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cannot work together. They have no thought thousands, there is often not one white man to of abandoning their slaves that they may get one hundred slaves. Nor is there greater danwhite labor; and they want slaves, therefore, ger of an over-crowded population. Slaves and they will have them—from the Seaboard may be held to greater density than freemen; States, if the slave trade be not opened, and order will be greater, and the economy of rethey cannot heartily embrace a policy which, sources will be greater. Athens had seven while it will tend to degrade the Seaboard States hundred to the square mile, while Belgium, the to the condition of a democracy, will compel most densely populated State of modern Euthem to pay double and treble prices for their la- rope, has but about three hundred and eightybor.
eight to the square mile; and with a population It may be said in this connection that, though only as dense as Belgium, South Carolina could the Cotton States might tolerate the slave hold the population of the Southern States, and trade, it would overstock the country and in- Texas three times the present population of the duce a kind of social suffocation. It is one of Union. the most grievous evils of the time that men Is it that foreign nations will require it? As have persisted in legislating on domestic sla- a matter of taste they might perhaps. There very with what would seem to be an industrious is a mode upon the subject of human rights at misapprehension of its requisites. It is assum- present, and England, France, and other States ed that it is ready to explode while it is in an that are leaders of the mode, might be pleased ordinary state of martial law, as perfect as that to see the South comply with the standard of which, in times of popular outbreak, is the last requirement, and, provided only no serious inand surest provision for security and order. It convenience or injury resulted, would be pleased is assumed that the negro is unfit for mechan- see the South suppress not only the slave trade, ical employments, when he exhibits an imita- but slavery itself. But will our failure to do tive power of manipulation unsurpassed by any so make any greater difference in our relations other creature in the world; and when, as a with those States? Men may assume it if they matter of fact, we see him daily in the success will, but it argues a pitiable want of intelliful prosecution of the trades, and are forced to gence and independence, an abject want of poknow that he is not more generally employed litical spirit, to suppose it. France and England for reason of the higher prices offered for him trade in coolies, and neither will have the hardi. by our fields of cotton. It is assumed that he hood to affirm that between that and the slave cannot endure the cold of Northern States, trade there is an essential difference, and practiswhen he dies not more readily in Canada than ing the one they cannot war with us for pracDomingo, and when the finest specimens of ne- tising the other. Nor, in fact, do they wage gro character and negro form to be met with in war upon the slave trade. Spain prevents the the world are on the northern borders of Mary- trade in Cuba, though she acknowledges the land and Missouri. It is assumed that when- mode by professing to prohibit it. Portugal ever he comes in contact with free society he and Turkey do not even so much. Even Engmust quail before it, when it is evident that the land lends her ships to keep the slave trade open question which shall prevail is dependent on in the Black Sea; and almost every slave bought the question which can work the cheapest; and in Africa is paid for in English fabrics, to the when it is evident that with slaves at starva- profit of the English merchant, and with the tion prices—slaves at prices to which they will knowledge of the British Government. In view be reduced by the question whether we shall of these facts, it were simple to suppose that give them up or feed them—at prices to which European States will practise sentiment at the they will be reduced when the question comes expense of interest. And have they interest whether they shall starve the hireling or the in the suppression of the slave trade? Three hireling the slave, the system of domestic sla- years ago, in my report to the Commercial Convery, guided always by its best intelligence, di- vention at Montgomery, I said that Europerected always by the strictest economy, with an States are hostile to the Union. Perhaps few invalids and few inefficients, can under- "they see in it a threatening rival in every work the world. And it is assumed that, hem- branch of art, and they see that rival armed med in as we will be, but a slight addition to with one of the most potent productive instituonr slaves will induce disastrous consequences. tions the world has ever seen; they would But it is demonstrable that negroes are more crush India and Algeria to make an equal supeasily held to slavery than white men; and ply of cotton with the North ; and, failing in that more in proportion, therefore, can be this, they would crush slavery to bring the held in subjection by the same masters; and North to a footing with them, but to slavery yet in the Republic of Athens of white slaves without the North they have no repugnance; there were four to one; and in portions of on the contrary, if it were to stand out for itthe Roman Empire the proportion was greater self, free from the control of any other Power, still; and apon this ratio the slaves might be in- and were to offer to European States, upon fair creased to forty millions, without a correspond terms, a full supply of its commodities, it would ing increase among the whites, and yet occur not only not be warred upon, but the South no disaster; but on our rice lands, isolated to would be singularly favored-crowns would a great extent, where negroes are employed in l bend before her ; kingdoms and empires would
break a lance to win the smile of her approval ; , fact, and it were vain to sustain the institution and, quitting her free estate, it would be in her in the face of such admissions to its prejudice. option to become the bride of the world, rather It will be said that at the outset of our career than, as now, the miserable mistress of the it were wise to exhibit deference to the moral North."
