are, in some particulars, in my judgment unsound and mischievous, but not so mischievous as to warrant serious apprehension, or-before he is even permitted to explain his actual policy-to justify or excuse revolution-the destruction of the Government. Singular idea, that because possibly he may advise and be able to carry measures calculated to destroy it, that the safety and duty of the South warrant them in destroying it themselves, in advance. How men, loyal to the Union and anxious for its preservation, can so reason, is incomprehensible. There are, no doubt, in some States enemies of the Government, life-long enemies, resolved at all hazards to effect its ruin, and who have been plotting it for years. But these are not to be found in Maryland. Here, thank God, such disloyalty never obtained even a foothold. We may differ now as to the exact course to be pursued, but we differ only as to the best means of accomplishing a common purpose the Union's safety. In this particular I have differed, and still perhaps differ, with friends whose fealty to the Union is as strong and abiding as it can be in any American heart. Let us, therefore, casting aside all prior differences, mere party controversies, unite together as a band of brothers, and in good faith and with unflinching firmness, rally around our noble State; noble in her institutions; noble in her Revolutionary history; noble in the great fame of her illustrious dead; and resolve by all just and honorable means, by any fair and equitable adjustment of sectional controversies, to assist her in efforts to terminate the sad, dreadful strife which now imperils all we hold dear. Finally, is all hope lost-all remedy gone? I think not. The danger that is upon us has its origin, I think, in part to wrongs, and to wrongs on all sides. The North is the most to blame, but the South is not blameless. It would be to no useful purpose to display the particulars. Criminations and recriminations, God knows, to the dishonor of all, have progressed far enough and produced results bad enough.

The violence of the press, the desecration of a part of the Northern pulpit, the scurrilous, insulting debates in Congress, the insidious and thieving interference with rights of property in the South, the libellous assaults upon the Supreme Court, for having been but faithful to Constitutional duty-the avowed purpose when the power should exist, to reconstruct it, for sectional ends degrading to the South and destructive of their rights, and finally the election of a President and Vice-President by an exclusive sectional vote, have, in fact, fastened upon the public mind of most, if not of all the Southern States, a conviction that they owe it to their own honor, their own interests, their own safety, to have now, and at once, such amendments of the Constitution or other measures as they think will forever terminate the strife by effectually securing to them the equality of rights which they fully believe the Constitution was intended to secure to them,

These principally relate to slave property, and an equal participation in the Territories. Is it possible that the North (by the North I mean the Free States) can be so wedded to theories, to philanthropical conceits, fanatical opinions, as to be willing to see the Union destroyed which has made them what they are, rather than to surrender their evidently abstract opinions for its preservation? Can it be that they would rather see the President of their choice presiding only over a shattered fragment of this great nation, than yield these impressions in a spirit of patriotic brotherhood? Can it be that rather than yield, they will be the instruments of committing "treason against human hope"?

Can it be that rather than yield, they will subject to hazard of ruinous loss, if not certain ruin, every one of their industrial pursuits, and with them, in a great measure, the comfort and happiness of themselves and their children? Can it be that rather than yield, they would make strangers of friends, aliens of countrymen, common descendants of a boasted ancestry, bound together by every moral tie that the heart knows, enemies, instead of brothers? Can it be that they would rather deluge their native land in blood?

No, no, I do not believe that it is in human nature so to act, and hence I do not despair. But how is safety to be obtained? In my judgment by the adoption of some such amendments of the Constitution as are proposed by the patriotic Crittenden, or the equally patriotic Corwin and his committee. These would, I have the strongest reason for believing, satisfy the whole South, except South Carolina, whilst in her present frenzy, and perhaps one or two others of the Cotton States equally crazed from over-excitement. But the rest content, and the Union continuing with no abatement but of the few States, who doubts that ere long they will gladly come back within its sacred fold?

They at present believe, or seem to believe, that they could prosper outside of it. Sad delusion-deprived of the rest, they would soon realize the fact that in the estimation of the world they were nothing too feeble to resist aggression, too limited, though left undisturbed, to attain even a partial prosperity.

This is eminently true of South Carolinaone of the smallest of the States. Without soldiers, without seamen, or the elements with which to make them, without material physical resources, with nothing but the individual gallantry of her small population to give her consequence, she would at an early day dwindle into total insignificance.

