situation, I appeal to the great Searcher of hearts, on this occasion, that I behold the greatest danger that ever happened, hanging over us-for, previous amendments, are, but another name for rejection. I ask you, if it be not better to adopt, and run the chance of amending it hereafter, than run the risk of endangering the Union. The Confederation is gone. It has no authority. If, in this situation, we reject the Constitution-the Union will be dissolved, the dogs of war will break loose, and anarchy and discord will complete the ruin of this country."

Madison, after commenting on the extraordinary spectacle exhibited in America, of its free inhabitants deliberating on a form of Government, and selecting such of their citizens as possess their confidence, to determine upon and give effect to it, remarked: "I beg that, gentlemen in deliberating on this subject, would consider the alternative-either nine States shall have ratified it, or they will not. If nine States will adopt it, can it be reasonably presumed or required, that nine States, having freely and fully considered the subject, and come to an affirmative decision, will, upon the demand of a single State, agree, that they acted wrong, and could not see its defects; tread back the steps they have taken, and reduce it to uncertainty, whether a general system shall be adopted, or not? It is a most awful thing that depends upon our decision-whether, the thirteen States shall unite freely, peaceably, and unanimously, for the security of their common happiness and liberty-or, whether, every thing is to be put in confusion and disorder? Should only eight States ratify, and Virginia propose certain alterations, as the previous condition of her acceptance, every State which has decided must reconsider the subject, acknowledge its error, and appoint a new Convention to deliberate. Will not every State think herself

If

equally entitled to propose as many amendments? contradictory, will they probably agree-or agree in any thing, but the plan before us? New York has been adduced. Two of the delegates from that State opposed every step of this system. Can it be supposed, that those in this State, who admit the necessity of a change, would ever unite with those totally averse to any change? In this mode of securing alterations (by subsequent amendments), there is no friend to the Constitution but will concur."

James Monroe thought differently. He declared, he could not conceive, that a conditional ratification, would, in the most remote degree, endanger the Union; for, it was as clearly the interest of the adopting States to be united. with Virginia, as it could be her interest to be, in union with them.

In the hope of thus influencing the decisions of other States, Hamilton had arranged a line of expresses with Generals Sullivan and Knox-to bear intelligence of the ratification by New Hampshire. An express arrived in New York on the twenty-fifth of June, and the result was announced to Congress.

Colonel Henley pressed on with it to Richmond. The intelligence reached Alexandria on the twenty-eighth, where its citizens were convened to celebrate the adoption by Virginia; which State, by a majority of ten of one hundred and sixty-eight votes, had ratified the Constitution, two days before.

"The day itself," Washington writes, on the twentyeighth, "is memorable for more reasons than one. It was recollected, that this day is the anniversary of the battles of Sullivan's Island, and Monmouth. I have just returned from assisting at the entertainment, and mention these details, unimportant as they are in themselves, the rather,

because, I think, we may rationally indulge the pleasing hope, that the Union will now be established upon a durable basis; and that, Providence seems still disposed to favor the members of it with unequalled opportunities for political happiness."*

*On the 27th of June, Madison wrote to Hamilton: "This day put an end to the existence of our Convention. The enclosed is a copy of the act of ratification. It has been followed by a number of recommendatory alterations-many of them highly objectionable. One of the most so, is an article prohibiting direct taxes, when effectual laws shall be passed by the States for the purpose. The minority will sign an address to the people. The genius of it is unknown to me. It is mentioned, as an exhortation to acquiescence in the result of the Convention. Notwithstanding the fair professions made by some, I am so uncharitable as to suspect, that the ill will to the Constitution will produce every peaceable effort to disgrace and destroy it. Mr. Henry declared, previous to the final question, that, although he should submit as a quiet citizen, he should wait with impatience for the favorable moment of regaining in a constitutional way the lost liberties of his country. My conjecture is, that exertions will be made to engage two-thirds of the Legislature in the task of regularly undermining the Government. This hint may not be unworthy your attention. Yours, affectionately." He subsequently wrote, that, "the intended address was rejected by the party themselves, when proposed to them, and produced an auspicious conclusion.”

CHAPTER LIII.

DURING this period, Hamilton frequently attended Congress, then sitting at New York. Its journals give few topics of interest. From these, it appears, that he was of a Committee to make provision for the invalids of the army; that, on the third of June, he reported, that "the District of Kentucke be erected into an Independent State, and the act for its admission into the Union." This measure, with the concurrence of all but one member, was subsequently referred, in consequence of intelligence, that nine States had ratified the Constitution. He was also of a Committee to close the unsettled public accounts.

From this Assembly, scarcely possessed of means sufficient to keep up the forms of Government, Hamilton passed to a new theatre of labor and of triumph-the Convention of New York.

*

His correspondence at this time shows his apprehensions of the result. He writes: "Violence, rather than moderation, is to be looked for from the opposite party. Obstinacy seems to be the prevailing trait in the character of its leader. The language is, that if all the other States adopt, this is to persist in refusing the Constitution. It is reduced to a certainty, that Clinton has, in several

* Hamilton's Works, vol. i. 452–454, to Morris and Madison.

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conversations, declared the UNION unnecessary." "As Clinton is truly the leader of his party, and is inflexibly obstinate, I count little in overcoming opposition by reason. The Anti-Federal party have a majority of twothirds in the Convention; and, according to the best estimate I can form, of about four-sevenths of the community. The views of the leaders in this city are pretty well ascertained to be turned towards a long adjourn ment; say, till next spring or summer. Their incautious ones observe, that this will give an opportunity to the State to see how the Government works, and to act according to circumstances.

"My reasonings on the fact are to this effect: The leaders of the party hostile to the Constitution, are equally hostile to the Union. They are, however, afraid to reject the Constitution, at once, because that step would bring matters to a crisis between this State and the States which had adopted the Constitution; and between the parties in the State. A separation of the southern district from the other parts of the State, it is perceived, would become the object of the Federalists, and of the neighboring States. They, therefore, resolve upon a long adjournment, as the safest and most artful course to effect their final purpose. They suppose, that, when the Government gets into operation, it will be obliged to take some steps in respect to revenue, etc., which will furnish topics of declamation to its enemies in the several States, and will strengthen the minorities. If, any considerable discontent should show itself, they will stand ready to head the opposition. If, on the contrary, the thing should go on smoothly, and the sentiments of our own people should change, they can elect to come into the Union. They, at all events, take the chances of time and the chapter of accidents.