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N. Swift. P. W. Leland, Alexander Lincoln,
Bradford L. Wales, Isaac H. Wright, James
Riley, Benjamin F. Hallett, George B. Loring,
E. S. Williams, George Johnson, Benjamin
F. Butler, Abijah W. Chapin, David W. Car-
penter, Reuben Noble.


J. P. Johnson, De Rosig Carroll, Robert W. Johnson, T. C. Hindman, John A. Jordan, John J. Stirman, Josiah Gould, Van H. Manning, F. W. Hoadley.


Richard M. J. Mason, Lafayette Green, James G. Leach, John Dishman, Colbert Ce

cil, James B. Beck, D. W. Quarles, Robert Gale, Robert M. Kean, John S. Kendicks.


L. P. Walker, A. B. Meek, H. D. Smith, W. L. Yancey, F. S. Lyon, W. M. Brooks, R. G. Scott, J W. Portis, N. H. R. Dawson, T. J. Burnett, Eli S Shorter, J. C. B. Mitchell, W. C. Penick, A. S. Van de Graff L. M. Stone, John Erwin, G. D. Johnston, F. G. Norman, John E. Moore, E. W. Kennedy, Robert T. Scott, R. Chapman, Winfield Mason, Alexander Snodgrass, J. T. Bradford, W. P. Browne, W. H. Forney, D. W. Bozeman.


Guy M. Bryan, H. R. Runnels, F. S. Stockdale. F. R Lubbock. J. F. Crosby, Tom. P.



C. J. Carwin, W. J. Mcllhiney.

It was recommended that the delegates from Iowa have complimentary tickets to the Convention, without leave to participate in its proceedings. The Credential report was adopted unanimously.

Mr. Avery of North Carolina, from the committee on Platform, reported the following, being the majority Platform of the Charleston committee:

Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Democratic party at Cincinnati, be affirmed, with the following explanatory resolutions:

1st. Resolved, That the government of a Territory organized by an act of Congress, is provisional and temporary; and during its existence, all citizens of the United States have an equal right to settle with their property in the Territory, without their rights either of person or property being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or Territorial legislation.

2d. Resolved, That it is the duty of the Federal Government. in all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights of persons and property in the Territories, and wherever else its constitutional authority extends.

3d. Resolved, That when settlers in a Territory having an adequate population, form a State Constitution, the rights of sovereignty commences, and, being consummated by admission into the Union, they stand on an equal footing with the people of other States; and the State thus organized ought to be admitted into the Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or recognizes the institution of slavery.

4th. Resolved, That the Democratic party are in favor of the acquisition of the Island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest practicable moment.

5th. Resolved, That the enactments of State Legislatures to defeat the faithful

execution of the Fugitive Slave law, are hostile in character to and subversive of the Constitution, and revolutionary in their effect.

6th. Resolved, That the Democracy of the United States recognizes it as an imperative duty of this Government to protect naturalized citizens in all their rights, whether at home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its native-born citizens.

And whereas, one of the greatest necessities of the age, in a political, commercial, postal and military point of view, is speedy communication between the Pacific and Atlantic coasts, therefore be it

7th. Resolved, That the National Democratic party do hereby pledge themselves to use every means in their power to secure the passage of some bill to the extent of the constitutional authority of Congress for the construction of a Pacific Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pacific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment.

Mr. Avery moved the previous question upon this platform, and it was adopted without dissent.

Mr. Mathews offered the following resolution, which was adopted:

That the National Committee shall not issue tickets to the floor of the Convention in any case where there is a bona fide contestant.

Mr. Greene of North Carolina moved "That all Constitutional Democrats of such States as are not at present represented, be requested to unite in the organization, and form an Electoral College in favor of the election of the nominees of this Convention."

Mr. Henderson moved to strike out the word "Constitutional," and substitute " National," which was agreed to.

Mr. Barksdale moved to proceed to the nomination of candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency.

So the Convention went on, harmoniously as a Republican Convention where the party is in a minority. The pressure to transact business was overpowering.

