Judicial Misconduct and Discipline: Hearing Before the Subcommittee on Courts and Intellectual Property of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Fifth Congress, First Session, May 15, 1997 |
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6th Circuit abortion Alexander Hamilton amendment American appeal appointed BONO Brookline Bruce Fein BRYANT CANADY capital punishment Chairman Chief Justice Civil Rights clinic COBLE College of Law committee complaints Congress conservatives CONYERS Court-packing scheme crimes and misdemeanors Dean death penalty deci decision DELAHUNT delays District Court enforce example Federal courts federal judges Fein FRANK gentleman habeas hearing HENDERSON high crimes impeachment interpret issue JIPPING John Salvi Judge Nixon Judge RADER Judge Sprizzo judicial activism judicial independence judicial misconduct judicial power judicial review judiciary Law School Leadership Conference legislative Lino Graglia LOFGREN mean ment Merritt Nixon's court opinion overturned peachment pending PILON Planned Parenthood political PREPARED STATEMENT President problem protection question Rehnquist remedy Roger Pilon role rule School of Law Senate separation of powers stitution Stout subcommittee Supreme Court system of government Tennessee testimony Thank tion unconstitutional University violate
Popular passages
Page 12 - The Congress, the executive, and the court must each for itself be guided by its own opinion of the Constitution. Each public officer who takes an oath to support the Constitution swears that he will support it as he understands it, and not as it is understood by others.
Page 12 - The opinion of the judges has no more authority over congress than the opinion of congress has over the judges, and on that point the president is independent of both. The authority of the supreme court must not, therefore, be permitted to control the congress or the executive, when acting in their legislative capacities, but to have only such influence as the force of their reasoning may deserve.
Page 15 - At the same time, the candid citizen must confess that if the policy of the Government upon vital questions affecting the whole people is to be irrevocably fixed by decisions of the Supreme Court, the instant they are made in ordinary litigation between parties in personal actions the people will have ceased to be their own rulers, having to that extent practically resigned their Government into the hands of that eminent tribunal.
Page 1 - The only honest answer is that an impeachable offense is whatever a majority of the House of Representatives considers it to be at a given moment in history...
Page 28 - He should not lend the prestige of his office to advance the private interests of others; nor should he convey or permit others to convey the impression that they are in a special position to influence him.
Page 66 - Limitations of this kind can be preserved in practice no other way than through the medium of courts of justice, whose duty it must be to declare all acts contrary to the manifest tenor of the constitution void.
Page 12 - You seem, in pages 84 and 148, to consider the judges as the ultimate arbiters of all constitutional questions— a very dangerous doctrine indeed, and one which would place us under the despotism of an oligarchy.
Page 18 - THE CAUSES FOR WHICH A PRESIDENT CAN BE IMPEACHED. THE Constitution provides, in express terms, that the President, as well as the Vice-President and all civil officers, may be impeached for " treason, bribery, or other high crimes and misdemeanors.
Page 57 - there is no liberty, if the power of judging be not separated from the legislative and executive powers'.
Page 12 - Our judges are as honest as other men, and not more so. They have, with others, the same passions for party, for power, and the privilege of their corps. Their maxim is, "Boni judicis est ampliare jurisdictionem...