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ORDER READ TO THE SEVENTY-NINTH.

The following is the order read to the Seventy-ninth N. Y. regiment:

The General Commanding has heard with the deepest pain of the acts of insubordination on the part of the Seventy-ninth regiment. Without attempting to enter into a discussion of the causes, it is sufficient to say that they are frivolous and groundless.

That these acts have thrown disgrace upon the regiment and the service, and taking place at this time, they give rise to the strongest suspicions of the most abject cowardice. The regiment has forced upon the Commanding General an issue which he is prepared to meet.

to the belief that their conduct was prompted spected. The presence of such a large force by cowardice. As a punishment, he ordered | evidently overawed the mutinous regiment, for that the regiment should be deprived of its there was that in the tone of the general's orcolors until, by future good behavior and hon- ders, and the manner of those deputed to exeorable service on the field of battle, its soldiers cute them, which showed that they were in showed themselves worthy to bear them. The earnest. ringleaders of the mutiny were to be placed in arrest, and the regiment was to be ordered to fall in by company and march to the quarters assigned them in Virginia, and if they refused to obey this order, they were to be fired upon. The scene during the reading was exceedingly impressive. The sun was just going down, and in the hazy, uncertain twilight, the features and forms of officers and men could scarcely be distinguished. Immediately behind his aid was General Porter, firm and self-possessed. Col. Stevens was in front of his own regiment, endeavoring to quiet his rather nervous horse. In the rear of the regulars, and a little distance apart, General Sickles sat carelessly on horseback, coolly smoking a cigar and conversing with some friends. At one time during the reading, a murmur passed through the line of its mutineers, and when that portion of the order directing the regiment to surrender its colors was read, a private in one of the rear companies cried out in broad Scotch tones"Let's keep the colors, boys!" No response was made by the remainder of the regiment. Major Sykes at once rode up the line to where the voice was heard. It would have been more than that soldier's life was worth, had he been discovered at the moment, in pistol range, by any of the officers. After the orders had been read, General Porter said to Colonel Stevens, "Point out the leaders." A squad of men were detailed from the battalion to accompany the colonel, who went from company to company and designated the obnoxious members. They were marched to the rear to the number of forty or fifty, and placed under arrest. This operation took some time, and it was dark before the arrest was completed. The final order was then given to wheel by company into column and march to the quarters in Virginia.

This was the order which they had disobeyed in the morning, and which, if again disobeyed, would have been followed by a fire from the regular infantry. There seemed to be a moment's delay, but the mutinous volunteers, evidently seeing that resistance was useless, reluctantly obeyed, and took up the line of march to their quarters. The arrested leaders were taken to the guard house, while the remainder of the regiment was escorted by the cavalry and the battery.

The news of this disaffection has created a deep feeling of grief among the friends of the Seventy-ninth. A strict investigation will be entered into, and some of the ringleaders may be shot, as an example to this and other regiments. The firm stand taken by General McClellan is universally applauded. He is determined that discipline shall be maintained, and, no matter at what cost, his orders must be re

The men are ordered to lay down their arms and return to duty. All those refusing to do so will be fired upon iminediately. If they comply with the order, the ringleaders only will be punished.

The colors of the regiment are taken from them, and will be returned only when their conduct in camp shall have proven that they understand the first duty of a soldier-obedience: and when, on the field of battle, they shall have proved their bravery. The names of the leaders in this revolt will be sent to the Governor of New York, to be placed in the archives of the State. A court-martial will be held forthwith.

Doc. 185.

BISHOP WHITTINGHAM'S PASTORAL
LETTER.

AUGUST 14, 1861.

Beloved Brethren :-Eight months ago, at the call of the Chief Magistrate of the country then in office, I invited you to the earnest observance of a day set apart for united appeal, by public humiliation, fasting, and prayer, to the pardoning mercies of God in behalf of this sinful and chastised people.

We have too much reason to fear that the humiliation of the nation at that time, however general and loud in profession, was not of the kind which is effectual to stay the course of chastisement. We had grievously sinned in proud self-sufficiency, boasting complacency in our institutions and their attendant prosperity, and arrogant disregard of justice to the weak and courtesy to the strong, in our national relations. We were startled, rather than humbled, by the outbreak of our great calamity. We yet failed to be duly impressed with a sense of its fearful import, and the insufficiency of our own might or wisdom for our deliverance from the impending evil.

