time. Jefferson had proposed that all the tribes east of the Mississippi should be gradually removed to lands within the Louisiana Purchase, but very little had been done towards bringing about this result until Monroe's term. Several treaties had been made on this basis. Considerable difficulty had arisen in regard to the Creeks and Cherokees in the state of Georgia. When Georgia ceded her claim on western territory to the United States government, the latter agreed to extinguish the claims the Indians might have to lands within the state. Though the agreement was made in 1802, it had not been carried out, and Georgia in 1819 demanded its fulfilment. At last, in 1825, some of the Creek chiefs, on their own authority, ceded the lands of their tribe to the United States, and agreed to move beyond the Mississippi. The Creeks refused to abide by the treaty, and put to death the chiefs who had made the agreement. The state of Georgia undertook to take possession of the lands; the President interfered, and for a time it seemed as though there would be a petty war. Finally a new treaty was negotiated with the Creeks, who gave up almost all their land and agreed to move beyond the Mississippi. The Cherokee question was still unsettled and came up later (sect. 228).

217. Anti-Masonic Party; Death of Adams and Jefferson. (1826.) In 1826 William Morgan, a Freemason, undertook to publish a book revealing the Masonic secrets. After various adventures he suddenly disappeared, and no certain trace of him was ever discovered. Many believed him to have been murdered by the Masons, and the excitement against them was great, and led to the formation of an anti-Masonic party, which for a long time had considerable power, especially in the states of New York, Pennsylvania, Vermont,

ERA OF ILL-FEELING.

199

Ohio, and Massachusetts. In 1832 it was strong enough to nominate a Presidential candidate, but soon after disappeared from the field of politics.

Thomas Jefferson and John Adams, though they had quarrelled when the former became President, had long since made up their quarrels and become warm friends, often writing to each other and discussing in an amicable way the events of the early years of the republic. On the 4th of July, 1826, they died, almost at the same hour, each thinking that the other was still alive. So remarkable a coincidence made a great impression upon the public, and gave occasion for the delivery of Daniel Webster's well-known oration.

218. Era of Ill-feeling; Protective Tariff of 1828. (18241829.) If Monroe's administration had been the "era of good feeling," that of Adams was quite the reverse. At no time in the history of the country had political feeling run higher or abuse been more violent. The questions of the tariff and internal improvements were fairly before the country as party issues; but to these was added a personal element which intensified legitimate discussions to an extraordinary degree. It seemed as if nothing was too bad to be believed of an opponent, and stories proved to be false were repeated over and over again and believed, in spite of renewed denial and proof of their falsity.

The tariff of 1824 has already been mentioned (sect. 209). Meanwhile public opinion in the states north of the Potomac River had been steadily growing in favor of a protective tariff, and this was true not only of the manufacturers, but of the farmers as well. The eastern states, however, were divided in sentiment from the fear that the shipping interests might be unfavorably affected by a protective tariff. South of the Potomac, particularly in the cotton-growing states, public

opinion was strongly opposed to protection. After much discussion, a protective tariff act passed both houses of Congress by small majorities in 1828, and became a law. This act was especially obnoxious to the people of South Carolina and Georgia, and many public meetings were held in those states in which it was denounced in strong language as "a gross and palpable violation of the Constitution"; some speakers even threatening a dissolution of the Union unless there should be "an unconditional repeal of the protecting laws."

On the issues of a protective tariff and internal improvements at the national expense, these two being called the "American System," the old Democratic-Republican party divided; those supporting Clay and the "American System called themselves National Republicans, while their opponents soon took the name of Democrats.

219. Election of Jackson. (1828.)- When the time for nominating candidates for the Presidency came round, Adams and Richard Rush were nominated by the National Republicans, and Jackson and Calhoun by the Democrats. In the election of 1828 Adams and Rush were overwhelmingly defeated, not receiving the vote of a single southern state. The reasons for Adams's defeat were not wholly the tariff nor internal improvements. A change had come over the country. Hitherto trained men had been candidates for the office of President; now a feeling had sprung up that there was a danger of an aristocracy, and that Jackson represented the people. Adams lost his re-election from causes very similar to those which had defeated his father in 1800. The fact that Jackson was a great military hero, and that there was a very general feeling that he should have been chosen by the House of Representatives in 1825, carried him into office on a wave of popular enthusiasm.

CHAPTER XII.