sentiment of the world ; the obligation is as This opinion seemed then almost absurd, but perfect to respect the moral sentiment of the recent indications have rendered it the common world against the institution. The world is opinion of the country; and as, therefore, they just as instant to assert that slavery itself is have no repugnance to slavery in accordance wrong, and if we forego the slave trade in conwith their interests, so also can they have none sideration of the moral feeling of the world, to the extension of it. They will submit to then why not slavery also? It were madness any terms of intercourse with the Slave Repub- now to blink the question. We are entering lic in consideration of its markets and its prod- at last upon a daring innoration upon the social ucts. An increase of slaves will increase the constitutions of the world. We are erecting a market and supply. They will pocket their nationality upon a union of races, where other philanthropy and the profits together. And so nations have but one. We cannot dodge the solicitude as to the feeling of foreign States upon issue ; we cannot disguise the issue ; we cannot this subject is gratuitous, and so it is that our safely change our front in the face of a cigilant suppression of the slave trade is warranted by adversary. Every attempt to do so, every no necessity to respect the sentiment of foreign refusal to assist ourselves, every intellectual or States. We may abnegate ourselves if we will, political evasion, is a point against us. We may defer to others if we will, but every such act postpone the crisis by disguises, but the slave is a confession of a weakness, the less excus- republic must forego its nature and its destiny, able that it does not exist, and we but indus- or it must meet the issue, and our assertion of triously provoke the contempt of States we are ourselves will not be easier for admissions made desirous to propitiate. Is it that we debase our against us. And is it not in fact from a sense great movement by letting it down to the end of weakness that there is such admission? Is of getting slaves? We do not propose to re- there a man who votes for this measure but open the slave trade; we merely propose to from misgivings as to slavery, and as to the take no action on the subject. I truly think propriety of its extension? Therefore is there we want more slaves. We want them to the not the feeling that the finger of scorn will be proper cultivation of our soil, to the just devel- pointed at him without; and is he who doubts opment of our resources, and to the proper con- the institution, or he who has no higher standstitution of society. Even in this State I think ard of the right than what the world may say we want them; of 18,000,000 acres of land, less about it, the proper man to build the structure than 4,000,000 are in cultivation. We have no of a slave Republic? The members of that seamen for our commerce, if we had it, and no Convention are elected to important posts in operatives for the arts; but it is not for that the grand drama of human history. Such opI now oppose restrictions on the slave trade. portunity but seldom comes of moulding the I oppose them from the wish to emancipate our destiny of men and nations. If they shall rise institution. I regard the slave trade as the test to the occasion, they shall realize their work of its integrity. If that be right, then slavery and do it, they will leave a record that will is right, but not without ; and I have been too never be effaced ; but if they shall not-if they clear in my perceptions of the claims of that great shall shrink from truth, for reason that it is institution—too assured of the failure of antago- unhonored ; if they shall cling to error, for nist democracy, too convinced the one presents reason that it is approved, and so let down their the conditions of social order, too convinced the character, and act some other part than that other does not, and too convinced, therefore, before them, they will leave a record which that the one must stand while the other falls, their successors will be anxious to efface-names to abate my efforts or pretermit the means by which posterity will be delighted to honor. which it may be brought to recognition and Opinions, when merely true, move slowly; establishment.