It is the Union which she now madly seeks to destroy that has given her all her past consequence. It is the Union that has conferred upon her all her past advantages, and given to her all her past protection. Custom houses, court houses, post offices, forts, light houses, buoys, have been hers through the

Union alone, and at an expense far greater than all the revenue received from her, directly or indirectly. Some of these she may, in defiance of gratitude and duty, seize, and in mercy be permitted to hold, but the disbursements for their further use must be hers. And these, in a short, a very short period, would make her a bankrupt. Already, if reports be true, is she sadly suffering. Can she much longer adhere to the reckless course which produces it? Will the wise, reflecting, loyal part of her people much longer submit to it? No. She will be with us again.

As Mr. Jefferson, on the 20th of October, 1820, when separation was then apprehended, wrote the late William Rush, "it (the separation) will be but for a short time-two or three years' trial will bring them back like quarrelling lovers, to renewed embraces and increased affection." Some of the sons of these States possibly look to a re-opening of the slave trade; some of them, we know, have often recommended it. Vain the hope! The horrid traffic is condemned by the judgment of the civilized world, and accursed of God. The feeling against it in England and France is too strong to be disregarded by these Governments, if they were so disposed, as they certainly are not. They would not permit its revival by these few feeble States, and if persisted in by them, would prohibit and punish it, even by

war.

Nor, unless the United States (for these would still remain) acknowledge their independence, would it be acknowledged by other nations. Their staples they could only ship in American or foreign vessels, sailing with the permission of the United States. Nor could they receive exports in any other mode. A more helpless isolation, or more degrading dependence, can hardly be conceived. It is impossible, therefore, but that these States will, sooner or later, be most happy to return, and be with us again. An early adjustment that will retain all the rest, and bind them even the closer together, would carry joy through the land.

Even Massachusetts, so much given of late to sentimental politics and mischievous philanthropy, will be glad to adjust on fair terms. Of this I feel satisfied. A reaction of opinion has evidently already begun there. And who is not desirous to retain Massachusetts? Who can, without pain, meditate her possible loss to the Union? The first blood in our first mighty conflict was shed on her soil, and the first blow there struck for and in the defence of the rights of all. In the Senate, and in the field, throughout that great period, her sons were among the foremost in stirring eloquence, cheerful sacrifices, and matchless daring. Their bones almost literally whitened the soil of every State, and the Stripes and Stars when in their hands were ever the certain pledge of victory or death. Who would surrender Concord, Lexington, Bunker Hill?

What American would give up the right to tread within the sacred precincts of Bunker Hill, and there to catch the patriotic Union spirit, which is the very genius of the place? She may have recently, no doubt she has, gone astray. But her error has been but the excess of her virtue. Her love of freedom has caused her to forget that, unless restrained, it soon runs into licentiousness. Her love of freedom has caused her to forget that with us, and as their fathers taught, and all history teaches, that our freedom can only be truly enjoyed and promoted by observing all the obligations of the Constitution.

And I doubt not that she sees the danger now, and is prepared to sanction any measure necessary and proper to arrest it and to make her in heart, as she is in interest and in duty, bound to observe in good faith all its engagements.

South Carolina, too. Who is willing to part with her? Her great names, during the same classic period, won for her and for all, an undying fame. Her Moultries, Pinckneys, Rutledges, Haynes, Marions, Lawrences, do not belong to her alone-they are as much ours as hers; as the fame of Washington is as much the property and pride of the world as of Virginia. She, too, is astray now, as she was once before. She now thinks herself out of the Union. But there is a common tie, however, for a moment imperceptible and inoperative, that still makes us hers, and hers ours. of blood, of language, of religion, of love, of Constitutional freedom, of a common ancestry, who in battle and in council were ever a band of brothers-deliberating, fighting, dying, for our joint liberty and happiness.

The tie

Time, time, therefore, that great pacificator, can only be necessary to arouse all to duty-to unite us all-to bring us back to each other "to renewed embraces and increased affection."

How is that time to be had? I think we should await awhile longer the action of Congress. The most experienced and wisest of its members are daily, hourly, laboring to restore our peace. Success, I believe, will reward their efforts. But this failing, there is still ground of hope. Let the Border States unite in council and announce to the extremes of either section what they think should be done, for their own protection and the general safety, and in no boasting or disparaging spirit, but with affection and firmness, recommend it as the ground on which they are resolved to stand.

I believe, yes, as firmly as I credit my own existence, that such a recommendation would be hailed everywhere with approval. That done the danger is over-peace restored-the Union, the glorious Union preserved, and all its countless blessings secured forever.