THE THIRTY YEARS' PEACE (continued).

REFERENCES.

General.-J. Schouler, History of the United States, iii. 451-531, iv. 1-494; Bryant and Gay, Popular History of the United States, iv. 295–369; T. W. Higginson, Larger History of the United States, pp. 431-455; H. A. Wise, Seven Decades of the Union, Chaps. iv.-viii.; E. Channing, The United States, pp. 208-230; W. Wilson, Division and Reunion (Epochs of American History), pp. 1–148; J. F. Rhodes, History of the United States, i. 40-86; T. H. Benton, Thirty Years' View, i. 119-739, ii. 19-638; H. Greeley, The American Conflict, i. 107-185; J. G. Blaine, Twenty Years of Congress, i. 21-40; Goldwin Smith, The United States, pp. 193–211.

Biographies. James Parton, Andrew Jackson; also his smaller work in the Great Commander Series; W. G. Sumner, Andrew Jackson; H. von Holst, John C. Calhoun; H. C. Lodge, Daniel Webster; T. Roosevelt, Thomas H. Benton; A. C. McLaughlin, Lewis Cass; C. Schurz, Henry Clay; E. M. Shepard, Martin Van Buren; J. T. Morse, Jr., John Quincy Adams, and his Abraham Lincoln.

Special. A. Johnston, American Politics, Chaps. xii.-xv.; E. Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, Chaps. xii.-xvi. For the Spoils System: Sumner's Jackson, pp. 140-149; Shepard's Van Buren, pp. 177–187; J. J. Lalor, Cyclopædia, iii. 19–24; D. B. Eaton, The Spoils System. For Nullification: Von Holst's Calhoun, pp. 62-123; James F. Rhodes, History of the United States, i. 40-53; A. Johnston, American Orations, i. 196-212. Webster and Hayne: A. Johnston, American Orations, i. 213-282. The American System: A. Johnston, American Orations, iii. 327-373. The Cherokees in Georgia H. Greeley, The American Conflict, i. 102-106; Atlantic Monthly, lxv. 394; Census 1890, Extra Census Bulletin, "Eastern Band of Cherokees," pp. 17, 18. The Dorr War: G. W. Greene, Short History of Rhode Island, pp. 276-282; J. J. Lalor, Cyclopædia, i. 835, iii. 637. Anti-Renters: E. H. Roberts, New York, ii. 623-632. The Abolition Movement: James Freeman Clarke, Anti-Slavery Days; H. Greeley; The American Conflict, i.

125-128; James F. Rhodes, History of the United States, i. 53–75; Governor McDuffie's Message on the Slavery Question, 1835; American History Leaflets, No. 10. Nat Turner Insurrection: Atlantic Monthly, viii. 173; J. E. Cooke, Virginia, pp. 485-487. The Mormons: Josiah Quincy, Figures of the Past, pp. 376-400; Century Magazine, xxiii. 449, 712; L. Carr, Missouri, pp. 179-185. William Henry Harrison: J. P. Dunn, Indiana, pp. 277-324, 411-416. The Crisis of 1837: Shepard's Martin Van Buren, pp. 242–277 ; Schurz's Henry Clay, ii. 113-151; Roosevelt's Thomas H. Benton, pp. 189– 208. For Personal Recollections: N. Sargent, Public Men and Events, i. 161-349, ii. 10-263; Josiah Quincy, Figures of the Past, pp. 352–375.

220. Andrew Jackson. (1829.) With the accession of Andrew Jackson to the office of President begins a new era in the history of the country.

Born in 1767, Jackson was sixty-two years old, but ill health and exposure caused him to look much older than that. He was a man of strong convictions, and, always sure he was right, could rarely be moved by argument. He never forgot a friend nor forgave an enemy, and regarded every one who differed from him, not only as his own enemy, but also as the enemy of his country. He was an honest man through and through, and undoubtedly thought he was putting an end to a vast amount of corruption when he took charge of the executive office.

221. Removals from Office. (1829.) In his inaugural Jackson said, "The recent demonstration of public sentiment inscribes on the list of executive duties, in characters too legible to be overlooked, the task of reform." He went on to renew the charges made during the campaign against the late administration, though Adams had been unusually successful in his appointments, and no one had suffered on account of his political opinions. Now that we are able to review calmly the history of those times of excitement, it is acknowledged by all that, in economy and purity, the admin