In a quick succession of thronging_horrors, those evils have come upon us; and from a land red with the best blood of its inhabitants, arrayed against each other in hundreds of thousands on scenes of battle-fields, we are called on once more to send up the voice of supplication to the God to whom vengeance belongeth, in entreaty that he will withhold his avenging hand, and deliver us from the just judgment of our sins.

In the fulfilment of my office it is incumbent on me again to lead you in the discharge of this solemn duty by the provision of appropriate services.

66

Remembering the example and injunction of the Apostle of the Gentiles," with the weak" to "become as weak," I have made little change from the Form of Prayer set forth in December last. The state of the nation has changed since then. The relative position of this State is ascertained. The duties of residents in Maryland, as citizens, are clear. The authority by which we are now invited to approach the throne of grace, is that which God has set over us, and which he bids us recognize as his, or resist only at the awful peril of rendering account to him. By his express command we are bound to make in its behalf our supplications, prayers, and intercessions," and in that way seek the attainment of a "quiet and peaceable life in all godliness and honesty." Other courses involve us in the condemnation which the Word of Truth denounces against those who in "perilous times" show themselves "traitors, heady and high-minded." In the present circumstances of citizens of the United States in Maryland, there can be no reasonable doubt in what direction our allegiance is solemnly pledged to the Searcher of hearts when we pray to him to deliver us from sedition, privy-conspiracy, and rebellion.

Now, I ask their prayers with those of their brethren, that God would be pleased to open all our eyes to the perception of the truth, as it concerns our duty to our country; and all our hearts to the reception of his grace, in order to our true repentance and sincere amendment of life, each in his several place and station, and all of us conjointly, as a greatly sinning and greatly punished people.

What we want is faith; faith, to perceive that God is, and is a rewarder of them that diligently seek him; faith, to believe in him and in Jesus Christ, whom he hath sent; faith, to find out that there are better things to labor for than the good things of this present life, better uses of our days and means than making haste to be rich; faith, to lay the evil secrets of our hearts before our merciful Redeemer, and claim the cleansing influences of his precious blood-shedding and prevalent intercession.

After the great gift of faith, let us jointly implore the blessing of humility, true humility, which shuns pride of opinion as self-idolatry, and can bear to forego its own for others' good. "Each esteeming other better than themselves," let us strive together who shall most perfectly copy in his own life the lowly meckness which our Master sets before us as his example.

In faith and humility only can we honestly seek peace and consistently ensue it; and they, to be true, must be given us of God, and sought of him in earnest supplication, with hearty avowal of our need.

To that, therefore, brethren, I affectionately invite you; and implore you, not only in public assemblage on the day set apart for national observance, but also continually, in every mode of approach to God in prayer, before and after the set time of solemn service, to supplicate our Father in Heaven for the bestowal upon this people of his unspeakable blessing of godly quietness in public peace.

Affectionately and faithfully, your servant in Christ, WILLIAM ROLLINSON WHITTINGHAM, BALTIMORE, August 14, 1861. Bishop of Maryland.

Doc. 186.

ATIONS.

REBEL IDEAS ON THE SUBJECT, AUG. 14, 1861.

Nevertheless, being painfully sensible how largely even honest and pious men, in the pitiable weakness of human judgment, hoodwinked by natural affection, social relations, and surrounding influences, may be hindered from the perception of the strongest obligations of reli. gious duty; and desiring that in this our common access to the throne of grace there may be no stumbling-block at which any may have oc- EXCHANGES OF PRISONERS—RETALIcasion to take offence; I have taken care to prescribe no petition in which all who believe in the just government of God, and truly desire the accomplishment of his righteous will, may not from the heart consent without mental protest or reservation. If there be any among us still disposed to cast in their lot with those who are in arms against their Government, my office concerns itself not with their political tenets or their social bias, further than to warn them to take good heed lest they be fostering in themselves a delusion, the not unguilty fruit of self-abandonment to the trammels of party, and to the voluntary blindness of prejudice, nursed by pride of station, of influence and of connection.

It is stated in the journals of Lincolnism, at the North, that their Government will never recognize the Southern Confederacy, even for an exchange of prisoners. All" who have not been officers of the United States army " will be released on giving their parole not to bear arms against the United States, or afford aid or information to the enemy.

A release on simple parole is, in military usage, a mitigation of the severities of imprisonment. A prisoner who claims his liberty accepts it on the condition that he will not take advantage of the indulgence in order to escape.

