going forward. It is now twenty-four years since this Go- and the New England States, amounted to about twentyvernment appropriated thirty thousand dollars for the con-one millions of dollars. Admit that this amount of duties It is twenty-four years which is paid into the treasury is paid by the consumers, struction of the Cumberland road. since the Government appropriated twenty-eight thousand and according to this rule the people of New York and of dollars for opening a road from the frontier of Georgia to the New England States pay a full proportion of it. Why New Orleans, and from the river Mississippi to the Ohio; should they not share an equal part in the public improveand from Nashville, in Tennessee, to Natchez, in the Mis-ments constructed by the authority of the General Governsissippi Territory. It is twenty-one years since this Go-ment? vernment appropriated twenty-five thousand dollars to ex It is said that the people living in the Atlantic States tend the canal of Carondelet, leading from Lake Pontchar- have received their portion of the aid of Government, in But there are facilities for comtrain to New Orleans. It is twelve years since this Go-appropriations for the erection of light-houses, and in imvernment appropriated, for the construction of the Cum- proving their harbors. berland road, above three hundred thousand dollars. By merce, which vastly more than repay their cost by the rewhat authority, sir, have these appropriations been made? venue they bring into the national treasury. If the AtlanThey were appropriations for neither military roads nor tic States be charged with these improvements, then they post roads, which come within what are called the spe- ought to have more credit for the duties they collect. Sir, cified powers of the constitution. No, sir, if based on in setting up a claim to the extension of this road into the any power, they were based on the specified power dele- Eastern States, I have no direct interest, as I should have gated to Congress by the eighth section of the constitu- in case it was proposed to extend it through the district I tion--the power "to pay the debts, and provide for the represent. If extended to Boston, it will come within common defence and general welfare of the United States." about ten miles of that district. If the proposed road even And now, sir, after a series of legislative acts, commenced crossed a navigable river running through Plymouth distwenty-four years since, and an expenditure of nearly four-trict, I should consider it of no trifling value. Wherever teen millions of dollars, applied without any regard to great roads cross navigable waters, or where there is waprinciples of equal distribution among the several States ter power, there is a place of business. In those places and Territories, is this system to stop? The system can- hundreds and thousands of our industrious inhabitants are not stop here without great injustice to a number of States collected. There is a market for the produce of the farmer. There is employment for the mechanic. There the in this Union. By a report made to the Senate during the present ses-value of the land rises rapidly. sion of Congress, by the Secretary of the Treasury, it ap The national road proposed by this bill, if the amendpears that, for purposes of education, and the construction ment be adopted, will do something towards equalizing of roads and canals within and leading to a number of this system. It will extend some benefits of internal imStates and Territories, from the adoption of the constitu- provement to the inhabitants of the interior of this countion to the 24th December, 1828, the following appropriations have been made: To Maine, To New York, To Tennessec, To Arkansas, To Ohio, To Illinois, $9,500 45,000 2,527,404 600,667 try, through an extent of nearly two thousand miles, besides the benefits it will extend by an increased activity of business and commerce, from the points on the numerous rivers this road will cross, to the great marts of trade and commerce along our whole coast, from North to South. This plan has in it something approaching nearer the principle of regard to the people of the Union, than any other that has appeared under the name of internal improvements. But this system has been opposed by some of the States, and by some of our statesmen, entitled to great respect. The constitutionality of the power of Congress to continue this system, I consider as virtually decided by the public voice, until the decision shall be reversed by a direct ap MARCH 30, 1830.] Buffalo and New Orleans Road. [H. of R. peal, either to the Supreme Court of the United States, adaptation of it to the wants, tastes, and powers of the or to the people of the United States. I hold that it is consumers were more complete than at present, there not competent for either the constituted authorities, or can be no doubt that a great increase in the value of the the people of any individual State, to decide upon this whole produce would follow." This writer further adds, question. that "before the introduction of good roads and canals On this great and long agitated question, the will of the in England, the prices of produce in many country districts majority of the people of the United States, through their were extremely low, compared with the same kind of prorepresentatives, has been repeatedly and most decidedly duce in the London markets. After the means of distribuexpressed. The members of this House are not represent- tion were facilitated, the price of country produce, and atives of State sovereignties, but of the people of the Unit of some sorts of London produce which were sent into ed States. The will of the majority in this House I con- the country in exchange for it, rose, and rose in a greater sider in no other light than as the will of the majority of degree than the country produce fell in the London marthe people of the United States. If in any department of kets; and consequently the