mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battle-field and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."

In this tender strain did he plead with them as a fond father with his wayward offspring, but it was all in vain. In entering upon the duties of his office, President Lincoln found the treasury empty, the credit of the government impaired by the uncertainty of the future, and its navy scattered, leaving less than a dozen ships in servicable condition to guard our costs. The principal part of the small arms and cannon belonging to the government were in the hands of the authorities of the States which had already seceded. Forts, arsenals, mints and vessels were seized by the insurrectionists. The troops of our regular army who would not yield to the seductive influences of traitors, were deprived of their arms and sent home as paroled prisoners of war, by slow and devious routes. The garrison of Fort Sumter, in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina, was drawing nigh to a point of starvation, and no supplies could be sent to it except by running the gauntlet of rebel batteries. The government, two months before the close of President Buchanan's term of office, made an attempt to send troops and provisions to Major Anderson, by the steamer Star of the West, a merchant vessel, but she was fired upon and compelled to return.

Notwithstanding the provisions in the fort were so near exhausted, the assailants could not wait its surrender for want of supplies, but acting as if they were thirsting for blood, Gen. Beauregard, under directions from the rebel Secretary of War, demanded the surrender of the fort on the twelfth day of April, 1861. Major Anderson declined to surrender. He was then called upon to say when he would evacuate the fort.

He replied that, shonld he not receive controlling in-. structions or additional supplies, he would evacuate on the fifteenth of the month. He was then notified that in one hour from the date of the message, which was "April 12, 1864, 3:30 a. M.," the confederate batteries, which he had seen erected without authority to interfere with them, would open on Fort Sumter. At half past four the batteries did open, and after a siege of thirty-three hours, the garrison surrendered on the 14th of April.

Major Robert Anderson, and about seventy men, marched out with their side arms and colors. War was thus forced upon the nation. The overt act had been committed by the traitors, and there was no alternative but to accept the situation. On the follow. ing day, April 15th, President Lincoln issued a call for 75,000 volunteers, and an extra session of Congress to assemble at Washington on the Fourth of July.

The north needed just the shock it had received. The fall of Sumter was the resurrection of patriotism. The call for men was responded to cordially and promptly from all the northern States, but the five border States hung back. Virginia soon went over to the Secessionists, and the Governor of Missouri attempted to take that State over and was foiled by the great number of Union-loving Germans within its borders. Governor Jackson then fled to the rebels alone, and died among them. Maryland, Delaware and Kentucky halted long between loyalty and treason, trying to find neutral ground, but finally espoused the Union cause. None of the five border States gave any assistance on the first call. Some of them answered with insolent threats and defiance.

On the 19th of April, 1861, being the 86th anniversary of the battle of Lexington, Massachusetts, which was the beginning of the American Revolution, the first blood of the war was shed in the streets of

the city of Baltimore, Maryland. The Sixth Regiment of Massachusetts and the Seventh Regiment of Pennsylvania volunteers were passing through Baltimore, on their way to Washington, and they were attacked by a mob in the streets, with stones, brickbats and other missles, from which several were wounded. Shots were fired by the mob and four soldiers were killed: two of the Massachusetts regiment, Ladd and Whitney, from Lowell, and two of the Pennsylvanians, Needham and Taylor. After the killing of their own men, the soldiers fired upon the mob, killing eleven and wounding many more. Communications were cut off through Baltimore until the 10th of May, when Gen. B. F. Butler took possession with a strong force.

After actual hostilities commenced, President Lincoln still cherished the hope that the conflict would be of short duration, but the battle of Bull Run, on the 21st of July, in which the Union forces were defeated, dispelled all hope of an early settlement of the national troubles. The cares of the President were now almost crushing The raising and maintaining of great armies, settling the difficulties with England arising from the arrest of Mason and Slidell on the British steamer Trent, by Captain Wilkes, of the U. S. frigate San Jacinto, adjusting the serious and delicate questions connected with slavery, which were constantly presenting themselves, under the movements of Generals, Hunter, Butler, Fremont, and other army commanders.

The beginning of 1862 was a time of gloom and despondency for the Union cause. As the year wore away, the necessity, as a war measure, for the emancipation of the slaves, was constantly pressed by army officers and others who were in advance of the mass of the people. Gen. McClellan, however, between his calls for more men, more horses, more shoes, more everything, when he had all that could be sent, found time to protest against the emancipation of the slaves.

On the 7th of July, 1862, he wrote a long letter of advice to President Lincoln, in which he told him that he thought the war should not look to the subjugation of the people of any State, in any event. That there should be no confiscation, no forcible abolition of slavery.

In the middle of 1862, the events of the war having gone from bad to worse, Mr. Lincoln began to think that he must "change his tactics, or lose his game." Under these circumstances he prepared his original proclamation of emancipation, without consulting his cabinet or giving them any intimation of what he was doing. In the latter part of July, or early in August, he called a cabinet meeting, and all were present except Mr. Blair, who arrived in time. for business, but none of them knew the object of the meeting. After all were ready for business, there was a delay. Mr. Lincoln was about to inaugurate the crowning act of his life, and he took his own way of doing it. The pressure upon his mind had wrought it up to a high key. He took from a shelf a copy of "Artemus Ward-His Book," and read an entire chapter of its drollery, laughing so heartily at its contents that some of his dignified advisers were more pained than amused. On closing the trifling volume, the whole manner of the President changed instantly, and rising to a grandeur of demeanor that inspired all with profound respect akin to awe, he announced to his cabinet the object of the meeting. He had written a Proclamation of Emancipation, and had determined to issue it; therefore, he had not called them together to ask their advice upon the main question, as he had determined that for himself. He wished to inform them of his purpose, and receive such suggestions upon minor points as they might be moved to make. Mr. Chase wished the language stronger with regard to arming the negroes; Mr. Blair thought it would cost the administration the fall elections, but he

saw no occasion to make any change until Mr. Seward said: "Mr. President, I approve of the Proclamation, but I question the expediency of its issue at this juncture. The depression of the public mind, consequent upon our repeated reverses, is so great that I fear the effect of so important a step. It may be viewed as the last measure of an exhausted government; a cry for help; the government stretching forth its hands to Ethiopia, instead of Ethiopia stretching forth her hands to the government; our last shriek in the retreat." Mr. Seward thought it would be best to postpone it until it could be given to the country after a military success, rather than after the general disasters then prevalent.

Mr. Lincoln admitted the force of the objections, and permitted the matter to be suspended for a brief period. The retreat of the army of the Potomac, under General Pope, on Washington, and the invasion of Maryland soon followed, making the situation still more gloomy, and the proclamation waited, being occasionally taken out and retouched. At last the battle of Antietam came, with victory to the Union arms. The battle of Antietam was fought on Wednesday, the 17th of September, but it was not until Saturday that it was certainly known to be a victory, and it was too late to issue the proclamation that week, but Mr. Lincoln held a cabinet meeting that day, at which he declared that the time for promulgating the emancipation policy had arrived. Public sentiment, he thought, would sustain it; many of his warmest friends and supporters demanded it, and in a low and reverent tone he said: "I have promised my God that I will do it." Mr. Chase said, "Do I understand you correctly, Mr. President." Mr. Lincoln replied; "I made a solemn vow before God that if General Lee should be driven back from Pennsylvania, I would crown the result by the declaration of freedom to the slaves."