but when approved, acquire proclivity. Those Believing, then, that this is a test of slavery, as to the right of slavery have been true, merely and that the institution cannot be right if the so far, but they came rapidly to culmination. trade be not, I regard the constitutional pro- I was the single advocate of the slave trade in hibition as a great calamity. If the trade be 1853 ; it is now the question of the time. Many only wrong in policy, it would be enough to of us remember when we heard slavery first leave its exclusion to the several States that declared to be of the normal constitution of would feel the evils of that policy ; but it is society; few now will dare to disaffirm it. Those only upon the supposition that it is wrong in opinions now roll on; they are now not only principle, wrong radically, and therefore never true but are coming to be trusted; they have to be rendered proper by any change of circum- moved the structure of the State, and men who stances which may make it to our interest, that will not take the impulse and advance, must it is becoming in the General Government to perish in the track of their advancement. The take organio action to arrest. The action of members of your Convention may misdirect the Confederacy is, then, a declaration of that I the movement,they may impede the move
ment--they may so ditert it that another reco- | the grounds on which the secession movement bution may be necessary ; but if necessarily that has been based by its advoccates. other revolution comes, slavery will stand serene, If any “Union man” at the South may have erect, aloft
, unquestioned as to its rights or its been tempted to doubt the propriety of giving integrity at some points within the present limits so much space as we have awarded to such exof the Southern States, and it is only for present citing developments of public disaffection, at a actors to determine whether they will contribute time when the air seemed full of political inor be crushed to that result.
fection, we have only to say that the chronicle I hope you will pardon this communication; belonged to the current history of the times, it is too long, but I have not had time to make and was demanded of us as impartial public it shorter. I hope also you will find it consist journalists. If, on the other hand, any of our ent with your views to urge the policy I have subscribers, in their zeal for a cause assuming endeavored to advance. If the clause be carried to represent “Southern rights,” may have disinto the permanent Government, our whole move- sented from the course we have pursued in opment is defeated. It will abolitionize the Border posing, as we have felt it our duty to do, the Slave States-it will brand our institution. Sla- whole theory and policy of secession, as now very cannot share a government with democracy urged upon the acceptance of the Southern
it cannot bear a brand upon it; thence another people, they will at least do us the justice to revolution. It may be painful, but we must make admit that if that cause has not been sufficientit. The Constitution cannot be changed with ly vindicated in other than our editorial columns, out. The Border States discharged of slavery, it must be because its peculiar champions have will oppose it. They are to be included by the been unable to substantiate its high pretensions, concession; they will be sufficient to defeat it. with all the advantages given them in the It is doubtful if another movement will be 80 prominence assigned to discussions and propeaceful ; but no matter, no power but the Con- ceedings which were suited to attract by their vention can avert the necessity. The clause novelty, to allure by their boldness, and to need not necessarily be carried into the perma- captivate by the sectional sensibilities upon nent Government, but I fear it will be. The which they sought to play. belief that it is agreeable to popular feeling will In giving to-day the elaborate paper of Mr. continue. The popular mind cannot nou be Spratt, we need not say that we entirely disworked up to the task of dispelling the belief; sent from the political pliilosophy which he inthe same men who have prepared the provis- eulcates in the name and on behalf of the seional will prepare the permanent constitution; cession movement. Yet the prominent part he the same influences will affect them. It will has taken in the steps by which that movebe difficult to reverse their judgment in the ment was initiated, the confidence bestowed Conventions of the several States. The effort upon him by the people of Charleston in electvill at least distract us, and so it is to be feared ing him, with such unanimity, to a seat in the this fatal action may be consummated; but that South Carolina Convention, and the marked it may not, is the most earnest wish I now can lionor conferred upon liim by that Convention entertain.
in deputing him as one of the commissioners Respectfully, your obedient servant, appointed to interpret the action of the Pal
L. W. SPRATT. metto State before the Convention of Florida,
(the first which met after that of South CaroThis letter was published in the Charleston lina,) are all so many titles by which he may Mercury on the 13th of February, and copied assume to speak with authority in expounding into the National Intelligencer on the 19th, the purport and bearing of the civil revolution with the following remarks:
to which he has so largely contributed.