value of the whole produce, this Government, or in any sense, State sovereignties are or the supplies of London and the country together, was represented, it is in the Senate of the United States. This greatly increased; and while encouragement was thus given question of constitutional power, then, has been repeated- to the employment of a greater quantity of capital by the ly decided by majorities of the State sovereignties. When extension of demand, the temporary rise of profits, occathe will of the majority has been fairly and fully express- sioned by the extension, would greatly contribute to fured, I hold myself bound, as a supporter of the constitution, nish the additional capital." Page 321. and by all the principles on which a republic or a demo- It must be seen, at a glance, that the natural effect of cratic form of government is predicated, to obey that will. such improvements would be the enhancement of the Any other course would seem to me to lead to anarchy, value of produce, and of all other kinds of property--an and to the most disastrous consequences. These, in my effect highly favorable to those classes engaged in callings view, are principles essential to the safety and welfare of of industry, or in trade and commerce, or to the class in this republic. Whoever may embrace or abandon them, debt. It is clearly beyond dispute, that the fall of the I shall not abandon them. Opprobrious names will not nominal value of produce, of land, and all property in trade, alienate me from them. Even if my own judgment were must be ruinous to the holders. In a young and enteragainst the proposed measure, as unconstitutional, when prising nation, this class of citizens is of course numerous. the voice of the constituted authorities of my country has A wise Government will not disregard the interests of a often, and through a succession of years, declared an op-class so important to the welfare of the whole, whether in posite judgment, would it become me pertinaciously to op- peace or war. Another writer on political economy, (Mr. pose that expression of the public will Obedience to that Say,) than whom there is no better authority on these subwill, when expressed in constitutional forms, becomes a jects, remarks thus: duty. If, against the decisions of Congress, I persever- "But although the public can scarcely be itself a sucingly oppose my own will or judgment as an inflexible ar- cessful producer, it can at any rate give a powerful stibiter, do I not plainly indicate what I would do if I had mulus to individual productive energy, by well planned, power? In what should I differ from a despot? Can a well conducted, and well supported public works, partirepresentative of the people, consistently with his duty, cularly roads, canals, and harbors. Facility of communiby his opposition to a system of measures, preclude them cation assists production, exactly in the same way as the from participating in the benefits of that system, to which, machinery that multiplies manufactured products abridges by the will of the majority, they are entitled? Surely, in the labor of production. It is a means of furnishing the such case, he stands opposed to their participation in the same product at less expense, which has exactly the same general welfare. I doubt whether the people will long be effect as raising a greater product with the same expense. satisfied with a system that allows them no participation in If we take into account the immense quantity of goods conveyed upon the roads of a rich and populous empire, Will this proposed road conduce to the general welfare? from the commonest vegetables brought daily to market If any road or canal, or the removal of any obstructions to up to the rarest imported luxuries poured into its harbors the navigation of our rivers, be conducive to the general from every part of the globe, and thence diffused by means welfare, it will not be denied that this road will be so. of land carriage over the whole face of the territory, we The fact has been adverted to, and is too important to shall readily perceive the inestimable economy of good roads be forgotten, that Presidents Jefferson, Madison, Monroe, in the charges of production. The saving in carriage and I believe all our Presidents with hardly an exception, amounts to the whole value the article has derived gratuihave repeatedly and earnestly recommended to Congress tously from nature, if, without good roads, it could not be the construction of roads and canals; or, in case their power had at all. Were it possible to transplant from the mounwas doubted, that measures should be adopted by Con-tain to the plain the beautiful forests that flourish and gress to procure an alteration of the constitution for that rot neglected upon the inaccessible sides of the Alps purpose. In this one point, all our Presidents, without and Pyrenees, the value of these forests would be an enexception, have agreed; that is, that a system of internal tirely new creation of value to mankind, a clear gain of improvements would be highly beneficial to this country. revenue both to the landholder and the consumer also." If they had apprehended danger to individual States, or to P. 207-8. the Union, from such a system, would they have recommended it? They evidently saw no dangerous tendency "Roads and canals are costly public works, even in to consolidation. They saw no serious objection against countries where they are under judicious and economical confiding to the General Government the power to con- management. Yet, probably, in most cases, the benefits struct internal improvements. They concurred in opinion, they afford to the community far exceed the charges. on this point, with all the ablest and most approved writers Were we to calculate what would be the charge of caron political economy. Malthus has this remark, with par- riage upon all the articles and commodities that now pass ticular reference to England: "That if all the roads and along any road in the course of a year, if the road did not canals of the country were broken up, and the means of exist, and compare it with the utmost charge, under predistributing its produce were essentially impeded, the sent circumstances, the whole difference that would apwhole value of the produce would greatly fall. Upon pear will be so much gain to the consumers of all those arprinciple, if the means of distributing the pro- ticles, and so much positive and clear nett profit to the duce of the country were still further facilitated, and if the community." Vol. ii, p. 229. its benefits. the same VOL. VI.