If a delegate spoke for five minutes, he would see many anxious indications of impatience, that would not long tolerate him. The only clog upon business was a difference of opinion as to the casting of votes. The question was whether a delegate from a Congressional District, whose colleague was absent, should cast one vote or one-half a


The rule of voting adopted at Charleston and Cincinnati prevailed. The President stated that a telegraphic message had just been put into his bands from the members of the State of Minnesota at the Charleston Convention, desiring that Richard M. Johnson should cast their vote. The despatch was signed by Messrs. Baker and Egerton.

The committee on Credentials had recommended that the rules and regulations adopted by the National Democratic Convention of 1852 and 1856, be adopted by this Convention for its government, with this qualification-that no nomination shall be considered as made unless the candidate receives two-thirds of the votes of the States represented by this Convention."

The committee had further recommended "that each delegate cast the vote to which he is entitled in this Convention, and each State shall only cast the number of votes to which it may be entitled by actual representation in this Convention."


Under these rules the Convention proceeded to the nomination of candidates for the Presidency and Vice-Presidency. Mr. Loring of Massachusetts made a speech. He said:

We have seen the statesmen of Mississippi coming into our own borders, and fearlessly defending their principles, aye, and bringing the sectionalism of the North at their feet by their gallantry. We have admiration for this courage, and I trust to live by it and be governed by it. Among all these men to whom we have been led to listen, and admire, and repeat, there is one standing pre-eminently before this country-a young and gallant son of the South.

And he named John C. Breckenridge, which name was received with a grand uproar of applause that signified his nomination.

Mr. Denny of Pennsylvania seconded the nomination.

Mr. Ward of Alabama begged leave "to put in nomination a distinguished son of the old commonwealth of the State of Virginia-R. M. Hunter as our representative man. He has fought the battle for twenty-five years, and has stamped the impress of principle upon the great Democratic party of his country."

Mr. Ewing of Tennesse put in nomination Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, and said:

Mr. Webster, who was opposed to him, said he could not leave the Senate without paying a tribute to the patriotism and dignity of character, as a gentleman and as a statesman, of Mr. Dickinson. Webster now sleeps with his fathers, but his judgment remains, and it was the impartial judgment of a man who was able to judge, and who was an opponent.

Mr. Stevens of Oregon named the " Marion of the Mexican War." He said:

We have tried him, and know him as a statesman and as a man of honor-we know him as a man of experience, and we know him as a man ruled by the Constitution under which we live. I beg leave, therefore, to present to this Convention the name of General Joseph Lane of Oregon.

Mr. Matthews of Mississippi spoke of "the orator, warrior, statesman and lawyer, Jefferson Davis," but for the sake of harmony withheld his name.

Mr. Russell of Virginia, after consulting with his delegation, requested Alabama to withdraw the name of Hunter.

Mr. Ward of Alabama complied, expressing his "profound admiration" for the bearing of Virginia.

The roll of States was then called. The result was:

For Breckenridge-Vermont, Massachusetts 8, Pennsylvania 4, Maryland 1, Virginia 11, Georgia 10, Florida 3, Alabama 9, Louisiana 6, Mississippi 7, Texas 4, Arkansas 4, Kentucky 44, Minnesota 1, California 4, Oregon 3-81.

For Dickinson-New York 2, Maryland 3, North Carolina 84, Missouri 1, Tennessee 94-24.

The States that had voted for Dickinson one after another changed to Breckenridge, who was then declared unanimously nominated.

During the ballot for a candidate for the Presidency, Mr. Bartlett of New York said:

I came into the delegation of the State of New York, under the rule passed by the Democratic State Convention of that State. But it did not take me long to discover what the game was, after one day's session in that delegation. I was satisfied in my own mind that the slate had been filled, and, therefore, I was placed, like many others of my colleagues, in the minority of that delegation; and upon all questions, and especially upon the adoption of the majority report on Credentials, in which we had a long contest, the line was strictly drawn, and there was thirty on one side and forty on the other.

He also made an eloquent appeal for the Union.

Mr. Green of North Carolina rose and proposed Hon. Joseph Lane of Oregon, as Vice-President, which was seconded by the California delegation, and, on a call of the States, unanimously agreed to.

