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The President said: Gentlemen of the Convention, as your presiding officer I declare Stephen A. Douglas, of Illinois, by the unanimous vote of this Convention, the nominee of the Democratic party of the United States for President. [Here Captain Rynders led off with three hearty cheers.] And may God, in his infinite mercy, protect him, and with him this Union!
Mr. Dawson, chairman of the Pennsylvania delegation, was called on for a speech. The following paragraphs embody its substance:
Mr. President and gentlemen of the Convention, it is scarcely necessary for me to say that, at no time during the sittings of this body, did Judge Douglas receive the united vote of the delegation from Pennsylvania. And, I And, I may further add, that in the consideration of a platform a majority of us united with our Southern friends, ready to give them all that we believed them entitled to under the Federal Constitution. In our judgment they asked for nothing more, and we were not willing to give them less. [Applause.] In our actions then we have been overruled by a decided majority of this body, and, for Pennsylvania, I am free to say that, attached as we are to the Democratic party, its principles, its discipline, its organization, standing true forever, in the eloquent language of the President in his opening speech at Charleston, "Standing as perpetual sentinels upon the outposts of the Constitution,' we will, I trust, abide by its decisions and support its nominees. [Cheers.] Judge Douglas is a man of acknowledged talent, and everywhere regarded as the accomplished statesman, skilled in the art of ruling. Born under a New England sun, yet by adoption a citizen of the West, honored and cherished in the valley of the Ohio and on the slopes of the Atlantic, he now should be of the whole country. [Cheers.] Untrained, to some extent, in early life, in the learning of the schools, the deficiency, if any exists, has been largely compensated by the generous measure in which nature has bestowed upon him her choicest gifts of intellect and character. [Applause.] Like Henry of the Revolution, like Peel of England, these noble qualities have made him the architect of his own fortune. [Cheers.]
Mr. Shepley of Maine spoke next. He had not been for Douglas at first, but he indorsed his nomination and said, in concluding his remarks:
I have only one word to say in conclusion. We represent 55,000 Democrats in the State of Maine, and although it has been urged here that there is no Northern Democracy in the coming election, we will show those men of the lowlands who have said it, that
"There are hills beyond Pentland,
If there are lords in the Southland,
Mr. Cochrane of New York made a handsome harmony speech. He had been against Douglas, but now congratulated the Convention and the whole country. He said:
But the time has arrived when these differences of opinion are to be merged in the authoritative decree of the great Democratic party, and as that decree is here announced to the people of the United States, I for one, lend the feeble volume of my voice to those winds and currents
that are now bearing to every portion of the Union the honored, illustrious, impregnable name of Stephen A. Douglas. [Loud cheers.] He declared further that the reluctance of the past should be compensated by the cordiality of the future," and said in conclusion: "Patriotism and honesty require that those who have been sent here as delegates are in strict honor bound by the action of this Convention. [Applause.] But above and beyond the obligations of honor there is a volition that will expand from these walls to the whole country, which will resound in buzza upon huzza for Stephen A. Douglas."
The Convention took a recess until seven o'clock in the evening.
The first thing was an explanation from Mr. Harrington of Illinois, who was the man alluded to by Mr. Smith of California as having acknowledged that the Cessna resolution was a trick. He said that, on the contrary, he had denied that that resolution was a trick. He accounted for Mr. Smith's statement by saying that he (Smith) had been almost insane from excitement.
The following was named as the National Executive Committee: Sylvanus R Lyman, of Portland, Maine; Alfeus F. Snow, of Claremont, New Hampshire; Charles G. Eastman, of Montpelier, Vermont; Frederick C. Price, of Boston, Massachusetts; Jacob Babbitt, of Bristol, Rhode Island; Wm. F. Converse, of Norwich, Connecticut; Auguste Belmont, of New York, New York; Jacob Van Nosdale, of Newark, New Jersey; Richard Haldeman, of Harrisburg, Pennsylvania; Thos. M. Lanahan, of Baltimore, Maryland; John A. Harman, of Staunton, Virginia; Rob't E. Dick, of Greensborough, North Carolina; Wm. B. Gaulden, of Huntsville, Georgia; W. W. Moore, of Jacksonville, Florida; Oatley H. Bynum, of Portland, Alabama; Thos. Cottman, of Donaldsonville, Louisiana; Thomas Flournoy, of Arkansas; James Craig, of St. Joseph's, Missouri; C. Knox Walker, of Memphis, Tennessee; Henry C. Harrison, of Covington, Kentucky; Hugh J. Jewett, of Zanesville, Ohio; H. W. Harrington, of Madison, Indiana; Murray McKunnel, of Jacksonville, Illinois; Benj. Follett, of Michigan; John K. Sharpstein, of Milwaukee, Wisconsin; Wm. H. Merrick, of Cedar Rapids, Iowa; Henry H. Sibley, of Minnesota; James A. McDougal, of San Francisco, California.