It will be seen that Mr. Spratt distinctly and The POILOSOPHY OF Secession. --We sur- unequivocally heralds a new crusade for the render a considerable portion of our paper to "emancipation of the South,” if the features en the reproduction of a letter addressed by the grafted on the Provisional Constitution framed Hon. L. W. Spratt, of South Carolina, to the at Montgomery should be so far incorporated Hon. Mr. Perkins, of Louisiana, in criticism on in the permanent organic law of the new Conthe Provisional Constitution recently adopted federation as to fix a "stigma" on slavery by by the “Southern Congress " at Montgomery, prohibiting the foreign slave trade. Writing Alabama.
to his correspondent, (who, we may add, is a In giving so large a space to such a docu- leading member of the Southern Congress from ment we are governed by the same considera- the State of Louisiana,) he proclaims that it tions which have hitherto induced us to pub- was the great object of the movement which lish so largely the proceedings of the Conven- has resulted in the disruption of the Union in tions held in South Carolina and elsewhere-a the Gulf States, to protect the system of sladesire to place conspicuously before our readers very in those States, as well in its internal as in the South (from whom the Intelligencer re- external relations, from the antagonism of free ceives much the larger portion of that generous society; and to this end the revival of the forpatronage with which it has so long been hon- eign slave trade is seen to be necessary. He ored) a clear and comprehensive statement of contends that in order to realize the normal
- state of "slave society" the number of the eracy have in reserve for their people another slaves should at least be equal to the number revolution in which the combatants on both of the freemen; for where the latter are in sides shall be of their own household. And excess, he holds that the conditions of an "ir- the man who prefigures this conflict is one repressible conflict” and of the consequent whose warning should not pass unheeded, besubordination of slavery are inevitable. It be cause he is one who knows how revolutions ing indispensable, according to Mr. Spratt, that are made, because knowing from what source every form of handicraft labor in the true Slare the pending revolution has derived its motive States should be performed by slaves, he depre- power, and the attainment of what ends it has cates the introduction of white mechanics into sought under the conduct of its originators, Charleston as a calamity threatening the peace of These, if balked of their purpose for the presthe city. At present he thinks that South Caro-ent, will, he assures us, only have to begin at lina more nearly than any other State-much once a new agitation, destined to endure until more so than Virginia—is in a condition to il- at last slavery shall "stand serene, erect, aloft, lustrate the conservative tendency of slavery, unquestioned as to its rights or its integrity, at as to-day there is in South Carolina no "ap- some point within the present limits of the peal to the mass, because there is no mass to Southern States.” “And such being the case," appeal to; there are no demagogues, becanse adds Mr. Spratt, “it is only for the present there is no populace to breed them." But this actors to determine whether they will conhappy state of things may be broken up if sla- tribute or be crushed to that result.” very be not promptly strengthened by the re Who can wonder that the people of the opening of the slave trade, as it is foreseen that Border Slaveholding States, with their wellwhite laborers will come in to fill up the gap known repugnance to the revival of the slave left by a paucity of slaves; and such white trade, should look with other than feelings of laborers, adds Mr. Spratt, "will question the distrust and misgiving on a movement which, right of masters to employ their slaves in any in its rudiments, was known to have been so work that they may wish for; they will use largely controlled by men of like ideas with the elective franchise to that end; they may Mr. Spratt, and whose ultimate, inevitable tenacquire the power to determine our municipal dencies are now only the more clearly expressed elections, and they will inexorably use it; and because of a temporary check which it is feared thus this town of Charleston, at the very heart that movement has received within its own of slavery, may become the fortress of demo- circle of revolution? cratic power against it."