He undertakes to render himself up whenever the captor thinks it expedient to commit him again into custody. In brief, he surrenders his privilege of escaping from prison, for the convenience of being at large, within the reach of his captors.

Another sort of parole is that in which the captive is permitted to return home, on a pledge not to bear arms against the government which releases him.

Very early in the Revolutionary War, this same question was raised by the British commanders, in the case of Gen. Charles Lee. Ho was British-born, and had been an officer in the regular British army. He resigned, and took up arms for the colonists. He was taken prisoner in the first year of the war, and carried to New York. In 1777 a convention was held for the exchange of prisoners, when Gen. Howe reserved Gen. Lee-out of the list of prisoners to be exchanged-on the ground that his case was different from that of the Americans, he having been an officer in the King's army. Con

In an exchange of prisoners, persons on parole are treated for as still subject to interchange; that is, the release of parole, on either side, is as frequently the subject of arrange-gress responded by ordering Lieut.-Col. Campment as the interchange of prisoners actually in custody. More or less equivalents are asked, in proportion to the rank of the person imprisoned or paroled, and the degree of importance attached to his services.

If, to the ordinary conditions for release on parole, of not bearing arms until exchanged, be added a stipulation that the person paroled shall give "no aid or information" to his countrymen during the war; and it be intended thereby that he shall not use the information acquired when a prisoner to the detriment of those who release him, it is a stipulation which may be exacted, though it is difficult to understand what penalty would follow from a breach of it. To exact a pledge of absolute neutrality and silence, by word and act, from a man living among his own kindred, in the midst of a war of outrage against them, is asking more than is just, reasonable, or possible to be enforced.

bell, a British prisoner taken in Massachusetts, and fire Hessian officers, into close custody, with notice that they should all be dealt by as the British authorities should deal with Gen. Lee.

Gen. Howe referred the subject to the Ministry at home, and they directed that Gen. Lee should be released from this duress, and held for exchange as a prisoner of war. The promptitude of the action of Congress had the effect of obtaining this concession at once from the British Government, which was most jealous of all Governments of the duties of allegiance; and it is more noteworthy, because it was done against the advice of Gen. Washington, who thought that in the comparative condition of the two armies, in regard to prisoners, of which the British bad much the larger number, and the military superiority which the enemy pos sessed at the time, the rule of retaliation would operate against the Americans. There is no such plea of disparity now, and the rule of

carry insult as well outrage, ought to be prompt, complete, and inflexible.

The same rule should be applied to the seamen of the Confederate States, who have been or may be taken prisoners. Some of them are now in prison at New York, on trial for their lives as pirates. They are in harsh confinement, and have been, if they are not still, in irons. Others are in prison and in irons in Philadelphia.

These rules for keeping a custody over the consciences of Southern soldiers, instead of giv-rigid retaliation, for injuries like those which ing them full release in exchange for Federal soldiers, are within the capacity of the Federal Government to establish, although they are certainly harsh and unusual. They initiate practices which will of course be retaliated, by such measures as will be judged, in the relative condition of the belligerents, to operate with equivalent vigor on the Federal prisoners in our hands. In that retaliation it is not requisite to follow the acts of the enemy with exactly the like class of acts, in the same degree. It will be justifiable, and, indeed, necessary, to consider in what way the injury done to the Confederate soldiers, and the Confederate cause, can be returned with direct and at least equivalent force, on those of the enemy.

The exception from the privileges of parole of officers of the Confederate army who have been officers of the army of the United States, makes a special case for direct and effective interposition by the Confederate Government. The assertion of the right to punish, with unusual and excessive hardships, as prisoners, army officers who have quitted the Federal service to take that of their native country, is one which must be met, at once, with the inflexible purpose to treat it as an outrage, and to inflict, in some way which will inake itself felt, ample, and, if need be, vindictive retaliation.

Their fate depends on the finding of a court, and the subsequent caprice of a President. It is alleged that the device will be employed of considering them as pirates, and then saving their lives by a commutation of sentence. The indignity to these States will be insisted on, but the responsibility will be evaded. There is no better way of treating this than to hold an imprisonment and a trial of any Confederate sailor as a wrong to be retaliated upon enemies within our power, so as to compel the abandonment of a brutal and insulting practice.

We have unlimited faith that nothing will be so done, or omitted to be done, by the men at the head of the Confederate Government, which will compromise, directly or indirectly, the rights of soldiers or sailors who meet danger in its service.