It cannot be that such a Union can be destroyed. It cannot be that it is not beyond the reach of folly or of crime.

If asked when I should be for a dissolution

Asked "when I'd rend the scroll

Our fathers' names are written o'er,
When I would see our flag unroll

Its mingled Stars and Stripes no more
When, with worse than felon haud
Or felon counsels, I would sever
The Union of this glorious land?
I answer-never, never! never!!

Think ye that I could brook to see

The banner I have loved so long
Borne piecemeal o'er the distant sea;
Torn, trampled by a frenzied throng;
Divided, measured, parcelled out,
Tamely surrendered up forever,
To gratify a soulless rout

Of traitors? Never, never! never!!" Independent of the great recollections associated with it, the very country it embraces shows its necessity, and promises and secures its immortality. Its mighty mountains, ranging for hundreds of miles through continuous States; its noble bays, rivers, lakes, only to be prosperously or safely enjoyed under the protection of a common Government; commerce, with other nations, and among States, so vital to the welfare of all; differences of climate and soil and labor and productions, each best for itself, and all vital to the whole. The necessity of a power adequate to the protection of all, as well as of each-of a rank in the community of nations so high as to command respect, enforce rights and repel outrage, so important to all, demonstrates that God and nature intended us to be one.

But whilst these efforts are being made to preserve it, and citizens on all sides are being brought to a sense of reason and duty, what is to be done? Is civil war to commence? Certainly not, unless it be brought on by further outrages on the clearest constitutional rights. South Carolina has violently and most illegally, and, as loyalty says, traitorously, seized upon fortresses, the admitted property of the United States, bought and constructed with their money, and for their protection, and with her consent, and now threatens to seize the rest. But one other, Fort Sumter, is left. It stands protected by the national flag, and its defence, and the honor of the Nation, are, thank God, in the keeping of a faithful and gallant soldier. The name of ANDERSON already enjoys an anticipated immortality. Is that fortress to be surrendered? Is he to be abandoned? Forbid it, patriotism! Is that flag that now floats so proudly over him and his command-the pledge of his country's confidence, support, and power, to succumb to the demands of an ungrateful, revolting State, or to be conquered by its superior accidental power? I say, no, no-a thousand times no. The fortress must at all hazards be defended the power of the National Standand preserved, and the national fame maintained. This has been already sadly neglected, no doubt with good motives, but from misplaced confidence. It recently covered other spots that know it not now. Its place is supplied by

The Stripes and the Stars have long achieved a glorious name. They have been significant of power wherever they have waved, and commanded the respect and wonder of the world. And yet, in a State that owes so much to itwhose sons have so nobly and so often fought under it-it has been torn down, and vainly sought to be disgraced and conquered. Vain thought! Hear how a native poet speaks of it:

"Dread of the proud and beacon to the free, A hope for other lands-shield of our own, What hand profane has madly dared advance, To your once sacred place, a banner strange, Unknown at Bunker, Monmouth, Cowpens, York, That Moultrie never reared, or Marion saw?" If the cannon maintains the honor of our standard, and blood is shed in its defence, it will be because the United States cannot permit its surrender without indelible disgrace and foul abandonment of duty. I have now done, and in conclusion I ask you to do what I am sure you will cheerfully and devoutly do--fervently unite with me in invoking Heaven, in its mercy to us and our race, to interpose and keep us one people under the glorious Union our fathers gave us till time itself shall be no more.

Doc. 15.

JOHN ROSS'S PROCLAMATION.

I, JOHN Ross, principal Chief, hereby issue this my proclamation to the people of the Cherokee Nation, reminding them of the obligations arising under their treaties with the United States, and urging them to the faithful observance of said treaties, and peace and friendship toward the people of all the States. The better to attain these important ends, I earnestly impress on all my fellow-citizens the propriety of attending to their ordinary avocations, and to abstain from political discussions of the events transpiring in the States, and from partisan demonstrations in regard to the same.

With

They should not be alarmed with false reports, thrown into circulation by designing men, but cultivate harmony among themselves, and observe good faith and strict neutrality between the States threatened with civil war. these means alone can the Cherokee people hope to maintain their own rights unimpaired, and have their own soil and firesides spared from the hateful effects of devastating war. There has not been a declaration of war between the opposing parties, and the conflict may yet be avoided with a compromise or a peaceable separation. The peculiar circumstances of their condition admonish the Cherokees to the exercise of prudence in regard to a state of affairs to the existence of which they have in no way contributed, and they should avoid the performance of any act, or the adoption of any policy, calculated to destroy or endanger their territorial and civil rights. With an honest adherence to this course, they can

VOL. II.-Doc. 11

give no just cause for aggression or invasion, nor any pretence for making their country the scene of military oppression, and will be in a situation to claim all their rights in the final adjustment that will take place between the several States.