- National Intelligencer, February 19. With such theories lying at the basis of the agitation which has culminated in a dissolution of the Union, it was but natural that its origi
Doo, 111. nators should exclaim, in the presence of the temporary prohibitions laid on the foreign slave
BATTLE OF BULL RUN, VA. trade by the Congress at Montgomery, that if SUPPLEMENTARY REPORT OF GENERAL TYLER.* this interdict "be carried into the permanent Government our whole movement is defeated. It will abolitionize the Border States-it will
WASHINGTON, July 27th, 1861. brand our institution. Slavery cannot share a
GENERAL: I closed my report as to the fight Government with democracy; it cannot bear a and it is due to me and my division that our
at Bull Run at the time we left for Centreville; brand upon it; thence another revolution. It may be painful, but we must make it. The subsequent movements be noted to the time Constitution cannot be changed without it. It the different brigades reached a stopping place. is doubtful if another movement will be 80 peace
On reaching Centreville, I found Richardson's ful; but no matter ; no power but the Con- brigade in line, ready to support us, or corer vention can avert the necessity.” To similar
the retreat. The brigade retired in good order purport Mr. Spratt proclaims in another part on Arlington, covering the retreat. After the of his letter, " that slavery, as sent forth by order was given to retreat, and each brigade the Southern Congress, like the Thracian horse was ordered " to proceed to the position from returning from the field of victory, still bears a which it started, and by the route by which it master on his back, and, having achieved one
advanced,” I communicated the order to the revolution to escape democracy at the North, commanders of each brigade, and with Keyes
' it must still achieve another to escape it at the brigade proceeded at once to Falls Church, deSouth.” And it will be seen that more than termined to save the camp equipage of the four once he very significantly intimates a doubt regiments left standing there, which I knew, whether this latter victory, if a contest is made if we fell back on the fortifications in front of necessary by a prohibition laid on the slave Washington, the enemy would at once seize. trade, will be as peaceful as that which has Col. Keyes, with the three Connecticut regibeen only partially won over the remoter en- ments, arrived at Falls Church about 5 o'clock emy at the North. In a word, if the revival A. M. of the 22d inst., and proceeded at once of the slave trade be not now peacefully con- to strike their tents, and those of the Maine ceded, the members of the Southern Confed
* See page 7 Documents, ante.
regiment and send them to Fort Corcoran, afterward, by directions of Col. Miles, I proThis work, without rations, was continued ceeded to the extreme left of our division, and the entire day, and during a severe rain supported Maj. Hunt's battery. Having thrown storm, and by night the entire camp equipage out Capt. Heiss, with his company, as skirwas saved by removal. Col. Keyes then fell mishers in the defiles, about a quarter of a mile back to the camp of Schenck's brigade, which on our left, I rested the reinainder of my regi. had been entirely deserted; and after using ment on the skirt of a wood, in rear of the artheir tents for the night, struck them the next tillery, Perceiving that the enemy was wary morning, and sent the other Government prop- and shy, I sent Lieut.-Col. Browne, with two erty to Fort Corcoran and Alexandria; and at companies detailed by him, to reconnoitre a ra
o'clock Tuesday morning I saw the three vine and wood where it was suspected the eneConnecticut regiments, with two thousand my was concealed. After deploying and pene(2,000) bayonets, march under the guns of Fort trating the ravine to a considerable distance, all Corcoran in good order after having saved us at once a smart fire of rifles was opened upon not only a large amount of public property, but him from a force concealed in the thick timber. the mortification of having our standing camps He returned the fire, and continued skirmishfall into the hands of the enemy. I hope, Gen- ing, assisted by a detachment of Massachusetts eral, that you will appreciate this service on Volunteers, until his men were safely covered. the part of a portion of my division, and give The desired effect of compelling our adversaries credit to whom credit is due.