-90 The same author adds the following: H. of R.] Buffalo and New Orleans Road. [MARCH 30, 1830. Since the general peace in Europe, a large portion of country, this meed belongs to them. Are we wiser than the people of this country have been suffering under hea- they were? Are we more patriotic? Do we better unvy embarrassinent, in consequence of having contracted derstand the policy of free government than they underdebts when the nominal value of all property was at a high stood it? There is no system of policy that the General rate. This embarrassment is the necessary effect of the Government can ever pursue, without giving offence to general depression of the nominal value of property. It some parts of the Union. I would have the individual has borne most severely on the inhabitants in the interior States retain and exercise every particle of their rightful of our country, who have a few facilities to obtain a mar-power. But, sir, I maintain that allegiance to the Union ket for their produce to pay their debts; and of course they is essential to the preservation of the liberties of all the incease, to a great extent, to be purchasers of the products dividual States. Mr. Madison remarks on this principle of the industry and enterprise of others. Malthus lays of paramount power, which is distinctly asserted in the down this sound proposition--that "whenever the pro- constitution of the United States, that if this had not been duce of a country, estimated in the labor which it will com- adopted, "the world would have seen, for the first time, a mand, falls in value, it is evident that with it the power system of government founded on an inversion of the funand will to purchase the same quantity of labor must be damental principles of all government; it would have seen diminished, and the effect we demand for an increase of the authority of the whole society every where subordiproduce must, for a time, be checked." P. 32. nate to the authority of the parts; it would have seen a Facilities for transportation, then, are facilities for pro- monster, in which the head was under the direction of the duction. What gives to the great State of New York, and members."--Fed. No. 44, p. 286, to her city of that name, their pre-eminence in this Union? It must ever be painful to the friends of the Union on Sir, it is their enterprise by means of the facilities for trans- such occasions as the construction of a road, the passage portation they have created and extended--facilities for of a tariff act, or even of a law declaring war, to hear the internal commerce. Without these, their external com-language of revolt from any portion of the citizens. The merce would rapidly decline. And, sir, I hope the en- following remarks by Mr. Madison in the forty-fifth numlightened delegation from that State will not oppose the ber of the Federalist, are too pertinent and monitory to be attempt of the General Government to do for the Union omitted here: what she has so wisely and successfully done for herself. "If the Union, (he says) as has been shown, be essen Much as she has done, the interior of that State would be tial to the security of the people of America against fogreatly improved by more good roads, and the value of her reign danger; if it be essential to their security against conown canals would be augmented. But gentlemen seem to tentions and wars among the different States; if it be es be alarmed at this proposed exercise of power by the Ge-sential to guard them against the violent and oppress ve neral Government, as tending to a consolidation of the factions which embitter the blessings of liberty, and against powers of the State Governments into one sovereignty. I have not been able to discover this tendency. those military establishments which must gradually poison its very fountain; if, in a word, the Union be essential to the happiness of the people of America, is it not prepos terous to urge as an objection to a Government, without which the objects of the Union cannot be attained, that such a Government may derogate from the importance of the Governments of the individual States? But, sir, I have seen cause for the most solemn alarm at the apprehension of an opposite tendency--a tendency to insubordination and disunion, with all their attendant horrors. The period is but just passed, when the evident weakness of the bonds of this Union, and the want of national sympathy and national character, filled the hearts of "Was, then, the American revolution effected, was the the most devoted and intelligent friends of the Union with American confederacy formed, was the precious blood of deep consternation. Had the period of trial been pro-thousands spilt, and the hard earned substance of millions longed, no man can calculate what might have been the lavished--not that the people of America should enjoy consequences. Now, sir, is the favorable time to strength-peace, liberty, and safety; but that the Governments of en the bonds of the Union, by interests that will identify the individual States, that particular municipal establishus as one people; that each citizen in either extreme of ments, might enjoy a certain extent of power, and be array. this Union may feel that in each citizen in the opposite ex-ed with certain dignities and attributes of sovereignty? We treme he has a brother. Will the construction of a road have heard of the impious