When the cheering subsided, there was a general call for "Yancey "Yancey"-and that gentleman stepped forward upon the platform, and had a reception of the most flattering character. He is a square built middle-sized gentleman, with a decided stoop in the shoulders. His hair is a light brown, and his eyes large and gray. His face is peculiar, and without striking features, though closely observed it is seen to be the face of an intense and powerful man, having an expression of concentration, and a good-natured sort of pluck. His style of dress is that of a tidy business man, and his manners frank and unassuming as those of a boy. There is not the slightest symptom of the fanatic about him. His convictions are evidently not disturbed for a moment, nor is his confidence in himself by any means depressed by the vicisitudes of a doubtful controversy. In the midst of the most exciting scenes he is placid in appearance and so thoroughly conversant with his purpose, that he is at perfect ease. The smile that he wears amid the acclamations of a multitude of admirers would hardly darken a shade at the hootings of an exasperated mob. But you do not know him until you have heard him speak. His voice is clear as a bugle-note, and at the same time singularly blended with its music is a sharp high metallic ring, like that of a triangle of steel. This peculiar voice, always clear and sharp, pierces to a great distance, and would instantly command attention in any assembly. He speaks with great animation of gesture with his arms, meanwhile walking quietly up and down the platform. Upon commencing a particular branch of his subject, he straightens himself with an effort, stands perfectly erect, and pulls up his coat-sleeves. As he proceeds in the demonstration, he moves toward the edge of the platform and leaning forward, indicates the progress he is making by exclamation points given with the index finger of his right hand upon the palm of the left. As he clinches the proposition he leans forward until poised upon the toes of his boots, his right arm extended and pointing into the heart of the matter, and then usually as he rebounds, he throws off sportively as it were a graceful climax of rhetoric; and is ready for the next point.

Mr. Yancey commenced his speech on this occasion, by saying: Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention-The storm clouds of faction

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sorry for it afterward. They had taken the ground that no delegate accredited to the Richmond Convention, should be allowed to enter that at Baltimore. They were drawn from this point by the strong case of Mississippi. They had also declared the necessity of a pledge or understanding, that all delegates entering the Convention, should make or assent to, to the effect that they would support the nominees of the Convention. After urging this for a few hours, and observing the explosive excitement engendered by it, they withdrew it. They also, or rather New York, succumbed respecting their delegation from Georgia. Yet it was impossible to satisfy the demands of the South and preserve the unity of the Convention, without passing under the yoke of Yancey, and they could not consent to that humiliation.

The friends of Mr. Douglas finding their boasted availability in candidate and platform repudiated, and themselves treated as "property," rather than Sovereign, became infuriated. They were animated by passions whose force is terrible. There was in the first place an unappeasable hungering for the spoils, common, I suppose, to all politicians. They had long been placed on short allowance. In yielding to the demands of the South, and following their leaders ambitious of national eminence, they had been deserted by the greater portion of the people of their own localities. They had long been stung by the taunts of their Republican neighbors, that they were serfs of Southern masters, and in the new demands and arrogant intolerance of the South, they felt that they were regarded as inferiors, and treated accordingly. They had assumed that the South was under obligations to them for fighting battles for Slavery, and were exasperated upon discovering that no such obligation was recognized as having existence. They found, in short, that they could not be "sound" on the slavery question, without yielding up their most profound convictions, and all manly instincts. They were prepared to say that slavery should be tolerated-they could even go so far as to say that they did not care whether it was voted up or down-in or out of a Territory-but they were not willing to vote it up, and glorify it as a good thing, and especially acknowledge its political pre-eminence. And behind all this, they represented the purposes of Mr. Douglas, and had taken up his quarrel with the Lecompton wing of the party, and it became their fixed resolution to use every atom of power they could acquire, to vindicate the position of Mr. Douglas and his regularity in the party, and if possible, to assert by authority his control over the organization.

They proceeded to Baltimore in a state of stimulated enthusiasm, and partial blindness. They did not know the power and desperation of the South, and were foolish enough to believe the opposition to them in that quarter would quietly subside. They were, however, met in a spirit more intolerant than their own. Virginia, upon whom they had depended to give Douglas the nomination, in the spirit of harmony and according to Democratic usages, was the first to make threats, and finally led the seceding column-the mother of Democracy thus becoming chief of the seceders.

The appearance of the Seceders at Baltimore, and their evident pur pose and power to control the Convention or destroy it, produced ex

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