For these reasons I earnestly urge on the Cherokee people the importance of non-interference with the people of the States, and the observance of unswerving neutrality between them. Trusting that God will not only keep from our own borders the desolation of war, but that He will, in His infinite mercy and honor, stay its ravages among the brotherhood of the States.

Given under my hand at the Executive office at Park Hill, this 17th day of May, 1861. JOHN Ross, Principal Chief.

Doc. 16.

:

Carver. Co. E-(Damariscotta).-Captain, S.
C. Whitehouse. Co. F-(Brooks).-Captain,
A. B. Beane. Co. I-(Wiscasset).-Captain,
Edwin M. Smith. Co. H-(Rockland).-Cap-
tain, J. G. Burns. Co. I-(Searsport).-Cap-
tain, Eben Whitcomb. Co. K-(Belfast City
Greys).-Captain, S. M. Fuller.
New York Evening Post, June 19.

Doc. 18.

THIRTY-EIGHTH NEW YORK REGIMENT.

THE following is a list of the officers of this regiment:

Field and Staff Officers.-Colonel, J. Hobart Ward; Lieutenant-Colonel, Addison Farnsworth; Major, James D. Potter; Adjutant, William A. Herring; Quartermaster, Charles J. Murphy; Paymaster, Thomas Picton; Sergeant-Major, Wright Banks; Surgeon, Abraham Berry; Surgeon's Mate, Stephen Griswold; Drum-Major, Michael McCarthy; FieldMajor, Daniel E. Tylee.

The following are the principal officers :H. G. Berry, Colonel; T. H. Marshall, Lieutenant-Colonel; F. S. Nickerson; Major, J. B. Greenhalgh, Adjutant; Isaac Abbott, Quartermaster; Wm. A. Banks, Surgeon; Elisha Hopkins, Assistant Surgeon; B. A. Chase, Chaplain; S. H. Chapman, Sergeant-Major; John H. Crowell, Quartermaster-Sergeant; Julius S. Clark, Commissary-Sergeant; Chas. S. McCobb, Hospital Steward.

COMPANIES AND CAPTAINS.

Co. A-(Belfast).-Captain, H. W. Cunningham. Co. B-(Rockland).-Captain, Elijah Walker. Co. C-(Rockland).-Captain, O. J. Conant. Co. D-(Rockland).-Captain, L. D.

Co. A-Captain, Daniel E. Gavitt; Lieutenant, J. H. Coburn. Co. B-Captain, Eugene McGrath; Lieutenant, Alexander Roberts; Ensign, Robert S. Watson. Co. C-Captain, Robert F. Allason; Lieutenant, A. Schaffer; Ensign, A. Fusk. Co. D-Captain, John F. Co. EHarrold; Lieutenant, Isaac Jelffe. Captain, Oliver A. Tilden; Lieutenant, John Mara. Co. F-Captain, Hugh McQuade; Lieutenant, John M. Cooney. Co. G-Captain, F. Britton; Lieutenant, G. C. Brown. Co. H-Captain, W. H. Baird; Lieutenant, James Bryne. Co. I-Captain, Calvin S. Dewitt Lieutenant, Charles Barbour. Co. K -Captain, Samuel C. Dwyer; Lieutenant, W. H. Smith. New York Herald, June 20.

Doc. 19.

LETTERS OF JOHN ADAMS.

Are

NEW YORK, May 26, 1789. DEAR SIR-I am this evening favored with yours of the 18. In answer to your question, I ask another. Where is the Sovereignty of the Nation lodged? Is it in the National Government, or in the State Governments? there more Sovereignties than one? if there is more than one there are eleven; if there are eleven there is no General Government, for there cannot be eleven sovereignties_against one. Are not the Constitution and Laws of the United States, the supreme law of the Land? if so, the supreme Magistrate of the United States is the supreme Magistrate of the Land. This would be enough to determine your question. But if practice is consulted, the clergy here, of all denominations, pray for the President, V.-President, Senate and Rep's of the National Government, first: then for the Governors, Lt.-Governors, Senators and Rep's of the State Governments. This is a grave example, indeed, considering it is adduced to de