doctrine in the old world, that encroach upon State sovereigntics? Will they contend the people were made for kings, not kings for the people. for the exclusive right to promote their own interests? Is the same doctrine to be revived in the new, in another The power of the General Government to construct a shape, that the solid happiness of the people is to be seroad in any individual State, I consider as not necessarily crificed to the views of political institutions of a different a supreme power, but as a concurrent power. Hence there form? It is too early for politicians to presume on our for is no cause for alarm to State authorities. The power of getting that the public good, the real welfare of the peo Congress to construct roads in an individual State, implies ple, is the supreme object to be pursued, and that no form no denial of power to that State to construct roads. Much of government whatever has any other value than as it may of the legislation of Congress, and of the several States, be fitted for the attainment of this object. Were the has been concurrent legislation. The militia laws of the plan of the convention (that formed our present constitu United States, and of the several States, are acts of con- tion) adverse to the public happiness, my voice would be, current legislation. By concurrent legislation I do not reject the plan. In like manner, as far as the sovereignty mean that the action of one party is necessary to the ac- of the States cannot be reconciled to the happiness of the tion of the other, as in the case of two branches of the people, the voice of every good citizen must be, let the same legislature. The power I speak of is, the power former be sacrificed to the latter." which either the General Government or a State Govern- The same counsels were repeated by the illustrious and ment may exercise without encroaching upon the proper vencrated father of his country, in the parting blessing he right of the other. It is a power that belongs not exclu- pronounced on his retirement from the Presidency. sively to either. If the distinguished statesmen whose names have been mentioned, who have received the homage of all hearts, had imagined that a system of internal improvements would lead to consolidation, or to an undue ascendency of the General over the State Governments, they never would have recommended that system. If any men ever lived for the cause of liberty and their In my opinion, sir, whatever may be said or done by political aspirants to the contrary, the people, and a large majority of them, too, will sustain the General Govern ment in measures to strengthen the bonds of the Union. They have no pleasure in contemplating that either they or their children may be involved in strifes between Stale sovereignties, or in civil war from any cause. MARCH 30, 1830.] Buffalo and New Orleans Road. [H. of R. From some quarters in this House, it has been said that reward their labor in the construction of the proposed the money to construct this road ought not to be taken from road. It will not be lost to the country nor to the Governthe treasury; that it would be better to repeal the tariff, toment. The true capital of a country consists not in moabolish the system of duties, and let the people keep their ney, but in its amount of productive industry. Good roads money in their own pockets. By such a course, sir, the are of more value to the country than money in either the Union itself would soon be abandoned. Instead of the pockets of the people or in the national treasury. Malthus present burdens, each State, if she would have commerce, justly remarks, that, "amongst abundance of other causes must maintain her own navy. If she would guard her of the misery and weakness of the countries subjected to rights, she must support her own armies. The great States the Ottoman dominion, it cannot be doubted that one of would soon conquer the small States, and then would re-the principal is the vast quantity of capital remaining in a sult a consolidation of most fearful character. Would it state of inactivity." Vol. ii, p. 87. "Lofty and pure, and meant for general good." be wise to abolish the revenue system, and cut off the re- Construct this national road, and, from the eastern exsources that replenish the treasury? Soon would our navy tremity of our Atlantic coast, through the interior of the be reduced, and our commerce every where would become country, to the Mississippi, there will soon be a line of vilthe prey of freebooters. War, or disgrace and ruin, must lages and towns of greater value to the Union than would follow. Sir, if the duties be too high, let them be reduced, be a chain of mountains of the richest ore. When this but let not the General Government be stripped of its si-road is completed, if the prosperity of the country connews to save a little money in the pockets of the people. tinues, let there be branches extended from this road into During Mr. Jefferson's administration, in one of his mes-other sections of the Union. By a policy like this, the sages to Congress, he took into consideration the question citizens of this republic may be more firmly attached to of the expediency of abolishing a part of the revenue. their Government, and better satisfied that its designs are He came to this conclusion, which I will give in his own words. "Patriotism would certainly prefer the continuance of impost, and its application to the great purposes of The gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. POLK] is alarmned public education, roads, rivers, canals, and such other ob- at the cost of this road. If the road be extended as projects of public improvement as it may be thought proper to posed by the amendment I intend to offer, according to add to the constitutional enumeration of federal powers." the estimate of the committee who reported the bill, it will In reviewing the history of this Government during cost three millions of dollars. The gentleman from Tennearly half