-N. O. Picayune, Aug. 14

Doc. 187.

DOCUMENTS.

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vivors of the boat's crew succeeded in getting her off from the shore while I was firing. The Reliance coming up at this moment commenced throwing shell at the flying enemy, and also sent a boat to assist in getting my boat off.

GOVERNOR BUCKINGHAM'S CALL. For the purpose of sustaining the supremacy of the Federal Government, and suppressing the rebellion now raging against its author-Nothing was left behind. My boat is completeity, I, William A. Buckingham, Governor of the State of Connecticut, hereby call upon the loyal and patriotic citizens of this State to organize in companies for four regiments of infantry, and offer their services for three years or during the war. The several companies will report to the Adjutant-General, and when accepted will be required to rendezvous with the regiments to which they shall be attached by the Commander-in-Chief. Two regiments will rendezvous at New Haven and two at Hartford. Given under my hand and seal of the State, at Hartford, this the 15th day of August, 1861. WM. A. BUCKINGHAM.

By his Excellency's command, J. H. TRUMBULL, Secretary of State.

Doc. 188.

THE ATTACK ON THE RESOLUTE.

OFFICIAL REPORTS.

UNITED STATES STEAMER YANKEE,
OFF AQUIA CREEK, August 16, 1861.

SIR: This morning, at about eleven o'clock, I despatched the steamers Resolute and Reliance to make a reconnoissance off Matthias Point. At about three P. M., the Resolute, Acting Master Budd, returned to this anchorage and made this report, which is herewith enclosed. I have ordered Mr. Budd to proceed with his dead and wounded to the Navy Yard. Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

THOMAS S. CRAVEN, Commander,

Commanding the Potomac Flotilla.

Hon. GIDEON WELLES, Secretary of the Navy, Washing.

ton.

UNITED STATES STEAMER RESOLUTE,
August 16, 1861.

ly riddled, particularly in the after part. The
attacking party numbered about thirty. Lieut.
Mygatt remained with his vessel in the vicin-
ity until I could report to you. The following
persons were killed and wounded:-Killed,
John Fuller, master's mate; Geo. Seymour,
seaman; Thos Tully, seaman. Wounded, Er-
nest Walton, seaman. The men who escaped
state that the boat on the shore had two casks
in her. We were unable to secure her. Very
respectfully,
WM. BUDD,
Commanding Resolute.
TO CAPT. CRAVEN, Commanding Potomac Flotilla.

Doc. 189.

NEWSPAPERS PRESENTED IN COURT.
To the Circuit Court of the United States for
the Southern District of New York:
The Grand Inquest of the United States of
America for the Southern District of New York,
beg leave to present the following facts to the
Court, and ask its advice thereon:

There are certain newspapers within this
district which are in the frequent practice of
encouraging the rebels now in arms against the
Federal Government by expressing sympathy
and agreement with them, the duty of acceding
to their demands, and dissatisfaction with the
employment of force to overcome them. These
papers are the New York daily and weekly
Journal of Commerce, the daily and weekly
News, the daily and weekly Day Book, the
Freeman's Journal, all published in the city of
New York, and the daily and weekly Eagle,
published in the city of Brooklyn. The first-
named of these has just published a list of news-
papers in the Free States opposed to what it
calls "the present unholy war
-a war in de-
fence of our country and its institutions, and
our most sacred rights, and carried on solely
for the restoration of the authority of the Gov-
ernment.

SIR: In obedience to your orders I proceeded down the river to make an examination of Matthias Point and the intermediate vicinity. Nothing indicating a hostile movement could be discovered at or about the Point. Hearing that a schooner was ashore at Lower Cedar Point I thought it advisable to go down to her and get her off if possible. A boat was seen on the Virginia shore a short distance this side of Persimmon Point, and I despatched an officer and five men in a boat for the purpose of capturing her. They had just reached her, and were in the act of making fast when a volley of musketry was fired from the adjoining bushes, not more than five or six yards distant, instantly killing three of the boat's crew and wounding another. I immediately opened fire, throwing shell into the cover that sheltered the enemy. After four or five rounds they were driven out, running in parties of three and four in different directions, some of them going into some dwelling-houses on the right. The sur-gency. VOL. II.-Doc. 89

The Grand Jury are aware that free governments allow liberty of speech and of the press to their utmost limit, but there is, nevertheless, a limit. If a person in a fortress or an army were to preach to the soldiers submission to the enemy, he would be treated as an offender. Would he be more culpable than the citizen who, in the midst of the most formidable conspiracy and rebellion, tells the conspirators and rebels that they are right, encourages them to persevere in resistance, and condemns the effort of loyal citizens to overcome and punish them as an "unholy war"? If the utterance of such language in the streets or through the press is not a crime, then there is a great defect in our laws, or they were not made for such an emer

The conduct of these disloyal presses is, of course, condemned and abhorred by all loyal men; but the Grand Jury will be glad to learn from the Court that it is also subject to indictment and condign punishment.