Mr. Gaulden of Georgia desired to decline, but was not allowed to do so, and accepted as a private citizen of Georgia.
In the report of the committee on Rules and Regulations, it was provided that the place of holding the next National Convention should be in the discretion of the National Committee.
Mr. Sibley of Minnesota said: It was held by the presiding officer that the term of office of the National Executive Committee expired upon the assembling of the Convention, and serious inconveniences have resulted in consequence of that ruling. I now move that the Executive Committee shall remain in existence and continue its functions until its successors are elected and qualified. The motion was agreed to.
After it had been provided that Mr. G. Parkhurst, Recording Seeretary, should prepare the proceedings for publication, and cause 10,000 copies to be printed,
Mr. Jones of Tennessee said: Mr. President, the Southern delegates in their Convention have conferred together and have agreed unanimously to nominate for Vice-President of the United States the Hon. Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of the State of Alabama. [Applause.]
Mr. Clark of Mo. seconded the nomination. He said that a better one could not have been made, and that the name of Mr. Fitzpatrick would be a tower of strength.
Telegraphic despatches were read announcing the reception of the nomination of Douglas at various points.
The President (after calling the Convention to order repeatedly)Gentlemen, you all know that the chair feels so much disposition to join in these yells that he can't keep order.
At the call of States for the vote on the Vice-Presidential nomination, Mr. Fitzpatrick received 198 votes, and one vote was given William F. Alexander of New Jersey. Mr. Alexander's name was authoritatively withdrawn when it was mentioned-a delegate from Pennsylvania voting for him-by Mr. Whitburn of New Jersey.
The following committee, upon motion of Mr. Ludlow, was appointed to inform Messrs. Douglas and Fitzpatrick of their nomination: William H. Ludlow of New York, J. L. Seward of Georgia, J. L. Dawson of Pennsylvania, Robert C. Wickliffe of Louisiana, W. A. Gorman of Minnesota, T. V. Flournoy of Arkansas, A. A. King of Missouri, Bion Bradbury of Maine, R. P. Dick of North Carolina.
Mr. Payne of Ohio-It is generally understood that the platform was adopted at Charleston. I understand a distinguished member from Louisiana (Mr. Wickliffe) desires to present a resolution relating to the platform, and I hope he will be allowed to do so.
Gov. Wickliffe of Louisiana-In behalf of the committee on Resclutions, I beg leave to present the following. The adoption of it will give to Stephen A. Douglas forty thousand votes in two of the Southern States of this Union:
Resolved, That it is in accordance with the interpretation of the Cincinnati Platform, that during the existence of the Territorial Governments the measure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Legislature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the same has been or shall hereafter be finally determined by the Supreme Court of the United States, should be respected by all good citizens and enforced with promptness and fidelity by every branch of the General Government.
The resolution was received with loud expressions of approbation. Mr. Payne-Mr. President, I undertake to say that no fair-minded man, North or South, can find fault with one word of that resolution. [Several voices, "Not a word."]
Mr. Payne moved the previous question. Mr. Davis of Virginia rose with excitement, said it was unfair, and wanted to be heard. Mr. Payne withdrew the previous question.