the period of its existence, and the principles nessee says seven millions. The truth may prove to be and measures which have been warmly advocated by the between the extremes. wisest and most distinguished of its founders, I come to the conclusion that the system of internal improvements is destined to go forward, and that fidelity to my constituents, and to "the general welfare," demands my efforts, though humble, to equalize the benefits of it as nearly as practicable to all parts of the country. In the treasury, on the first of January, 1830, was a ba lance of six million six hundred and sixty-eight thousand two hundred and eighty-six dollars, a surplus beyond what the service of that year required. On the 1st of January, 1829, there was a surplus of five million nine hundred and seventy-two thousand four hundred and thirty-five dollars not required for the service of that year. The estimated balance in the year 1830 falls somewhat below five millions of dollars. This, I have no doubt, is a very safe In this system I consider the people of the United States as having a more direct and important interest than in any other that can be devised, excepting that of education, which may carry its benefits to every family and every in-calculation. The amount of the public debt redeemable dividual. is rapidly diminishing. The amount paid in 1828 was above Is there any thing of imposing splendor in the plan of twelve millions of dollars. Nearly the same amount of a free road, extending a distance of two thousand miles public debt was paid in 1829. But the statement of the through the interior of this country? From one end to Secretary of the Treasury shows that the amount of pubthe other, where now are fens, and caverns, and forests, lic debt redeemable is rapidly sinking. The amount rewill be a highway for the march of civilization, and of the deemable in 1830 is set at eight million seventeen thousand prosperity of the people; an extended line of communica-six hundred and ninety-five dollars. The amount of pubtion to the eye of the patriot and the philanthropist, beau- lic debt to be paid, that is, to fulfil the engagements of the tifully studded with flourishing villages and towns. To a Government, vast number of our citizens it will hold up new encouragements and new means to throw off their almost hopeless embarrassments, new encouragements and means to support schools and seminaries for the education of their youth, and in numerous ways to add to the general wealth and prosperity of our country. For 1831, is estimated at $7,705,960 8,413,479 3,313,247 5,720,948 millions to be paid annually. This, he says, will complete "the payment of the whole public debt within the year 1834, without applying the bank shares." Why, then, this alarm at a proposition to construct a road that will cost three, or even six, millions of dollars? Thus the gradual diminution of the public debt, as redeemable, would leave a sum sufficient to build, every Does this proposed measure threaten to the country an year, a road such as this bill proposes. But those sums oppressive burden? If it were so, I would not advocate stated by the Secretary will not discharge the whole debt. it. This road may cost three, or even six millions of dol-The Secretary of the Treasury proposes the sum of twelve lars. During a number of years past, after disbursing the ordinary expenses for the support of Government, and the appropriations, a balance has been left in the treasury of more than three millions of dollars, and amounting, in some instances, to more than six millions of dollars. The duties on several articles of necessity may then be reduced, and, Another objection. This road will be a subject of conin a short time, the public debt will have been discharged, troversy. Will this be a good reason against the measure? and the revenue will be equal to all probable demands Every measure requiring appropriations is contested. It upon the Government. In a few years the appropriations will ever be so. In all parts of our country, in every town for the payment of military pensions must almost entirely and district where there are roads, there are controversies. And, generally, where are the most controversies, there cease. Sir, the revenue, amounting to twenty-six or twenty-are the best roads. eight millions of dollars, is drawn from the people of the. The opposition to this bill has been powerful and ingeinterior as well as from the rest. For the improvement nious, but, to my mind, far from being convincing. I hope of that part of the country, let a few millions go back to the bill, in an amended form, may pass--that the road may H. of R.] Buffalo and New Orleans Road. [MARCH 30, 1830. be truly national, or, I would rather say, republican in its value of the rights and liberties enjoyed by the people of a character, equalizing and extending its benefits as far as republic consists in every citizen's keeping his dollars and practicable. For the permanent benefit of so great a por- cents in his own pocket, whilst those around him are illitetion of the population of the United States, in my judg- rate, idle, and denied the facilities for convenient interment there is no instance in which the money of the trea- course, a republic has no charms for my mind. The chasury has ever been better applied. In no instance have racter of a people under its influence must sink into a state the people of the interior of this country, to an equal ex- of imbecility and degradation. In many parts of this countent, received from the many millions paid by them and try, good roads cannot for a long time be obtained, unless expended, benefits so substantial as is proposed by this bill. the General Government constructs them, or they are conIt is on this ground, and for reasons I have now offered, I structed by what are called private corporations, with support it. I ask only that it may have a national charac- power to tax every passenger. It is incumbent on the ter, or at least that