to discover themselves having thus been atAll the brigades, except Schenck's, obeyed tained, Richardson's battery opened upon them the order to return to their original positions. a destructive fire of case shot and shell. The By some misunderstanding, which is not satis- skirmishers were recalled, and Lieut.-Col. factorily explained, this brigade proceeded di- Browne reported having discovered a masked rect to Washington, one regiment, as under- battery and a force of about a thousand men. stood, passing directly through the camp they Soon afterwards it was discovered that a left on the 16th inst.
force of infantry and cavalry, variously estiWith great respect, your obedient servant, mated at from 2,500 to 4,000 men, were march
DANIEL TYLER, ing on our left through the woods and defile to
Brig.-Gen. 1st Division. turn our flank. Pursuant to your order, the To Brig.-Gen. I. MODOWELL,
line of battle was changed to our left flank, and Commander Department N. E. Virginia, Arlington. four companies were detailed from my regiment
and thrown into the left and rear as skirmishOFFICIAL REPORT OF COLONEL PRATT.
ers, under command of Frank Jones, ActingHEAD-QUARTERS THIRTY-FIRST REGIMENT N. Y. V., Major, who held the enemy in check. We reCAMP NEAR ALEXANDRIA, Va., July 22, 1861.
ceived a fire of 5 volleys of rifles, and retired Sır: In accordance with paragraph 723 of from the woods, but they did not succeed in General Regnlations for the United States Ar- drawing our fire, which was reserved for the my, I have the honor to report the operations advance to take our batteries. At 6} o'clock of my regiment during the engagement of yes. P. M. the order was received to retire upon Centerday.
treville. My regiment remained to allow the In obedience to yonr order, the regiment was battery to precede us, being the last, except ready to march from camp, near Centreville, at the Sixteenth, to quit the field that had suc2.30 A. M. While proceeding to the field, I was cessfully been held against such tremendous detached from my regiment and ordered to odds. take command of the Sixteenth and Thirty- I deem it my duty to give the names of the second regiments New York Volunteers, to officers of my regiment who were engaged in support Lieut. Pratt's battery. I turned over the battle, and to whose coolness and judgment the command of the Thirty-first regiment to I am indebted for the success that attended my Lieut.-Col. Wm. H. Browne, and took com- regiment. mand as directed, made a reconnoissance in Lieutenant-Colonel, William H. Browne; company with Col. Mathewson of the Thirty- Acting-Major, Frank Jones; Volunteer Aids, second, Lieut.-Col. Marsh of the Sixteenth, and A. L. Washburn, and Frank Hamilton, jr. ; ActLieut. Pratt of the artillery, and placed said ing-Adjutant, Edward Frossards; Major, Frank regiments in proper positions. I afterwards H. Hamilton, M. D., Surgeon ; Lucier Damamthrew out as skirmishers of the Thirty-second ville, M. D., Assistant-Surgeon; George Hana company under Captain Chalmers and a pla- ni, M. D., Acting Assistant-Surgeon ; Edward toon under Lieut. -- of the Sixteenth, and A. Brown, M. D., Acting Assistant-Surgeon. sent them about a mile to the front and left of Co. A-Captain, J. J. S. Hassler; First our position, to guard a road leading from the Lieutenant, Robert R. Daniels; Acting Second enemy's right to our left and rear. In about Lieutenant, Wm. Smith. Co. B-Captain, L. O. an hour I was ordered by Col. Dixon S. Miles, Newman ; First Lieutenant, D. E. Smith; Secthe division commander, to proceed with the ond Lieutenant, Eugene Frossard. Co. 0two regiments and the battery to the front, Capt., Alexander Raszevski; First Lieutenant, where I was relieved from command of them, Louis Domanski. Co. D_Captain, M. O. Moand resumed charge of iny own regiment. Soon Garry; First Lieutenant, J. H. Bradley ; Sec