All which is respectfully presented.

NEW YORK, August 16, 1861.

CHARLES GOULD, Foreman. (Signed by all the Grand Jurors.)

Doc. 190.

PRESIDENT LINCOLN'S PROCLAMATION,
FORBIDDING INTERCOURSE WITH THE STATES IN

REBELLION.

By the President of the United States—

A PROCLAMATION.

other parts of the United States, is unlawful and will remain unlawful until such insurrection shall cease or has been suppressed; that all goods and chattels, wares and merchandise, coming from any of the said States, with the exceptions aforesaid, into other parts of the United States, without the special license and permission of the President, through the Secretary of the Treasury, or proceeding to any of the said States, with the exception aforesaid, by land or water, together with the vessel or vehicle conveying the same or conveying persons to and from the said States, with the said States; and that, from and after fifteen days exceptions, will be forfeited to the United from the issuing of this proclamation, all ships and vessels belonging, in whole or in part, to any citizen or inhabitant of any of the said States, with the said exceptions, found at sea in any part of the United States, will be forfeited Whereas, on the 15th day of April, the Pres- to the United States, and I hereby enjoin upon ident of the United States, in view of an in- all district attorneys, marshals, and officers of surrection against the Laws, Constitution, and the revenue and of the military and naval forces Government of the United States, which had of the United States to be vigilant in the exebroken out within the States of South Carolina, cution of the said act, and in the enforcement Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisi- of the penalties and forfeitures imposed or deana, and Texas, and in pursuance of the pro-clared by it, leaving any party who may think visions of the act entitled an act to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions, and to repeal the act now in force for that purpose, approved February 28th, 1759, did call forth the militia to suppress said insur rection and cause the laws of the Union to be duly executed, and the insurgents have failed to disperse by the time directed by the President; and whereas, such insurrection has since broken out and yet exists within the States of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas; and whereas, the insurgents in all the said States claim to act under authority thereof, and such claim is not disclaimed or repudiated by the persons exercising the functions of Government in such State or States, or in the part or parts thereof, in which such combinations exist, nor has such insurrection been suppressed by said States;

Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in pursuance of the act of Congress approved July 13th, 1861, do hereby declare that the inhabitants of the said States of Georgia, South Carolina, Tennessee, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, Arkansas, Mississippi, and Florida, except the inhabitants of that part of the State of Virginia, lying west of the Alleghany Mountains, and of such other parts of that State and the other States hereinbefore named, as may maintain a loyal adhesion to the Union and the Constitution, or may be, from time to time, occupied and controlled by the forces of the United States engaged in the dispersion of said insurgents as are in a state of insurrection against the United States, and that all commercial intercourse between the same and the inhabitants thereof, with the exception aforesaid, and the citizens of other States and

himself aggrieved thereby to his application to the Secretary of the Treasury for the remission of any penalty or forfeiture, which the said Secretary is authorized by law to grant, if in his judgment the special circumstances of any case shall require such a remission.

In witness whereof I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States

to be affixed.

Done in the City of Washington, this, the 16th day of August, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-one, and of the independence of the United States of AmerABRAHAM LINCOLN. ica the eighty-sixth.

By the President.

WM. H. SEWARD.

Doc. 191.

LOUISVILLE (KY.) PEACE RESOLUTIONS,

ADOPTED AUGUST 17, 1861.

WHEREAS, (the preamble sets forth that there is no mistaking the position of Kentucky in the present civil war, as she is unalterably for peace.)

Resolved, That while this State desires to be true to the Union, she also desires to be at peace with all the States.

Resolved, That we earnestly desire the restoration of peace to every part of our beloved country, and as the speediest and surest method of effecting that result, we appeal for a cessation of the war now being made on the Union.

Resolved, That we behold a dissolution of the Union a remedy for no evils, but an aggravation of all.

Resolved, That we do not see how peace, enduring and substantial, is to be attained by the

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