it may have something of the propor- friends of liberty to consider well the probable conse tions of a system adapted to the claims of the country. quences that may result from placing the great roads of For appropriations to carry forward internal improvements this country under the control of such corporations. The in various parts of the Union, other than the eastern gentleman from Virginia might be pointed to a bridge States, I have uniformly voted since I have had the honor corporation, that, on the ground of its pretended vested of a seat here. For the part of the Union from which I rights, to the subversion of the rights of the public, have come, I should be false to my trust if I did not claim a share wrung from a great and enterprising community a vast in the benefits of this system. If this claim be not allow- amount of their hard earnings. This was the necessary ed, I shall consider myself under no obligation to vote for consequence of neglect on the part of the public authori the bill. If it be allowed, I shall hold myself bound to ty to make provision at the public expense for facilities devote for it. This course I have determined on for myself, manded for the convenience of that community. There as fair and consistent, and no more than just to my con is no portion of a community exposed to suffer more than stituents and to the eastern section of this Union. the agricultural, by the want of facilities to transport their produce to market. Why is corn worth only from twelve and a half to twenty-five cents per bushel in the interior Mr. P. P. BARBOUR has subjoined to his speech on the of Virginia, and at the same moment worth from fifty to proposed national road, a note, containing some statements seventy-five cents per bushel in Boston? The want of faof the revenue derived from the New York canals, and of cilities for transportation accounts for this difference of the balance against them in expenses. He shows that the from one hundred to five hundred per cent. This is an ilinterest on the original cost of the canals, and the expenses lustration which, with many others, puts to a severe test for superintendence, repairs, &c. in 1826, exceeded the the notions of political economy advanced by the very able amount of revenue accruing from them in the sum of four and eloquent member from Virginia in his speech against hundred and six thousand one hundred and forty-three the proposed national road. Note by Mr. R. dollars and seven cents. 1s it inferrible from this fact that Mr. CROCKETT, of Tennessee, submitted an amendthe canals are unprofitable to the State of New York? Iment, providing that the road should run from the city of put this question to the gentleman as a fair one. I am not Washington, in a direct route, to Memphis, on the Missisaware that the gentleman could have had any other object sippi river, in the western district of Tennessee. in his note, than to lead the public to this inference. But In support of his amendment, Mr. CROCKETT said, he is this inference authorized by the premises? Would the was truly sorry, under existing circumstances, to trouble gentleman deny that, by the facilities created by the canals, the committee with any remarks upon the subject, espe the amount of millions of dollars in the products of the cially as a considerable portion of time had already been State is annually transported to market? It may be confi- consumed by the Representatives from his State, no less dently asserted that the facilities for obtaining a market than four gentlemen from Tennessee having addressed the actually increase to an almost incredible degree the pro- committee, [Messrs. BLAIR, ISACKS, POLK, and STANDIFER] ducts of a country. If the question rest on the principles all of whom [said Mr. C.] are much better qualified to of loss and gain, then the canals are profitable to the State. give light on this subject than myself. They give a spring to industry and enterprise, and greatly When [he continued] I consider the few opportunities augment the power of production. This to any people is which I have had to obtain information on this important wealth, and the procuring cause of their prosperity and topic, I shrink at the idea of addressing so intelligent a their happiness. On what principle are county or State body as this, upon matters relating to it. My lips would roads constructed? Are they constructed for purposes of be sealed in silence, were I not fully convinced that there public revenue? Surely not. In towns or counties all the has been, in some instances, a partial and improper legis citizens are taxed for the purpose of making and repairing lation resorted to during the present session. I was elected one or more principal roads passing through them. The from the western district of Tennessee, after declaring principal road does not go by every man's dwelling; but all are taxed for roads, which some of the citizens seldom or never pass. By a good road through the centre of a town or county, the value of every estate in that town or county is augmented. Yet it is impossible, in the nature of things, that all the citizens in a town, county, or State, should derive equal advantages from the principal roads. To resist the construction of roads because the facilities afforded by them would be unequal, would be entirely preposterous. Would the author of the note insist that appropriations ought not to be made except for purposes of revenue? This doctrine would abolish, not only our roads and canals, whether constructed by towns or States, but the whole system of public schools and colleges wherever they exist. They yield no revenue into the treasury; but they yield that which is infinitely more valuable to communities-intelligence, the blessings of civilization, the thousand varied delights of social intercourse. If the myself a friend to this measure; and I came here quite hot Those who sustain the Government, and furnish the means, have, by the illiberality of their servants, been |