termine a question about facts. The Governors of Pennsylvania and New York have decidedly yielded precedence, both to the President and Vice-President. The Governor of Pennsylvania has even yielded it to a Senator. The foreign Ambassadors and all Companies give place to the Vice-President next to the President, and to both before all the rest of the world. It is etiquette that governs the world. If the precedence of the President, and, consequently, Vice-President, is not decidedly yielded by every Governor upon the Continent, in my opinion Congress had better disperse and go home. For my own part I am resolved, the moment it is determined that any Governor is to take rank either of President or V.-P., I will quit and go home; for it would be a shameful deceit and imposition upon the People to hold out to them hopes of doing them service, when I shall know it to be impossible. If the People are so ignorant of the Alphabet as to mistake A for B and B for C, I am sure, while that ignorance remains, they will never be learned enough to read. It is Rank that decides Authority.

The Constitution has instituted two great officers of equal Rank, and the Nation at large, in pursuance of it, have created two officers: one, who is the first of the two equals, is placed at the head of the Executive; the other at the head of the Legislative. If a Governor has Rank of one, he must of course of both. This would give a decided superiority to the State Governments, and annihilate the sovereignty of the National Government. It is a thing so clear, that nobody this way has doubted it None will ever doubt it, but those who wish to annul the National Government.

I am, dear Sir, your affectionate friend,
JOHN ADAMS.

His Honour Lt.-Governor Lincoln.

NEW YORK, June 19, 1789. DEAR SIR:-I am honoured with yours of the 30th of May, and find we are well agreed in opinion in all points.

Nothing, since my return to America, has alarmed me so much as those habits of fraud in the use of language, which appear in conver sation and in public writings. Words are employed like paper money, to cheat the widow and the fatherless and every honest man. The word Aristocracy is one instance, tho' I cannot say that there is no colour for the objection against the Constitution, that it has too large a proportion of Aristocracy in it. Yet there are two checks to the Senate evidently designed and prepared-the House of Representatives on one side and the President on the other. Now the only feasible remedy against this danger is to complete the equilibrium by making the Executive power distinct from the Legislative, and the President as independent of the other Branches as they are of him. But the cry of monarchy is kept up, in order to deter the People from recurring to the true remedy, and to

force them into another which would be worse than the disease, i. e., into an entire reliance on the popular Branch, and a rejection of the other two. A remarkable instance of this I lately read with much concern, in the message of the Governor to the House. The attention and affections of the people are there turned to their Representatives only, and very artfully terrified with the phantoms of Monarchy and Despotism. Does he mean to intimate that there is danger of a Despotism? or of simple Monarchy? or would he have the People afraid of a limited Monarchy? In truth, Mr. H. [Hancock] himself is a limited monarch. The Constitution of Massachusetts is a limited monarchy. So is the new Constitution of the United States. Both have very great monarchical powers, and the real defects of both are, that they have not enough to make the first magistrate an independent and effectual balance to the other Branches. But does Mr. H. mean to confound these limited monarchical powers with Despotism and simple Monarchy which have no limits? Does he wish and mean to level all things, and become the rival of General Shays? The idea of an equal distribution of intelligence and property is as extravagant as any that ever was avowed by the maddest of the insurgents. Another instance of the false coin, or, rather, paper money in circulation, is the phrase "Confederated republic," and "Confederated Commonwealth." The new Constitution might, in my opinion, with as much propriety be denominated judicial Astrology. My old friend, your Lieut.-Governor, in his devout ejaculation for the new Government, very carefully preserves the idea of a confederated Commonwealth, and the independent States that compose it. Either his ideas or mine are totally wrong upon this subject. In short, Mr. A. [Samuel Adams] in his prayer, and Mr. H. in his message, either understood not the force of the words they have used, or they have made the most insidious attack on the new Constitution that has yet appeared. With two such popular characters at the head of Massachusetts, so near to Rhode Island; with Governor Clinton at the head of New York, and Governor Henry in Virginia, so near to North Carolina, there is some reason to be jealous. A convulsion with such men engaged openly, or secretly, in favor of it, would be a serious evil. I hope, however, that my fears are groundless, and have too much charity for all of them to imagine that they mean to disturb the peace of our Israel.

With great regard,

General Lincoln.

I am, Sir, your most obt.
JOHN ADAMS.
-Boston Advertiser, June 19.
Doc. 20.

THE TWENTY-FIRST N. Y. REGIMENT.
THE following is a list of the officers:
Colonel, William F.

Rogers; Lieutenant