Mr. Davis thought the subject of a platform was already sufficiently complicated. He did not want Fitzpatrick sacrificed by the introduc
tion of that resolution, particularly as it did not mean any thing at all. He was for the Cincinnati Platform alone. He said:
If we can't get what we want, let us have nothing but the Cincinnati Platform and abide by that and wait our time. By and by the Dem ocratic party will give protection, I believe, and that is the reason why I was elected as a protective man. I am a protective man here to-day. I think we have got one protective man on the ticket. If not, I am terribly deceived. I don't want him sacrificed by the introduction of this resolution. You won't hear me to-night. I stand ready to refute the fallacy of squatter or popular sovereignty whenever I can be listened to. All I will say here then is that this resolution complicates the subject and involves the South worse and worse, and I protest, in the name of my constituency, against its adoption.
The resolution was adopted viva voce, with one or two dissenting voices.
The Hon. William A. Richardson made a short speech reviewing the controversy between those who had seceded from, and those who remained in the Convention. He said:
I am going to make an announcement that will account for the currency of a rumor prevalent here the other day. Judge Douglas will accept the nomination. [Loud cheers and applause.] But Judge Douglas was prepared, for the harmony of the party, for the success of the party, for the preservation of the government, always and at all times, to withdraw his name from the Convention. [Applause.] I mean those gentlemen shall meet that issue when they go home. I have had in my possession, since the session of this Convention here, his authority placed in my hands to withdraw his name, to be used by his friends whenever they deemed it necessary to do so. [Great applause.] And I now send to the Secretary's desk a letter which, though marked "private," I ask may be read to this Convention.
In this letter Mr. Douglas reiterated his doctrine of "Non-intervention," and said:
"But while I can never sacrifice the principle, even to attain the Presidency, I will cheerfully and joyfully sacritice myself to maintain the principle. If, therefore, you and my other friends, who have stood by me with such beroic firmness at Charleston and Baltimore, shall be of the opinion that the principle can be preserved and the unity and ascendancy of the Democratic party maintained and the country saved from the perils of Northern abolitionism and Southern disunion by withdrawing my name and uniting upon some other non-intervention and Union-loving Democrat, I beseech you to pursue that course.
"The action of the Charleston Convention in sustaining me by so large a majority on the platform, and designating me as the first choice of the party for the Presidency, is all the personal triumph I desire. This letter is prompted by the same motives which induced my despatch four years ago, withdrawing my name from the Cincinnati Convention."
Mr. Richardson resuming, said:
So anxious was my friend, the nominee of this Convention, that this should be impressed upon the minds of all his friends here that he tele
graphed the gentleman from New York (Mr. Richmond) on yesterday, I believe, to the same effect. I trust that no person who knows me believes that I would be guilty of manufacturing evidence for an occasion of this sort. [Cries of "No," "no."] I have borne this letter with me for three days, but those gentlemen who have seceded from this Convention placed it out of my power to use it. And the responsibility, therefore, is on them.
We in the North have one sectional party to fight, and intend to whip them. You have an equally sectional party to fight in the South, and we expect you to whip them. When the election comes on in November next, we shall carry a majority of the electoral vote of the North, and we expect you to carry a majority of the electoral vote of the South.
Mr. Cessna of Pennsylvania-We were informed upon the opening of this Convention in this city, by our late highly respected and most lamented presiding officer [laughter], that when we adjourned at Charleston there were pending three motions to reconsider, and three motions to lay those motions to reconsider on the table. I move that the question be now taken upon those motions.
The motion was agreed to, and accordingly the several motions to reconsider were laid on the table.
The usual votes of thanks were passed. Hon. David Todd was thanked. Railroads were thanked for half-fare tickets. The police of Baltimore were thanked.
Then Mr. Warwack of Alabama returned thanks for the nomination made for Vice-President, and pledged the electoral vote of Alabama for the nominees of the Convention. It was here announced that four States had seceded from the Seceders' Convention. The announcement was received with much applause. It was, however, a mistake. No such secession had occurred.
Mr. Stuart of Michigan proposed to adjourn, go into the field where the enemy were and "conquer them in a hand-to-hand fight."
The President returned thanks for the vote of thanks, and concluded:
We have only to continue firmly, nationally, sternly, fairly, honorably in the discharge of our duties, as we have done since we met at Charleston, to crown our efforts with entire success.
Wishing you all a safe return to your homes, to your wives and children, and God grant that you may all have them at home waiting for you, I now declare this Convention adjourned, and bid you adieu. The hour was fifteen minutes to ten P. M.